Photo: Richardson Dorvil

During a live interview aired on Radio Scoop FM  (107.7) 48 hours before Haiti’s carnival festivities, President Michel Martelly dispelled all rumors surrounding band selections for Cap-Haitien’s 2013 Carnival possession. “It was I, who personally decided to exclude bands from the carnival parade,” declared the president. “The decision to exclude bands, such as Brothers Posse from the carnival parade was taken by myself alone,” he added, declarations that rattled the Caribbean nation, as opinion and opposition leaders, columnists and editorialists denounced a deliberate assault on free speech and a leap toward authoritarianism.

Following the president’s remarks, Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe’s office released a note reminding the population of unavoidable disappointments the band selection process presented many groups each year. Martelly appointed an 18-member carnival committee that selected 15 bands to entertain an expected 1.5 million revelers, hoping to lure tourists to Cap-Haitien, Haiti’s second largest city. His government reportedly spent close to $5 million to organize the annual event this year, nearly doubling last year’s budget.

Nevertheless, Lamothe’s note did little to dissuade skeptics or reverse damages the interview caused, setting the opposition ablaze, amplifying its anti-Martelly rhetoric. “The population must boycott the carnival,” pleaded some; “Censorship today, dictatorship tomorrow,” cried others. On Scoop FM, the Head of State compared excluded bands, particularly Brothers Posse, whose undisputed hit meringues the past two seasons:  2012’s “Stayle” and this year’s “Aloral” portrayed his administration as an “all talk, no action” government, to someone going over his house to curse him out. “You just don’t let him in,” he said.

Quoted in the Miami Herald, “It’s not a party that’s being organized; it’s not a protest” emphasized Martelly. “The carnival is not like it was a long time ago. Before it was do as you like, take to the streets.” In his defense, the president said automatic selection of particular artists did not exist and that Brothers Posse’s “Aloral,” which is at the heart of the controversy, was inconsistent with this year’s environmental theme: “One Haitian, one tree, let’s make it Happen.”  It was not the kind of ambiance his government sought for the tourist-tailored event, he explained. However, critics quickly rejected Martelly’s arguments, pointing out the automatic preselection two of the president’s sons: Olivier and Sandro Martelly, whose meringues were neither as popular as Brothers Posse’s nor consistent with the carnival theme.

The essence of Haitian Carnival…

Meanwhile, Rodolphe Joazile, who heads Haiti’s Defense Ministry, evoked a rather distinct imagery of the annual celebration. “Haitian Carnival is the expression forum for the Haitian soul: its values, culture, creativity, passion, dreams, desires, needs and fantasies,” wrote Joazile in his message to the nation about the essence of carnival. “The Haitian stretches and pours his imagination, exuberance, fancies, extravagances and illusions,” stressed Joazile’s letter, “This is the magical moment where political and social hierarchies disappear, which flattens the social projectile.”

Photo: Haiti’s Minister of Culture (Facebook)

Observers and participants alike agreed with Joazile eloquent depiction of the Mega celebration and Jacmelitude, Jacmel’s traditional carnival, attested to its originality. The vibrating colors, radiating smiles, tantalizing meringues and intoxicating beauties did not disappoint. Haitians, young or old, light or dark, male or female, set all of their differences aside and rallied around national unity, patriotism, freedom of speech and even activism. Together, they danced on a cultural rainbow, sang their collective frustrations, aspirations, having some fun in the process. Some called it the greatest display of Haitian culture and/or collective, peaceful demonstration. Jacmelitude was however the calm before the storm. Carnaval Les Cayes, Petit-Goave’s Douce Marcos and Cap-Haitien delivered more euphoria to revelers, each celebration more grandiose than the year before.

The power of the metaphor…

Photo: Haiti’s Minister of Culture (Facebook)

The importance of Haitian Carnival to all sectors of national life is no exaggeration; investors do not underestimate its economic, political, social and international dimensions. The private sector’s strategic investments, anticipating a large influx of tourists to descend upon the grand cultural event, justifed carnival fever inhibiting the business sector, particularly entrepreneurs, during that period. Carnival presents unique opportunities to not only improve Haiti’s image, but also to attract new investment opportunities. It is also a big pay day for selected bands that collect an estimated $30,000 to deliver three entertainment-filled days to revelers, at the end of which, the carnival committee crowns a winner.

Beyond cultural and economical factors, “Carnival is FUN, it’s time to relax, to party hard,” wrote State University professor and blogger Nadeve Menard. “But carnival in Haiti is also serious business and both the population and authorities recognize it as such,” she added in “The Power of the Metaphor,” posted last season on her blog Tande. For many people, the annual celebration is a finger on the nation’s pulse and the meringues with the most accurate depiction of Haitian actualities wrapped in metaphors and humor resonate with the population.

