The Cusp Podcast

Episode 26: Yellow Alert! How do you address populism?

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 25 Aug 2019 16:21:00 +0800

Can the yellow forces open a third act? They’ve dealt with populism from the left through reforms that have produced economic growth and expanded the state’s capacity to spend for social programs. Can they deal with populism on the right by doing the same for infrastructure, public safety and security?

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Episode 25: Yellow Alert! Is the opposition drawing the wrong lessons from recent elections?

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 3 Aug 2019 20:40:00 +0800

Is the opposition drawing the wrong lessons from recent elections?

Are they committing the same mistakes now, which could potentially make them obsolete in the future?

What lessons have the opposition taken away from the elections of 2016 & ‘19? Are they the right ones? What lessons could they have drawn, but are refusing to because it would mean admitting some painful truths to themselves? What are the implications for the future?

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Episode 24: Yellow Alert! Why democratic forces have fallen out of favour in the Philippines (and how they can win it back)

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 28 Jul 2019 03:38:00 +0800

The answer I’d like to offer is varied and multi-dimensional. Let me start off by saying that the election of populist strongmen is a trend that is not unique to the Philippines alone, but part of a global trend, from Vladimir Putin in Russia, Narendra Modi in India, Erdogan in Turkey, Bolsonario in Brazil, and Trump in America.

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Episode 23: Bayanihan federalism by stealth or initiative

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 14 Jul 2019 13:54:00 +0800

One of the crucial factors in determining whether charter change will succeed or not is the public’s perception regarding the motives behind it. Are its proponents really sincere in bringing about much needed change for ordinary Filipinos, or are they simply looking out for their own interests?

On this edition of The Cusp we’re going to examine the case for federalism in the country. Is it justified? Or is it just a cover for unwinding the democratic system of checks and balances that were painstakingly restored over three decades ago.

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Episode 22: Is Federalism fizzling out...or just getting started?

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 29 Jun 2019 14:30:00 +0800

Following the resounding victory of his coalition at the midterm polls, the enigmatic Pres. Rodrigo Duterte seemed to back away from his campaign pledge to push for federalism. But are his statements to be taken at face value, or are they simply a way for him to spark a debate on the issue and incite those in favour of charter change to come out in support of it? In this edition of The Cusp, we’re going to look at the push for federalism, and answer the question, Is Federalism fizzling out, or is it just getting started?

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Episode 21: Making your list, checking it twice (after "Bikoy")

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 9 May 2019 13:43:00 +0800

As we head into the final week of the campaign, voters are starting to form their views, about who to support and vote for on May 13. They’re making their list, and checking it twice.

Questions have been asked during this campaign. Asked of the opposition, and by the opposition. About the overall framing of this election and of the policies that matter to voters.

With regards to framing, how would the opposition position itself against the administration? Would they pose as obstructionist fiscalisers to Duterte in the senate, or as constructive alternatives to the ruling coalition?

So in the case of GMA and the Genuine Opposition in the midterms of 2007, her unpopularity as a result of the Hello Garci scandal, meant that the opposition could present itself as robust fiscalisers. This resulted in the opposition garnering a majority of the senate seats, with GMA’s Team Unity only getting 2/12 seats.

For PNoy and UNA during the 2013 midterm election, the opposition’s cooperative stance to a then popular administration, a continuation of the NoyBi campaign of 2010, allowed them to share in the electoral spoils that year with 3/12 seats.

But in the case of Otso Diretso in 2019, it has sought to define itself as the party of Resistance, as the only thing that stand in the way of Pres. Duterte, who has, according to the latest polls, reached the height of his popularity among voters.

As a result, the opposition’s candidates are languishing at the polls, with only one or at best two having a chance of landing in the Magic 12 with a distinct possibility that neither of them will.

Next question: Would a scandal in the middle of the campaign, cause voters to change their minds about this administration?

That was the question posed by the Bikoy videos. It was obviously meant to be one of the set pieces of the campaign, a real “Gotcha moment” similar to “Hello, Garci”. But it seems to have backfired, or at least become so muddled.

