On our ride towards Dağlıca, Hakkari, I suddenly saw this flock. Stopped the car and watched them. We were looking for a flower native to the region, but couldn’t see that. We were still satisfied with what we had seen.

This is from the city center.

On our ride towards Yüksekova, we stopped by Hoşap Castle. The castle cannot be visited at the moment because it is undergoing restoration. However, behind the castle here lies a village, Güzelsu.

The post Two moments in and around Yüksekova appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.

Here, the video highlights (by Merlin AI): 

1) Overview
– Topic: The high cost of World Cup tickets, the dynamics of the ticket market, and FIFA’s revenue distribution and associated practices.
– Scope: Comparison across tournaments (notably vs. Qatar), the role of secondary markets, and criticisms of how revenue is allocated and used.

2) Ticket pricing and market dynamics
– Extremely high face-value prices: World Cup tickets can cost thousands of dollars for individual seats.
– Dramatic price inflation at resale: Secondary market prices can reach into the millions in some cases.
– Price uplift compared to past tournaments: Current pricing is described as four to six times higher than some previous events (e.g., compared with Qatar).
– Dynamic pricing and demand: Prices rise as demand increases, contributing to volatility and insulation from typical market forces.
– Regional and cultural factors: The US and other regions are highlighted as drivers of a culture that tolerates or even expects high ticket prices; comparisons are drawn to other major sports (e.g., NFL) to contextualize willingness to pay.

3) FIFA resale platform and the secondary market
– The resale platform is a major channel in the secondary market.
– Commissions and “double dipping” concern: FIFA reportedly earns substantial commissions (around 30%) on resale transactions, leading to concerns about profit-taking from both primary sales and resales.
– Market impact: The secondary market appears to be a central feature of how fans acquire tickets and how revenue is captured beyond initial sales.

4) FIFA revenue and distribution
– Revenue scale: FIFA estimates approximately $13 billion in revenue for the World Cup cycle being analyzed, which is nearly double the revenue of the Qatar cycle.
– Allocation: A large portion of revenue goes to FIFA’s organization, its staff, and member associations.
– Use of funds: Revenues are distributed to fund tournament organization, development programs, and related activities across member associations.
– Misuse concerns: While funds are allocated for development and organization, there are allegations or concerns about misused funds in parts of FIFA’s distribution framework.
– Accountability and transparency issues: The transcript discusses governance and accountability in the distribution and use of the funds, implying gaps or criticisms.

5) Financial structure and governance themes
– Structural revenue model: The model combines primary ticket sales, sponsorships, broadcasting rights, and the resale market as cumulative revenue streams.
– Development vs. misallocation tension: A tension exists between funds purportedly intended for development and the criticisms of how funds are actually allocated or spent.
– Governance scrutiny: The video situates FIFA’s financial practices within a broader critique of governance, transparency, and integrity within the organization and the broader ecosystem.

6) Notable figures and sources cited
– Andy Milne: Referred to as a source discussing ticketing and economic implications.
– Victor Matheson: Cited as another source contributing to the analysis of ticket pricing and market impact.
– These figures are presented to support claims about market dynamics and economic consequences.

7) Economic and cultural comparisons
– Ticketing norms in the US and other regions: The transcript frames high pricing as part of a broader sports-ticketing culture.
– Compared to other sports: NFL and similar major leagues are used as benchmarks to illustrate perceived willingness to pay and pricing strategies.

8) Critiques and caveats
– Primary critique: The combination of high upfront prices and steep resale commissions raises questions about accessibility for fans and the fairness of revenue distribution.
– Potential biases: The transcript highlights particular voices and sources; findings are framed within a critical narrative about FIFA’s financial practices.
– Data limitations: The analysis rests on the transcript content and referenced sources; it may not capture all viewpoints or official financial disclosures.

9) Implications and takeaways
– For fans: The barrier to entry for attending World Cup matches tops ticket prices, with resale markets potentially inflating costs further.
– For the football economy: A large share of World Cup revenue flows through FIFA and associated bodies, with development and organizational goals funded but potentially undermined by misallocation concerns.
– For policy and governance: The financial model invites scrutiny over transparency, governance practices, and how revenue aligns with development and fan access goals.

10) Overall assessment
– The video presents a critical, data-informed view of World Cup ticket pricing, the role of FIFA’s resale platform, and the distribution of billions in World Cup revenue. It emphasizes concerns about accessibility, fairness, and governance, while situating these issues within broader comparisons to other sports markets and cultural expectations around ticket prices.