Whether advocating for government accountability, wishing peacekeepers off the national territory, or demanding justice for cholera or rape victims, parodies and satires find their intended targets through carnival rituals, meringues and ethic dances. This year’s edition varied no less; it was–to a large extent–a referendum on the Martelly administration and its inability to crystalize campaign promises. Capturing that reality, Menard wrote, “Meringues have helped topple governments or at least signaled their impending demise, it’s the power of the metaphor,” something President Martelly, whose popularity exploded on carnival floats prior to taking office, is very familiar with. He even acknowledged it during the interview. “Songs have the power to overthrow government,” he said, unveiling the fears of his increasingly unpopular administration that faced 128 public protests throughout the country between August and October 2012, according to “Governing Haiti: Time for National Consensus,” an International Crisis Group report released in early February.

Part two coming soon….

Haiti’s Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe

Reacting to a United Nations Security Council’s Jan. 28, 2013 press release that cilled on the Haitian government to hold free, fair, inclusive and credible senatorial and municipal elections that are 14-months overdue, Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe reiterated his administration’s determination to organize elections this year, an exercise the note stressed “Is important to maintain political stability and create a climate conductive to economic and social development and the MINUSTAH stands ready to provide support in the areas of logistics and security for the elections.”

Talking to the national press, the Head of Government that faced growing popular anger and political opposition, said the electoral machine had, in fact, been turned on and the Martelly administration should publish the electoral calendar immediately after finding a consensus on creating the Transitional College for the Permanent Electoral Council (CTCEP French acronym). Lamothe, who reshuffled his cabinet twice in five months, pointed to ongoing meetings his government held with representatives of the international community about electoral issues, in his attempt to reassure his critics. He further indicated the United States, European Union, and Brazil promised to finance the elections, while Mariano Fernandez, former head of the MINUSTAH, promised logistical support to Haitian authorities.

According to many observers however, the reality on the ground varied vastly from the optimistic scenarios Lamothe painted to reporters. In fact, critics decried a lack of interest from Haitian leaders around creating the electoral entity that would organize elections; in spite of an important Christmas Eve agreement President Michel Martelly reached with members of parliament on the CTCEP to pave electoral roads that would help refill one-third of the 30-member Haitian senate and local magistrates.

Mariano Fernandez with President Martelly

Although he called that agreement an important first step, Fernandez, who concluded his 19-month tenure as MINUSTAH’s point man in Haiti last week, slammed the Martelly/Lamothe administration during an interview, citing its inability to deliver reconstruction projects. “There is something that, as a foreigner, I cannot comprehend,” confided the Chilean diplomat to Le Nouvelliste, a Haitian daily newspaper. “The political élite is cultivated,” continued Fernandez, “It has very smart people who speak several languages ​​with a great facility, people who travel a lot; yet, in the end, we arrive at the paradoxical conclusion that, perhaps, a lot of intelligence in politics is not necessary, ” he said, renewing his call for a political agreement that favored Haiti’s interest, rather than individuals’.

On a parallel plane, Michael Posner, U.S. assistant secretary of state for human rights and labor, echoed similar concerns, following his three-day visit of the Haitian capital in early January, where he met government as well as civil society leaders. “This is really a moment where Haitians themselves have to own their future and find ways to engage with each other,” wrote Miami Herald’s Jacqueline Charles of Posner’s post-visit phone interview. While urging protagonists to find common ground on their divergent views, Posner perceived strengthening democratic institutions and the rule of law, as good starting points. He did however acknowledge the daunting tasks faced the current administration simply because they are in control, not to forget its obligation to the people, often the object of harsh criticism. Quoting Posner’s concerns Charles wrote:

“There is a lack of faith in the system, the sense that the rule of law is not respected, that institutions like the judiciary and the police and the prisons and the prosecutors are not doing the job adequately, and that the government isn’t living up to expectations” he said. “These are long-standing problems. There is a sense that government needs to be more accountable, more open, there needs to be strong institutions. The country needs to operate in a more regular way. Those are huge challenges.”

Michael Posner
photo: US State Department

As if those obstacles weren’t big enough for Haitian authorities, the elections suffered another major setback, when Religion for Peace, the mediation organization that helped brokered the Christmas Eve agreement, walked away from the negotiating table, amid what the entity, which comprises every religion in Haiti, called a deliberate barrage of indifference that prevented the CTCEP to take shape and facilitate new elections.