Two people have different stories about who is behind the videos. Rodel Jayme, a website developer, whom the authorities arrested after seizing incriminating evidence during a lawful search at his home, and Peter Advincula who came forward after Jayme threatened to reveal all that he knew and who has apparently been involved in a few scams in the past. Events are quite fluid, but at the time that this podcast was recorded, it was revealed by Sen. Sotto that Advincula had made the same allegation before against ex-Pres. Aquino and his Justice Sec. Leila de Lima, while he was in prison for grand estafa and illegal recruitment.

Even if the Opposition denies any involvement in it, the arrest of Rodel Jayme, an apparent Liberal Party supporter (photographed with VP Leni Robredo several times) is not a good look for them, since they would directly benefit from such a scandal. Tagging Duterte’s underaged daughter as a drug merchant was probably an overreach, as it simply beggars belief that a young lady such as herself could get entangled in such a complex criminal web that the video alleges and shows a complete lack of delicadeza.

Hardened loyalists on either side won’t change their minds regarding the allegations, but the swing voters in the middle might. So we will have to wait and see what unfolds.There could be further revelations in the days ahead, as the DOJ and NBI continue their investigation, which could add another twist to this plot.

Which issues should define the election campaign?

During the debates: Issues such as same sex marriage, legalisation of medical marijuana, divorce, and other markers of progressivism were asked of the candidates. These issues seem to be high on the bucket list of affluent, millennial voters, but they don’t seem to be as salient for ordinary Filipinos belonging to classes D and E, whose focus might be more on bread and butter issues, such as jobs, wages and cost of living.

The Opposition which under the Vice President, tried to position itself as the voice of people on the fringes, with its Ahon Laylayan Koalisyon, gambled on a platform that sought to cobble together different marginal constituents that traditionally were targeted by the legal leftist groups in the country. It hasn’t really offered anything to the broad middle class, other than to appeal to their sense of decency in opposing a “foul-mouthed” Duterte.

The administration, for its part, with its fresh credit upgrade on the back of its tax reforms, its ease of doing business legislation to reduce red tape, its infrastructure build program, its rice liberalisation law which reduces inflation, can simply run on its record of increasing entitlements for free education and healthcare that it already has passed, providing jobs and lowering unemployment through sound economic management and fiscal responsibility.

All of that might be well and good, the opposition might say, but what about the administration’s war on drugs? The deaths related to it? Should we just give the administration a free pass on that?

What about the challenges in the West Philippine Sea? The encroachment of our neighbours on our exclusive economic zone? The loans of China and the influx of Chinese nationals into the country, taking on jobs that could have gone to locals, some would say? Shouldn’t we register our vigorous opposition to these developments?

These are the policy questions that have been posed by the opposition.

First of all, on the war on drugs. We don’t really know the real figure on the number of deaths related to it. But whatever it is, here is something we ought to be addressing - helping the victims of this war - namely the children and spouses who have lost their main breadwinners, and the drug dependents who have surrendered or still suffer mental illness and need treatment. And reintegrating drug pushers into society after they have served their prison sentences. Those for and against the war on drugs can’t deny that these are valid challenges, facing us.

And, I haven’t really seen a debate around what to do here. Neither side has put out a policy for how to address these needs, other from Bato dela Rosa who has pushed for more rehabilitation centres in the community to deal with drug addicts and mandate the teaching of drug awareness to students in schools.

How about a preventive drug program in schools? The only candidate who has espoused that is Sen Nancy Binay. What to do with the victims of drugs and the drug war, as an issue, has been drowned by the noise of the campaign. So for the opposition, it represents a lost opportunity, in my view, to provide an alternative drug policy, to deal with what they claim is an anti-poor drug campaign.

If they had articulated such a policy, they might have peeled away some support from the administration, from people who see drugs as a real problem, but have doubts as to the long-run efficacy of Duterte’s war on drugs. Instead of pushing for legalisation of drugs, a controversial topic, as the VP has done, they could have distinguished themselves from the administration, by showing how they would treat mental illness and provide restorative justice to the community for victims of EJKs. Instead, we have the Bikoy videos.

Secondly, on the West Philippine sea. Whether you are for constructive or antagonistic approaches to China, one problem remains, we don’t really pose a credible deterrent to China with our feeble navy and coast guard. All of our neighbours Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia and Singapore, not to mention Taiwan have built up significant military assets to patrol their seas and protect their interests.