The post The Most Corrupt World Cup in History is about to start (!) appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.

The group also organized large‑scale public celebrations in Ankara (e.g., Tarkan concert in Millet Bahçesi) that underlined its “Republican” and “Atatürkist” corporate identity.

Then came Rahmi Koç’s racist and sexist joke. It is an ugly one, but the online and offline reactions look disproportionate. I believe the group’s challenging show-off may be a reason for that…

Here is the detailed context:

What actually happened

At the opening of an American Hospital in İzmir, Rahmi Koç told a joke involving a doctor and a “Kurdish woman” patient, in which the punchline is a sexually suggestive misunderstanding about undressing for a medical exam. The scene was captured on video and shared widely on social media, where former Prime Minister Binali Yıldırım is also seen laughing at the joke. Critics argue that the joke objectifies women and uses “Kurdish woman” as a stereotype, combining sexism with ethnic stigma.^[1][3][2][4]

Legal and political fallout

The İzmir Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office opened an ex officio investigation on the charge of “publicly degrading a segment of society,” based on the remarks made at the ceremony. Justice Minister Akın Gürlek stated that expressions targeting women and a specific ethnic identity are unacceptable and that “being a joke” does not reduce their seriousness. The pro‑Kurdish DEM Party and Kurdish civil society actors filed criminal complaints, citing incitement to hatred, insult, and hate/discrimination.^{[1][2][4][5][6]}

Public reactions and polarization

On social media, the hashtag #RahmiKoçÖzürDile (“Apologize Rahmi Koç”) quickly trended, with many users calling the remarks misogynistic and racist. DEM Party figures described the words as humiliating Kurdish women and framed them as an example of entrenched racism and sexism. Some groups, including MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli, defended Koç, arguing that it was a harmless “latife” (banter) in a friendly setting and that launching an investigation was excessive.^[3][5]

Koç’s apology

Following the backlash and the opening of the investigation, Rahmi Koç issued a written apology via Koç Holding and in subsequent media statements. He said he did not intend to target any identity or specific group, and expressed “deep regret” for his words. Despite the apology, criticism has continued, especially from Kurdish and feminist circles, which see the incident as symptomatic of broader structural discrimination.^{[1][3][2][7][5]}

Why it matters symbolically

Rahmi Koç is the 95‑year‑old honorary chair of Turkey’s largest conglomerate, so his words are read as emblematic of elite attitudes toward Kurds and women rather than a private faux pas. The controversy intersects debates over hate speech, “espri kültürü” (joke culture), and the boundaries of acceptable public speech in a polarized context where Kurdish identity and women’s rights are already highly politicized.^{[8][2][7][5][6]} But as I stated above, the strong reactions may be partially related to their Atatürkist standing…

⁂

1. https://www.facebook.com/RudawEnglish/posts/rahmi-koc-a-prominent-turkish-businessman-issued-a-formal-apology-on-saturday-a-/1471617895004811/
2. https://www.bta.bg/en/news/balkans/1141978-joke-about-kurdish-woman-told-by-turkish-businessman-rahmi-koc-sparks-controve
3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rahmi_Koç
4. https://www.bbc.com/turkce/articles/ckg5w0k0yl3o
5. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-06-06/turkish-tycoon-s-controversial-joke-triggers-online-outrage
6. https://www.moneycontrol.com/world/turkish-tycoon-apologizes-as-controversial-kurdish-woman-joke-spurs-outrage-article-13942737.html/amp
7. https://www.turkiyetoday.com/nation/turkish-tycoon-rahmi-koc-investigated-over-offensive-kurdish-woman-joke-3221408
8. https://www.dailysabah.com/turkiye/investigations/rahmi-koc-under-fire-as-kurdish-woman-joke-sparks-turkiye-outrage
9. https://www.dailysabah.com/turkiye/investigations/rahmi-koc-under-fire-as-kurdish-woman-joke-sparks-turkiye-outrage
10. https://x.com/vvanwilgenburg/status/2063245548375728236
11. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CHNC4bvHn8Q
12. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nayzlt7zJ5w
13. https://en.haberler.com/investigation-launched-into-rahmi-koc-who-sparked-2264403/
14. https://tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rahmi_Koç
15. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-06-06/turkish-tycoon-s-controversial-joke-triggers-online-outrage
16. https://www.newarab.com/news/turkey-probes-billionaire-businessman-over-kurdish-woman-joke

The post The Koç Family showed off with their 100th anniversary and then… appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.