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Lamothe maintained his government remained undeterred in its goal to hold elections at the most appropriate time this year, although he conceded his government would propose new electoral laws to a legislative body it has yet to reach any agreement with since assuming office. Recently, lawmakers, namely members of the minority, prevented the Head of government from presenting his State of the Nation address in the National assembly. Unable to speak over horns, trumpets, vuvuzelas and other instruments deputies started blowing once he started his address, Lamothe simply walked out. The Prime Minister did not explain how his government planned to overcome parliamentary hurdles with the Head of State threatening to shorten the term of one-third of the senate by one year, threats lawmakers vehemently rejected as an unconstitutional attempt at a power grab by the executive.

Harry Nicolas ( second from the right) posing with leaders in Ouanaminthe

“Ki bwa li ye, bwa sa; ki bwa li ye, bwa sa,” sang euphoric young men and women, floating in a sea of people embarked on a lengthy pilgrimage to unity. At the end of the unprecedented grassroots movement in Northern city Ouanaminthe — Kita Nago – a half-ton tree trunk that symbolizes Haiti, would have, on the back of Haitian men and women, traveled 700 kilometers (some 435 miles) from the country’s Southern peninsula to its Northeastern coast, sweeping through every city on its path.

Mobilizing Haitians behind a common goal, Kita Nago entered Haitian capital Port-au-Prince 14 days after its modest Les Irois launch on Jan 1, 2013, collecting thousands upon thousands of jubilant believers along the way, generating waves of media coverage that reached all corners of the country and even spilled beyond its borders. The buzz surrounding Kita Nago even provoked an official visit from President Michel Martelly and his wife, Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe, Haiti’s specialized units and an invitation to the Haitian Senate, where originator Harry Nicolas who many referred to as Met Fey Vet revealed his lifelong aspirations, launching the movement that rapidly grew into a social tsunami that swept one city after another.

“Since I was 20 years old,” admitted Nicolas to senators during his short visit to the upper house, “I wanted to take something from one extreme of the country to another extreme of the country without spending a penny,” a project he said skeptics thought was too grandiose or ambitious. As Nicolas explained to his impressed audience, the stigmas and gross mischaracterizations that hovered over Haitianism haunted him for years. “So I asked my self, what could I do, what could I do,” he said, seeking ideas that would help dispel the negative connotations associated to Haitianism.

Kita Nago being carried by young haitians

His answer, discovered the self-described nationalist and environmentalist, resided in the irony of Kita Nago, a term Haitians commonly used to express an inability or unwillingness to move. “When referring to the state of the country,” reiterated Nicolas, “People often say we will not make ‘you pa Kita, you pa Nago’,” meaning Haiti would never budge or make any progress. A firm believer in Haiti’s capabilities, Nicolas said the country can make “you pa Kita and you pa Nago.” Taking that negative proverb Haitians use to said that Haiti would never move forward, the visionary wanted to prove that, like their ancestors and Founding Fathers, his brethren could again control their destiny. “We wanted to challenge ourselves,” said the new national hero. “Hence, we made

Harry Nicolas speaking at Kita Nago ceremony in Ouanaminthe

‘you pa Kita’ in Les Irois on January first and we will make ‘you pa Nago’ in Ouanaminthe.” One senator even admitted breaking down in tears when he witnessed the multitudes following Kita Nago. “Haitians still believed, in spite of it all,” he said.

Once Kita Nago conclude its 435-mile journey, every Haitian must plant a tree, according to Nicolas, plans that coincided with Cap-Haitien’s 2013 Carnival theme: “One Haitian, one tree, let’s make it happen.”

Nevertheless, while the grand initiative should help derail Haiti’s run away deforestation train, it will not be Kita Nago’s lasting impression, argued Nicolas who, in his own words, spelled it out for journalists attending his press conference:

“If we can voluntarily, that is to say –without being told to or paid—carry and transport this tree trunk, weighing about half a ton from Les Irois to Port-au-Prince, then to Ouanaminthe, there will no longer be a shadow of a doubt that if we get together in the spirit of our national motto ‘There is Strength in Unity,’ we can actually change Haiti.”

Sandy’s aftermath

Transforming Haiti into a consumer nation, ultimately meant that a short-supplied world would force its population into mass starvation, a recurring nightmare Haitians are currently experiencing amid the recent global food crisis, which caused a wave of sporadic protests to erupt throughout the country last month.

Rampant inflation sent food prices hovering well beyond the nation’s reach, amplifying voices of discontent with the Martelly/Lamothe administration, seemingly unable to implement any sustainable solutions to Haiti’s deteriorating political and social climates. Appealing to the international community for immediate assistance, the Haitian government declared a month-long state of emergency one week after Sandy drenched the country, killing at least 64 people with dozens more still missing and damaged about 18,000 homes, including hospitals, schools and public buildings.