The only way to enforce the UN arbitral ruling is with de facto occupation of certain features and reefs, and patrolling the water around them, through the hard power of the navy and coast guard. I haven’t heard of any policy pronouncements by either side that would commit us to higher defence spending for navy modernisation, or to strengthening our fortifications in some of these islands that we have claimed.

The Duterte administration has significantly ramped up spending on defence in its first three years. This can be increased or better directed. Rather than riding jet skis and waving flags in the SCS, I wish that some candidates from Otso Diretso had articulated a well-considered policy on how they might support the current defense modernisation program and posture with more funding and greater cooperation. Again, another missed opportunity to look like responsible legislators, rather than grandstanding politicos without a clue on how to implement their ideals.

Thirdly, on China’s Belt and Road initiative and infiltration of our local job market, I haven’t really seen any concrete proposals for how we can improve the jobs and skill matching of our education and training sector, to ensure that locals have every chance to gain employment from these projects. How do we develop master plumbers, master carpenters and the like, from scratch? It’s only through apprenticeships and traineeships of course - which can be funded through TESDA to benefit both employer and apprentice.

No one has really tried addressing this issue of skills shortage other than Bam Aquino who has pledged to open more Trabaho centers, which really can only help refer people who already have the training and skills, but doesn’t provide employers the opportunity to offer subsidised places for apprentices and trainees to work for them, while receiving accredited on the job training towards an industry recognised occupational qualification.

I also think that this issue has been drowned out by those who, in any western nation would have been called out for their xenophobic, racist epithets. What we should be guaranteeing is a better monitoring and tightening of the process for approving foreign worker visas. Again, I haven’t really heard any concrete proposals on how we might do this from any of the candidates or parties.

If these problems are uppermost in some voters minds, then our politicians and their parties haven’t really articulated policies that would address them in a considered way. The final week is usually about closing the deal with constituents and preparing for the ground game by getting logistical arrangements in place. Last minute revelations might still cause a swing one way or another. Policy discussions tend to be thrown out the window.

As we reflect on this campaign season, many questions have been asked, but the crucial ones, I fear, still haven’t been answered.

Episode 20: EDSA Tragics and Voter Realists

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 28 Apr 2019 18:06:00 +0800

There seems to be a message for the opposition contained in most recent polling. The slippage of support for Otso Diretso seems to reflect voter doubts over the false choice being presented to them.

As we reach the homestretch of the campaign, the final pitch for why we should vote for their slate seems to be that what we need is an independent senate that will block Duterte from having a supermajority that would amend the constitution.

Voters clearly don’t see it that way. They want to see the opposition present a credible alternative plan before voting for them. But what the opposition has presented so far, doesn’t really seem to appeal to them.

In any midterm senate election, both sides usually share in the spoils. Incumbency has its benefits for sure. But voters usually split their senate ticket, regardless of which way they are leaning.

Recent polls indicate, however, that a different outcome might be looming. It’s quite possible that none of the opposition candidates may get elected. Not only that, but the candidates being preferred - Revilla, Estrada, Marcos, Go and dela Rosa - all represent individuals either repudiated by the previous administration, or closely connected to the current one. And they are taking precedence over Aquino, Roxas, Tanada and Diokno - names associated with the historic struggle for freedom against tyranny.

Voters are putting in known bridge builders, as well, at the top of their ticket. Poe, Villar, Angara and Cayetano lead the pack. They belong to minor parties or the independent bloc. All have worked constructively with the Duterte administration.

Rather than hedge their bets with the opposition as an insurance policy, it seems voters are willing to take a risk by increasing the ruling coalition’s majority in the senate. This would buck the trend of midterm voting patterns, which has been evident ever since it restarted in 1995.

And it’s not as if this administration hasn’t given voters ample reason to doubt its intentions. Quite the contrary. The declaration of Martial Law in Mindanao, the brutal war against illegal drugs, the about face in our diplomatic strategy with China, the tax reforms that hit the hip pocket - any of these issues could have caused voters to want people in the senate who would perform a check on Duterte and his ruling coalition.