Mass protests in Albania are being driven by public anger over a massive luxury resort project linked to Jared Kushner in protected coastal areas, combined with broader discontent over corruption and the long‑running rule of Prime Minister Edi Rama.^[1][2][3]

Immediate trigger: Kushner–Rama resort project

• Thousands have been demonstrating in Tirana and other cities against plans for a high‑end tourism complex on Sazan Island and in the Vjosa‑Narta protected landscape on the Adriatic coast, backed by a company associated with Jared Kushner, Donald Trump’s son‑in‑law.^[1][4][5]
• The project foresees hotels and up to roughly 10,000 rooms in and around biodiverse wetlands that host flamingos, sea turtles and one of the last refuges of the Mediterranean monk seal, raising strong environmental and corruption concerns.^[4][1]

Environmental and sovereignty concerns

• Environmental NGOs and scientists warn that the resort would destroy sensitive coastal ecosystems and undermine Albania’s own protected‑area status for Vjosa‑Narta, and have called for construction to stop and heavy machinery to be removed.^[1]
• Protesters use slogans like “Albania is not for sale” and “We don’t want Albania like Dubai,” framing the issue as selling off national territory and common goods to foreign elites and politically connected investors.^[5][1][4]

Anti‑corruption and anti‑Rama sentiment

• The resort controversy has landed on top of a broader wave of anti‑government mobilization that began in late 2025 over systemic corruption, clientelism, and the concentration of power under Rama’s Socialist Party.^[2][3]
• Albania’s special anti‑corruption prosecutor (SPAK) has opened an investigation into the financial dealings and land titling around the coastal project, reinforcing public suspicion that the deal benefits insiders at the expense of the public.^[1][2]

Earlier 2026 protests and Balluku case

• Earlier this year, large protests in Tirana turned violent after prosecutors accused Deputy Prime Minister Belinda Balluku of manipulating a major infrastructure tender; she was briefly suspended but then reinstated, which many saw as proof of impunity.^[6][7]
• These demonstrations, organized mainly by opposition leader Sali Berisha’s Democratic Party, demanded the resignation of both Rama and Balluku and fit into a pattern of regular anti‑government marches over the last months.^[7][3][6]

How the current protests fit the larger wave

• Analysts describe the current mobilizations less as isolated environmental rallies and more as the latest phase of a “peaceful uprising” against an entrenched political class seen as corrupt across both government and opposition.^[3][7][2]
• The Kushner‑linked resort has become a symbol that connects environmentalism, anti‑corruption, anti‑authoritarian sentiment, and resistance to the use of Albania’s public assets as bargaining chips in elite transnational deals.^[4][2][1]

⁂

1. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/4/thousands-protest-kushner-linked-coastal-resort-project-in-albania
2. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/6/4/thousands-protest-kushner-linked-coastal-resort-project-in-albania
3. http://europeanwesternbalkans.com/2026/04/01/protests-will-not-alter-political-balance-but-show-systemic-problems-with-albanias-democracy/
4. https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/en/cp_article/albania-protests-against-the-government/
5. https://www.instagram.com/reel/DZKzvEEFfCt/
6. https://www.instagram.com/reel/DZH6ahJALDC/
7. https://www.foxnews.com/world/european-capital-rocked-violent-protests-government-corruption-probe-fuels-unrest
8. https://www.facebook.com/deutschewellenews/videos/thousands-of-protesters-took-to-the-streets-in-albanian-cities-asking-prime-mini/1516923483470681/
9. https://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/protesters-in-albania-call-on-government-to-resign/3875199
10. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Protests_in_Albania
11. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/2/11/antigovernment-protests-in-albania-turn-violent-at-least-13-arrested
12. https://www.facebook.com/deutschewellenews/videos/thousands-of-protesters-took-to-the-streets-in-albanian-cities-asking-prime-mini/1516923483470681/

The post Albanians against a new “Epstein Island” appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.