“According to preliminary estimates by Haitian Officials,” wrote Gabrielle Duchaine who reported on Sandy’s aftermath for La Presse, a Montreal daily. “70 percent of the crop that was ready for harvest in the South of the Country was destroyed, including bananas, beans, rice, avocado and corn.” She further indicated cattle were lost, as the estimated damaged surpassed $450 million. Some farmers reported losing 90 percent of their crops, which according to the United Nations shoved Haitians closer to a catastrophic food crisis. In fact, U.N. officials said 5 million people, 50 percent of the population, risked suffering food shortages with at least 2 million facing malnutrition.

Urging preventive measures from the international community, Bijay Kumar who is Head of Emergencies for ActionAid, a nongovernmental organization assisting farmers in Southern Haiti, drew a parallel between the Caribbean nation’s looming catastrophe and the widespread famine that recently slammed the Horn of Africa. “We have seen what happens when we do not act early enough,” cautioned Kumar. “The food crisis in the Horn of Africa in 2011 could have been averted if we had responded before it reached crisis point,” he recalled, adding, “We must not make the same mistake again in Haiti.” The early warning signs are there, reasoned Kumar, and the international community must pay attention to them, he insisted. However, the precarious food insecurity is no new phenomenon to Haitians.

Sandy survivors navigating through flood waters

Those early warning signs Kumar alluded to, precursors to Haiti’s infamous food riots, were present in 2008, yet failed to prevent the country’s free fall into the pits of chaos and instability that resulted into considerable loss of life, instilled a climate of fear and caused extensive property damage.  Nationwide mobilizations to protest skyrocketing food prices ignited around the country, as protesters clashed with the police and U.N. troops, looted stores, burned tires and blocked national highways. The international media’s subsequent characterization reduced Haiti to a dangerous, violent and hopeless place where people eat salty mud cookies.

More than four years after the Haiti Food Riots, 2013 promised to be yet another disastrous year for Haitians, as the U.N. predicts widespread famine, in spite the international community’s commitment to provide massive aid to rebuild the country, following the monstrous 2010 earthquake that killed an estimated 310,000 people and displaced more than 1.5 million others.

Even more alarming, the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) published a new report earlier this month that cited persisting food insecurity among many factors threatening human security in Haiti. Commenting on the report, Souhayr Belhassen, FIDH’s president, said, “In the short term, public policy cannot guarantee the people’s access to fundamental rights, particularly their rights to housing, food, healthcare and education,” an extremely precarious situation Hurricane Sandy exacerbated last month.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Office of the Special Envoy in Haiti declared, on September 26, 2012:

“An analysis of pledges made at a donors’ conference shortly after Haiti’s 2010 earthquake revealed that $2.79 billion, or 52.3 percent of the approximate $5.33 billion pledged by 55 donors for recovery activities between 2010 and 2012, has been disbursed.”

Those exceptional humanitarian efforts, taken place over a two-year period, have not deterred Haiti’s looming humanitarian disaster that could cause 1.5 million Haitians to starve next year, unable to properly access food or any basic human needs. It is a human rights issue that not only exposed the country’s incompetent leadership, but also raised serious concerns about reconstruction endeavors.

Drawing a parallel between Haiti and the Iraq War helps provide some context into the U.N.’s failure in Haiti. The U.S. invaded Iraq, a country with a far more complex society plagued by sectarian violence, defeated Saddam Hussein and the subsequent relentless insurgency, rebuilt its fragmented army, returned sovereignty to Iraqis and exited the country in less than eight years. On the other hand, U.N.’s decade-long presence in the impoverished Caribbean nation has yet to produce a national security force capable of protecting its population or porous borders, any proactive strategies to help Haitians cope with the next major rainstorm, or a comprehensive exit strategy that would return sovereignty to Haiti’s natives. Instead targeted assassinations, high-level kidnappings, senseless violent crimes, a lethal cholera epidemic and a litany of sexual abuse cases on minors highlighted U.N.’s decade there. Meanwhile, natural disasters, such as hurricane Sandy that only hit Haiti with its outer bands, continue to kill hundreds, further destroying the country’s poor infrastructure.