The question here is why are voters so sanguine about all this? Why are they so willing to take a seemingly huge gamble with Duterte’s coalition, when doing so might embolden it even further to pursue its agenda, which could include revising the current constitution?

My sense is that voters still have not forgiven the opposition for the perceived mistakes of the past administration, and are willing to give this one a clear mandate for doing things the way it sees fit, which is to say quite differently from the past.

The past mistakes stemmed from an over-simplified, over-romanticised notion of the world following the first EDSA revolt of 1986 and its nostalgic return in 2010. We thought we could overthrow corrupt autocrats, and usher in good governance with good intentions alone. The heady days of EDSA I turned tragic, with the farce of EDSA II and Daang Matuwid that followed. This three part epic came to a momentous close with Duterte’s election in 2016.

The 1987 constitution which was the operating system for the EDSA regime, was infected by the same virus as the 1935 Commonwealth republic. Corruption, congestion and criminality prevented citizens from enjoying the benefits of their freedom.

In opting for Duterte and his coalition, voters are expressing their disenchantment with this order. The spirit of EDSA held that if we set people free, they will behave in a civically responsible manner. Yumbang mag-kakapit bisig sila, at makikipagbayanihan, tulad ng nangyari sa EDSA. But if they don’t behave appropriately, then democratic safeguards and the rule of law would deal with them. The problem is the system just isn’t equipped to deal with the stresses we have put it under.

Duterte’s realism seeks to compensate for this weakness by overriding the system, and reimposing guardrails on society to prevent it from careening off the cliff into an abyss of narco-statehood.

As brutally honest as Duterte’s approach might be, it could eventually pave the way for the realisation of the liberal ideals that the EDSA forces have been aspiring for all along; namely, people empowerment, through government programs meant to unleash their full human potential. Capacity to fund these programs was inconceivable only a few years ago, but is now being made possible thanks to the fast growth of our economy and successive installments of fiscal reforms instituted by previous and current administrations.

Duterte’s realism accepts that people cannot actualise their full potential unless they have their basic needs met first. What are these needs? Food, water and shelter, followed by safety and security (according to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs).

The dreams of EDSA for a nation founded on liberal democratic ideals can only be achieved once you have a thriving middle class, and have freed people from the bonds of these lower order needs.

After that, integrating everyone into national life, by operationalizing good governance at the grassroots and empowering local governments to exercise greater autonomy, as per what Pimentel’s Local Government Code did, and what Angara’s Seal of Good Local Government builds on, and what the fiscal equalisation fund proposed under PDP-Laban’s federalist charter, seeks to do.

Finally, putting safeguards in place that allow political parties to thrive and conduct policy independently without the need for personal enticement from the ruling party or from corporate interests, is needed. Permutations of bills that address this have floated around since the 12th congress, all the way back to JDV’s time as speaker in 2003, and have garnered support in different quarters from the Angaras (both father and son), and more recently by CGMA, the Estrada brothers (Jinggoy and JV), and the PDP-Laban Federalist Study Group.

The senate has been the perennial stumbling block to getting this reform passed. Credit that to having too few senators with too many committees, or having too many investigative hearings, or simply competing political interests of ambitious senators who are seeking higher office. The election of a ruling coalition supermajority might eventually pave the way for much needed political and electoral reforms to happen. At least, it should give them a mandate to pursue a less obstructionist agenda.

The liberals’ democratic ideals can only be achieved by taking pragmatic steps. Expecting elected officials to transcend the laws of political dynamics based on good intentions and noble ideals alone will only lead to disillusionment and disenchantment, which then gives rise to populism.

Clearly what voters want, and deserve, is a better life, for them and their children. How we get there, is perhaps of secondary importance to them, for as long as we get there. Concerns over alleged human rights abuses of criminal suspects, stifling of some press outlets and creeping authoritarianism are valid, but they don’t seem to be uppermost in most voter’s minds, right now.

These are concerns, but what people seem to want are not for legislators to raise concerns, but to propose solutions. These proposals need to be credible, coherent and complementary to the goal of achieving a better life. Otherwise, they don’t really pass muster.

As our economy improves, and as people’s living standards improve, they will want better governance. They will want their politicians to get things done for them. The role that dissent plays in all this, must be prefaced with being able to develop clear, credible, coherent policies and alternatives to begin with.