Here is a round-up:

Core facts of the case

• The General Directorate of Foundations (Vakıflar Genel Müdürlüğü), under the Ministry of Culture and Tourism, had the title of the Basilica Cistern transferred to its name in the land registry, and this was first noticed by İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) during a routine records check on April 1, 2026.^[3][4]
• Following this, the site’s administrative control was shifted from İBB/Kültür AŞ to the General Directorate of Foundations, and İBB was ordered to evacuate the cistern.^[2][4][3]
• On June 2, İBB dismantled its own ticket booths and evacuated the Basilica Cistern, after which the site was temporarily closed to visitors pending the ministry-affiliated directorate’s own ticketing arrangements.^[5][2]
• An İstanbul administrative court (İstanbul 8th Administrative Court and then the 8th Administrative Law Chamber of the İstanbul Regional Administrative Court) issued a stay of execution (yürütmeyi durdurma) on the eviction/transfer, finding that immediate enforcement could cause irreparable damage to the municipality.^[6][1][2]
• The stay of execution concerns the eviction/transfer process, not necessarily the underlying ownership claim that a separate court ruling had already upheld in favor of the General Directorate of Foundations as a vakıf property.^[7][1][3]

Legal background and key rulings

• The General Directorate of Foundations argues that the Basilica Cistern is a vakıf asset under Ottoman-era endowment law, which, in their view, requires administration by the foundations authority rather than the municipality.^[7][3]
• A court had previously upheld this vakıf-based claim, rejecting İBB’s appeal and confirming the transfer of ownership/administration to the Directorate General of Foundations, after which a formal notice to evacuate was sent to İBB.^[8][3][7]
• In parallel, İBB pursued a separate administrative case focused on the evacuation and transfer process itself (rather than the historical vakıf status), arguing that the implementation would cause difficult‑to‑compensate harm and that proper procedural guarantees were not observed.^[1][2][3]
• The İstanbul 8th Administrative Court initially rejected İBB’s stay of execution request, but the municipality appealed.^[9][1]
• The 8th Administrative Law Chamber of the İstanbul Regional Administrative Court then accepted the appeal and ordered a stay of execution on the Fatih District Governor’s May 4 eviction order without requiring a bond, explicitly invoking Article 27 of the Administrative Jurisdiction Procedure Law No. 2577 (conditions: serious illegality indications plus risk of irreparable harm).^[6][1]
• With this ruling, the case file was sent back to the local court and the implementation of the eviction/transfer was halted, at least temporarily, keeping the legal struggle over the cistern open.^[9][1][6]

What the stay actually changes

• The stay of execution freezes the enforcement of the district governor’s eviction order, meaning the ministry‑affiliated directorate cannot proceed with the takeover in the manner and timing previously planned, pending further judicial review.^[1][6]
• It does not permanently restore full ownership to İBB; rather, it suspends the transfer’s execution while the courts reassess the case.^[3][7][1]
• Practically, this has created a limbo situation where the site’s management, ticketing, and public access have been disrupted, even as the cistern remains a central tourism and heritage asset.^[10][11][2]

What happened on the ground (closure, ticketing, visitors)

• After the initial transfer into the name of the General Directorate of Foundations was discovered in early April, the municipality continued operating the site while pursuing legal remedies.^[4][3]
• Once the court decision in favor of the General Directorate of Foundations was implemented, İBB evacuated the cistern on June 2 and removed its ticket booths, at which point the cistern was closed to visitors pending new arrangements by the foundations authority.^[2][5]
• Official and media reports noted that the Basilica Cistern, one of Istanbul’s most visited historic landmarks, became temporarily inaccessible, with plans to reopen it once the directorate’s own ticketing systems were installed.^[11][5][2]
• While the cistern was closed, some communications directed visitors instead to the Theodosius Cistern (Şerefiye Sarnıcı), another late Roman cistern nearby that remained open to the public.^[11]
• More recently, as maintenance and “arrangement” works were reported as completed, the Basilica Cistern reopened to visitors, with Turkish citizens being allowed free entry for a period in June, signaling an attempt by the new (or intended) managing side to frame the transition as beneficial to the public.^[10]

Political and governance context

• The Basilica Cistern conflict fits into a broader pattern of central government–municipality struggles, especially between the opposition‑run İstanbul Metropolitan Municipality and central institutions aligned with the ruling party.^[4][3]
• The transfer took place without prior notification to İBB, according to the municipality, which claims it only discovered the change when checking land records; this procedural opacity is central to the opposition’s critique.^[3][4]
• Critics view the move as part of a wider re‑centralization of control over high‑value urban heritage and tourism assets, shifting revenue and symbolic capital away from opposition municipalities toward central agencies.^[5][4][3]
• The invocation of vakıf law and the use of the General Directorate of Foundations as a key instrument also resonates with long‑standing debates about Ottoman heritage, religious endowments, and the instrumentalization of “restoration” and “protection” discourses for contemporary political struggles.^[7][3]
• The stay of execution gives İBB and its supporters a temporary legal and discursive opening to argue for local, municipal stewardship of such heritage sites, framing their management as more transparent, professional, and accountable to residents and visitors.^[9][2][1]