And to do that you need well-functioning, well-resourced, ideas-based political parties, which don’t depend on the administration or corporate donors for support. This is the next transition that we need, to get us to our next stage of development as a nation, as the problems we are facing will only get more complex and challenging. We need our policymakers to, and I hate to use this phrase, level-up.

As people elect a new Congress in May, let’s hope that those with the right mix of idealism and pragmatism are chosen, who would move us closer to that ultimate dream that once seemed possible at EDSA, and still unites us all. That dream is for a better life for all.

Episode 19: We need bridge-builders in the senate

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 18 Apr 2019 22:34:00 +0800

As the homestretch of the campaign approaches, both the Catholic clergy and laypeople have joined the opposition in seeking to block Pres. Duterte's moves to amend the constitution in the next congress during the second half of his term.

It has given rise to the question, what do the times call for? Can there be no middle ground between the ka-DDS and anti-Duterte dilawan groups? What does history tell us about dealing with such a situation?

Back in 1983, the late Sen. Benigno Aquino, Jr. came home from his furlough in the United States to offer Pres. Marcos, his jailer for 7-1/2 years, an olive branch of reconciliation to work towards a modus vivendi or grand bargain. Does his example of seeking to work constructively with his staunch adversary offer lessons as to how the Opposition today can successfully disarm the Duterte administration's creeping authoritarianism?

Episode 18: The Senate race is like an episode of Celebrity Apprentice

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 13 Apr 2019 19:35:00 +0800

The Senate race has gone to new depths. From a Spratlys Island jet skiing by Otso Diretso to penis size comparisons between the president and Jim Paredes, and shirt stripping by SAP Bong Go to prove he has no tattoos in his back, and not a member of a drug gang. We’re no longer talking about the issues. It has gotten ugly really quickly.

We’ve forgotten what this election is meant to be about. As in every election we are meant to be discussing the key question: what should the role of government be in our lives?

In our last episode, we looked at the senate race of 2019, and saw how much of it was driven by personality and not principles. We said that a general trend in all senate races since 1987 was the popularity contest that it has become. This is evidenced by the growing number of celebrities or celebrity-related candidates that are present in the senate. So how do we make our senate more representative, instead of mimicking an episode of Celebrity Apprentice?

Show notes available here.

Episode 17: Otso Diretso, MaBaGoKoTo, Hugpong, atbp.

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 6 Apr 2019 13:16:00 +0800

The countdown to election day begins.

We are now about 30 days away from the 2019 midterms. In this episode we’ll be looking at the senate race, and how that has been unfolding. We compare the competing candidates' platforms, namely Otso Diretso's campaign platform and PDP-Laban's.

When you put the two parties’ positions side-by-side there is a clear contrast between them, both in terms of their overarching philosophies and approach to governance and development. Those who say that this election isn’t about ideas are wrong. There are clear battle lines here, and they are not just personality-driven.

Get the transcripts of the show from here.

Erratum: in counting the number of senators that became VP, I mistakenly included Mar Roxas in the list.

Episode 16: Mahathir's Malaysia and the Virtues of a Parliamentary System

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 30 Mar 2019 12:52:00 +0800

Malaysian PM Dr Mahathir bin Mohamad's visit to Manila in March 2019 has inevitably led some people to draw comparisons between the two nations. Malaysia follows a federal parliamentary system while the Philippines is unitary and presidential. They have reached a level of economic progress that the Philippines can only aspire to. How did they do it?

In this podcast we look at key differences between the two systems, and try to answer the question, would a shift to a parliamentary system benefit the Philippines. We avoid the chicken-and-egg question of what should come first: culture change or structural change? We do this by differentiating the incentives under either system and show how that shapes behavior and eventually the culture.

Read the transcripts of the show here.

Episode 15: The question of Philippine federalism (Part 3)

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 18 Jan 2018 16:37:00 +0800

Now that congress has formally started hearings on charter revisions to shift to a federal structure of government, some legislators are asking: Well, what’s the benefit to the public? Is federalism worth the trouble? The same goes for the proposed adoption of a semi-parliamentary form of government. And is it appropriate for the Philippines, a country of over 100 million people, dispersed over 7,000 islands? In this third and final installment to this series, we seek to supply the answer to these questions, as well as offer a critique of the proposed revisions of the ruling PDP-Laban.

Listen to the podcast here.

Read the transcripts here.

Episode 14: Twelve constitutional fixes needed for the Philippines

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 13 Jan 2018 18:23:00 +0800

There are things within our present charter that need fixing. Twelve to be exact. These revisions won’t require any term extensions or postponement of elections. This episode will be devoted to discussing each of them. Hopefully the need to fix them will be self-evident, and may result in some kind of consensus, across party-lines [image credit: filipiknow.net].

Listen to the podcast here.

Transcripts to the show available here.

Episode 13: How does change come about?

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Mon, 1 Jan 2018 00:30:00 +0800

The more things change, the more they stay the same, it seems. Corruption reigns, political families reign, now drugs and criminality, secession and rebellion persist. Much of our society is still mired in poverty. How do we achieve real, lasting change? We look at the context, prospects and pace of change in the Philippines in this episode. Erratum: Tocqueville's Democracy in America was published in 1835, not in the late 1700s as mentioned in the piece.
Listen to the podcast here.
Read the transcript here.

Episode 12: The question of Philippine federalism, Part 2

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Fri, 1 Dec 2017 10:26:00 +0800

Some critics of the push for federalism have questioned why? Why empower local elites, who might run their regional governments like personal fiefdoms? Greater fiscal autonomy will just bloat the bureaucracy and provide greater opportunities for corruption.

Since political dynasties resurfaced after EDSA ‘86 and still dominate the current political landscape, how do we convince these powerful elites to legislate something that might harm their own interests, to begin with? What’s in it for them, in other words?

In this episode we look at the proposals for political and electoral reforms, proposed by the Federal Institute Study Group, which would allow the Philippines to gain the full benefit of localization through federalism.

Listen to or download the podcast here.

Get the show notes to this podcast here.

Episode 11: Duterte on a similar path as Daang Matuwid?

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 25 Nov 2017 09:52:00 +0800

Both Daang Matuwid and the Duterte’s Tapang at Malasakit sought to reshape society through moral rectitude: the former by fighting corruption, the latter by fighting drugs and criminals. The problem was that both the LP and DDS (Duterte Defense Squad) took extra-legal and extra-judicial shortcuts to achieve their objectives, thinking that their democratic mandate justified this.

But democratic accountability and rule of law can sit side by side with robust and effective law enforcement. Achieving this requires both administration and opposition to work together towards a national consensus around workable solutions. Purposeful evolution rather than revolution is needed.

Listen to or download the podcast here.

Get the show notes to the podcast here.

Episode 10: The question of Philippine federalism, Part 1

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 18 Nov 2017 07:00:00 +0800

Consider the following question: Would you rather have our government run by competent national officials, or by less competent local officials with better ties to local communities?

Or to paraphrase Pres. Manuel L. Quezon, who said he’d rather have a government “run like hell by Filipinos to a government run like heaven by Americans”, would you prefer your town to be “run like hell” by local officials than to be “run like heaven” remotely by distant officials from Imperial Manila? This is the question of the hour, as we consider federalism.

Listen to or download the podcast here.

Get the show notes to this podcast here.

Episode 9: Duterte's foreign policy, Part 1

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sun, 12 Nov 2017 14:16:00 +0800

(image courtesy of update.ph)

This episode is the first in a series where we will look at President Duterte’s foreign policy. Many analysts say that it is in total disarray. They cite the strained relations with the EU and US for his war on drugs, our inability to press home the advantage after winning our arbitration case against China in the Hague back in July 2016. But are they right? Does the president’s foreign policy lack cohesion and clarity? [Errata: it is mentioned at the start of the clip that China will be represented by Pres. Xi at the summit, when it is Premier Li Keqiang who is attending on his behalf. Sr Assoc Justice Carpio was referred to as a "former" justice when he in fact is a current one.]

Listen to or download the podcast here.

Get the show notes to this podcast here.