⁂

1. https://bianet.org/haber/court-stays-ministry-s-takeover-of-istanbuls-basilica-cistern-320218
2. https://bianet.org/haber/basilica-cistern-temporarily-closed-after-government-takeover-320115
3. https://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/ownership-of-istanbuls-basilica-cistern-shifts-to-state-body-220775
4. https://www.turkiyetoday.com/culture/istanbuls-famous-basilica-cistern-now-under-ministry-control-3217656
5. https://caliber.az/en/post/turkiye-closes-basilica-cistern-in-istanbul-following-court-ruling
6. https://en.haberler.com/the-court-of-appeals-issued-a-stay-of-execution-2263616/
7. https://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/amp/court-upholds-state-foundations-claim-over-basilica-cistern-222863
8. https://www.instagram.com/reel/DW14U4NDKn0/
9. https://www.turkiyetoday.com/culture/court-halts-basilica-cistern-handover-as-visitors-still-kept-out-3221301
10. https://www.turkiyetoday.com/culture/basilica-cistern-reopens-in-istanbul-free-for-turkish-citizens-through-june-3221431
11. https://yerebatan.com/en/
12. https://www.tripadvisor.com/Attraction_Review-g293974-d294555-Reviews-Basilica_Cistern-Istanbul.html
13. https://www.basilicacisterntickets.com/skip-the-line/
14. https://www.headout.com/blog/basilica-cistern-timings/
15. https://bianet.org/news

The post Who owns the Basilica Cistern (of Istanbul)? appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.

I am writing to you from Yüksekova, Hakkari. As a news junkie, I was always curious about Yüksekova because it was one of the most tense places during the PKK’s heyday. I am here for a training by the Journalists’ Union for the local journalists.

Before Hakkari, I was in Ankara for a session in the Anadolu Agency’s Academic programs for its journalists.

The post In two weeks, my fourth destination: Yüksekova, Hakkari appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.

Key Insights by Merlin AI

The Shift from Adobe to DaVinci Resolve

• Market Dominance and Subscription Model
• Adobe had long dominated video editing with products like Premiere Pro, relying on a subscription-only model costing $69/month.
• Users faced hefty cancellation fees, leading to dissatisfaction and prompting many to seek alternatives.
• DaVinci Resolve offers a one-time purchase model, eliminating ongoing subscription costs and allowing users to own the software indefinitely.

• DaVinci Resolve’s Unique Strengths

• Known for its exceptional color grading capabilities, DaVinci is widely used in Hollywood for major films and TV shows.
• Its free version provides 95% of the features found in the paid version, making high-quality editing accessible to a broader audience.

• DaVinci integrates various editing tools, including audio editing and VFX, which enhances its appeal as a comprehensive editing suite.

• Strategic Business Decisions

• Blackmagic Design’s acquisition of DaVinci in 2008 led to a shift in focus from high-cost tools for studios to more affordable software.
• Under Grant Petty’s leadership, DaVinci Resolve’s price was drastically reduced, significantly undercutting competitors.

• The introduction of a robust free version aimed to democratize creativity, allowing users to learn without financial risk.

• Growth and Market Impact

• DaVinci Resolve’s user base skyrocketed from 100 in 2009 to over 5.4 million by 2023, with a compound annual growth rate of 116%.
• The software’s growth is attributed to its combination of a strong free offering and the quality of its tools, attracting users from Adobe.

• Adobe’s ongoing controversies, including price hikes and lawsuits, further push users toward DaVinci Resolve as a viable alternative.

• Future Considerations

• While DaVinci has introduced a rental model at $30/month, the one-time purchase option remains, providing users with flexibility.
• Potential IPO or investor influence could pose risks of shifting to a subscription model, though current leadership emphasizes customer-first values.
• Adobe faces challenges with declining share prices despite profits, indicating possible long-term issues for its subscription-based model.

DaVinci Resolve’s Rise: Challenging Adobe’s Video Editing Dominance with Affordable, Powerful Alternatives for Professionals and Creators.

00:03 DaVinci Resolve is disrupting Adobe’s dominance in video editing.
– Unlike Adobe’s subscription model, DaVinci offers a one-time purchase option and a robust free version with most features.
– DaVinci Resolve excels in color grading, an essential process for major films and TV shows, making it a favorite in Hollywood.