Episode 8: Can Duterte avoid the pitfalls of Marcos? Part 4

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 28 Oct 2017 12:29:00 +0800

Is the Philippines about to fall into a debt trap under Duterte the way it did under Marcos? This is the fourth in a series called Can Duterte avoid the pitfalls of Marcos? In this installment we look at Marcos' strategy of promoting growth through debt, while extracting maximum personal benefit for himself from it. Vice president Leni Robredo has cautioned Pres. Duterte against falling into this same trap as he contracts loans from China in a bid to lift infrastructure spending. We examine whether her fears have any basis, and discuss ways Duterte can prevent them from happening.

Listen to or download the podcast here.

Get the show notes to this podcast here.

Episode 7: Can Duterte avoid the pitfalls of Marcos? Part 3

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Tue, 24 Oct 2017 15:41:00 +0800

If Pres. Duterte wants to succeed where Pres. Marcos failed, he will need to avoid certain pitfalls. This series examines what they were and seeks to determine how Duterte can avoid them. This is the third of four parts. In this installment we look at Marcos' misguided use of violence for political ends or "might is right" pitfall. We see whether Duterte has fallen into this same trap in his war on drugs by comparing the death toll of Oplan Tokhang to other anti-narcotic campaigns in Latin America that received tacit and financial support from the United States.

Listen to or download the podcast here.

The Blogwatch post mentioned in this episode can be found here.

The opinion piece by Walden Bello referred to in this episode can be found here.

Episode 6: Can Duterte avoid the pitfalls of Marcos? Part 2

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Sat, 21 Oct 2017 06:27:00 +0800

If Pres. Duterte wants to succeed where Pres. Marcos failed, he will need to avoid certain pitfalls. This series examines what they were and seeks to determine how Duterte can avoid them. This is the second of four parts. In this installment we look at Marcos' pitfalls of greed and hubris. We see whether Duterte has fallen into these same traps, by comparing the traits that Marcos exhibited in his time in office with what Duterte has demonstrated in his public life.

Listen to or download the podcast here.

The article by Dr Tim Kelsall quoted in this episode can be found here.

Episode 5: Can Duterte avoid the pitfalls of Marcos? Part 1

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Tue, 17 Oct 2017 11:51:00 +0800

Pres. Duterte imposed Martial Law in Mindanao in May 2017. Observers drew many parallels with Pres. Marcos' own proclamation in September 1971. While many regard Duterte as a dictator in the mold of Marcos, The Cusp examines their similarities as well as their differences, and asks whether Duterte can avoid the pitfalls of Marcos.

Listen to or download the podcast here.

The blog post by Doy Santos on Martial Law in Mindanao can be found here.

The Inquirer article of former Chief Justice Artemio Panganiban quoted in this episode can be found here.

Episode 4: Universal access to quality tertiary education

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Tue, 18 Jul 2017 11:30:00 +0800

The universal access to quality tertiary education bill sponsored by Sen. Bam Aquino was the topic of discussion at a round table organized by his office. Among the bill's key features was the abolition of student fees at local and state universities, colleges and technical, vocational institutions. This provision was objected to by economists from within Pres. Duterte's cabinet based on analysis conducted by the government's think tank. Citing the Australian experience of free college from the 1970s-2000s, the Cusp's Doy Santos questioned the goals and timing of this bill, coming on the heels of the Philippine student loans program (UniFAST).

Listen to or download the podcast here.

Episode 3: Assessing K-12 with Former DepEd Asst. Sec. Elvin Uy

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Tue, 11 Jul 2017 08:40:00 +0800

He was the public face of the K-12 program in its infancy for most of the Aquino administration's term in office. Now former DepEd Assistant Secretary Elvin Uy sits down with The Cusp PH's Doy Santos to discuss the birthing pains of the program, and reflects on the lessons learned and next steps for reforming basic education.

Listen to or download the podcast here.

Episode 2: Is Duterte's TRAIN on the right track?

noreply@blogger.com (Unknown) — Thu, 6 Jul 2017 15:00:00 +0800

The Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusiveness package or TRAIN is the cornerstone of 'Dutertenomics'. Without it, the Build, Build, Build program, which seeks to spread the benefits of growth from Manila to the rest of the nation will simply stall. In this episode of the podcast, we look at what the reforms seek to achieve, and whether the policy tools used to achieve them are the right ones, from efficiency, equity and ease of administration perspectives.

Listen to or download the podcast here.