02:28 DaVinci’s transformation post-bankruptcy led to new opportunities in video software.
– DaVinci had a longstanding reputation for color grading in filmmaking, with prices that only studios could afford.
– After being bought by Blackmagic Design for $10 million, DaVinci re-entered the market as an accessible tool for all creators.

04:42 Xero enhances financial management for freelancers with secure, integrated tools.
– Xero centralizes financial information, offering invoicing, payroll, payments, and sales tax management in a secure platform.
– Its features like automated reminders and a ‘pay now’ button ease the billing process, streamlining payments across various methods and currencies.

06:40 Blackmagic’s pricing strategy challenged Adobe’s subscription model.
– In 2010, Blackmagic announced significant price cuts for advanced video tools, making them more accessible.
– Unlike Adobe, Blackmagic maintains a purchase model, emphasizing ownership over subscription fees, with even lower prices for full-featured software.

09:29 DaVinci Resolve offers a powerful free version, attracting users away from Adobe.
– The free version includes 95% of the features of the paid DaVinci Resolve 14 Studio without requiring a credit card.
– Blackmagic’s continuous enhancements, like adding audio and VFX tools, have significantly improved DaVinci Resolve’s capabilities.

11:44 DaVinci’s hardware roots and free software democratize creativity.
– Blackmagic focuses on high-end hardware, using DaVinci Resolve as complementary software, contrasting with Adobe’s primary software focus.
– Grant Petty emphasizes democratizing creativity by offering free tools and ownership licenses, reducing barriers for new creators.

13:48 DaVinci Resolve’s rise challenges Adobe’s dominance in video editing.
– Blackmagic’s free features significantly reduce the incentive to pirate software, attracting users away from Adobe.
– DaVinci Resolve’s user base skyrocketed from 100 in 2009 to over 5.4 million by 2023, fueled by a strategic focus on accessibility.

16:19 DaVinci is gaining market share with a new rental model, raising concerns for Adobe.
– DaVinci offers a $30 per month subscription option, allowing freelancers flexibility without committing to full-price purchases.
– Despite concerns about moving towards a subscription model, DaVinci remains customer-focused and provides a one-time purchase option.

The post A video: The DaVinci Takeover- Why Millions Are Deleting Adobe appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.

This was my third visit to the city. First time in 2009, at the World Blogging Forum, held inside the Palace of Parliament.

Bucharest has many dreamlike buildings. This is called: “Crețulescu” Palace

The post A day in Bucharest, for another COST project appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.

Celebrating Thirty Years of Internet Archive

Founded in 1996, the Internet Archive is celebrating its 30th anniversary! This milestone comes alongside many pivotal websites & organizations founded in 1996.

To commemorate this occasion, we’ve spent the month opening the internet’s yearbook to celebrate the sites, services & scrappy experiments that helped shape the web as we know it. From class leaders like Center for Democracy and Technology to cultural icons like The Onion, we’ve created a class superlative list for the “Class of 1996.” 

CHECK OUT THE SENIOR SUPERLATIVES

The post Kudos to Internet Archive: Its 30th anniversary! appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.

One of the project’s outputs is an exhibition at the Museum of Computer History here in Ljubljana, Slovenia.

My colleagues, İvo Furman and Arda Erdikmen, contributed to this exhibition with a gadget from Turkish demoscene history:

Their work led to a recent publication: The Demoscene: from digital subculture to UNESCO intangible cultural heritage

The Demoscene is a transnational digital culture that, since the 1980s, has fused programming, artistic experimentation, and community collaboration in the production of ‘demos’, short audiovisual programs designed to push hardware and software to their limits. Emerging from the intertwined worlds of home computing and software piracy, it developed into a semi-autonomous field of cultural production governed by its own hierarchies, evaluative logics, and forms of capital. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural fields, this article traces the Demoscene’s evolution from exclusionary elite – lamer distinctions towards more inclusive practices that continue to prize technical, aesthetic, and social capital. It then considers the 2019 Art of Coding initiative, an effort to secure UNESCO intangible cultural heritage recognition, as a key episode that illustrates how community outreach actors bridged the Demoscene’s peer-driven values with institutional frameworks. While UNESCO recognition introduces symbolic capital that enhances the scene’s visibility and legitimacy within cultural and heritage sectors, it also provokes ambivalence among participants who fear that external validation may erode grassroots autonomy. The article argues that the Demoscene exemplifies how digital subcultures negotiate institutional recognition, showing that heritage frameworks can expand visibility and protection without displacing the peer-driven logics of distinction that sustain them.

The post in Ljubljana, GRADE project meeting appeared first on Erkan's Field Diary.