Following Sandy’s devastation, the United Nations Food Relief Agency and the Haitian Government sought to raise $74 million in 12 months, funds they said would help the ravaged agricultural sector recover, as begging on behalf of Haitians became big business. While the U.N. said little about the nearly $3 billion donors already disbursed on behalf of Haitians, a robust response of the international community with more aid dollars was necessary, judged Adam Yoa, U.N.’s Senior Emergency Coordinator in Haiti.  Similarly, The World Food Program (WFP) estimated it needed more than $20 million to provide food assistance to some 425,000 victims, according to Spokesperson Elisabeth Byrs. However, their urgent calls for assistance fell on death ears, as the U.S. had its own hands full with Sandy that claimed 125 lives within its borders and victimized hundreds of thousands.

Sandy’s destruction is another strong indication that, rather than relying on the heroism or empathy of the international community, Haiti must emerge as a self-sustained, autonomous state, on the heels of the reconstruction efforts. It is also call to duty for Haitians leaders that prioritized politicizing over ensuring a safe and prosperous future for younger generations. Should U.N. persists on its current course, the next rescue mission from a preoccupied international community might prove too late for Haitians.

Photo Credit: Eric Thayer/Getty images

“Violence in Haiti is systemic, that is to say, it’s related to the abandonment of the state, the abandonment of society by public institutions that fail to provide basic services.”

Anthropologist Rachelle Doucet Source: PRIO

“I reject the ontological definition of an inherently violent Haitian,” declared Anthropologist Rachelle Charlier Doucet at Port-au-Prince’s Hotel le Plaza on Friday, June 29, 2012. “I refute the notion that the fate of the Haitian nation is sinking in perpetual chaos,” reiterated the researcher to her target audience of reporters, NGO and UN representatives, politicians and bureaucrats, attending the three-hour Seminar with Presentation of Research Findings.

The Center for Studies and Research on the Development of Cultures and Societies (CERDECS) organized the seminar in partnership with the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) to present the results from “Conflict Prevention and Conflict Management in Haiti: Insight from Marginalized Communities,” a study focused on Haitian perceptions of conflict and conflict resolution. The Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs financed the project researchers hoped would help identify contextual and cultural models of conflict prevention.

Under senior researcher Wenche Iren Hauge’s leadership, Anthropologist Doucet and Sociologist Alain Gilles divided the project into three phases, which covered different geographical areas of Haiti, concentrating on local capacities for prevention of violence. Phase I covered the Artibonite Department and Port-au-Prince, phase II took place in the South, Southeast, Grand-Anse and Nippes, followed by the Northeast and Northwest during phase III, according to PRIO. Gilles, who holds a Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Columbia, conducted a survey for the project, while Doucet, a Ph.D. in Anthropology recipient of New York University conducted a qualitative study, including fieldwork and interviews.

Senior Researcher Wenche Iren Hauge Source: PRIO

Haitian intellectuals that attended the event welcomed Doucet’s announcement that confirmed their belief; “Violence in Haiti is systemic, that is to say, it’s related to the abandonment of the state, the abandonment of society by public institutions that fail to provide basic services,” she said. Her team specifically focused on social ties and trust concepts in the Haitian population, stigmatized by gross generalizations and mischaracterizations: fairly or unfairly. While presenting her 40-page report to her audience, Doucet said mistrust was the norm that governed social relations, as she unveiled the linear relationship systemic violence shared with the absence of institutionalized relations between Haitian citizens and their state. Nevertheless, her findings might do little to dispel stereotypical attributes pinned on Haitians, as traces of that proverbial perception roamed prominent circles.

Sociologist Alain Gilles Source: PRIO

“Even with a UN stabilization mission present in Haiti since 2004,” lamented Stephen Ralph Henry who reported the event for online news agency AlterPresse. “One finds, embedded in speeches of the international community, a perception that Haiti’s natives could potentially be prone to violence, which would put the Haitian society on a slippery slope to chaos,” he added. Meanwhile, foreigners are not fleeing violent-prone Haitians, rather the opposite. The number of foreign nationals living, working and/or volunteering in Haiti grew exponentially, following the 2010 earthquake that left the country in ruins: hence the Republic of NGO. Moreover, In spite of a slew of prominent scientific theories, pinpointing government failures as primary agents of collective violence, that fallacy–prevalent even in academia–have plagued Haitians for two centuries. “Haitians still lived with the legacy of the slave trade and of the revolt that finally removed the French,” wrote American Anthropologist and Physician Paul Farmer in his 2004 essay, “Who Removed Aristide.” Such general statements, complained Haitianists, often failed to identify the roots of the violence or provide any antidote, which they said validated the new study’s findings.

Doucet’s revelations at Le Plaza were particularly for Haitianists not only because they defied conventional wisdom, but they also reinforced Ted Gurr’s views on the influential factors in civil violence, notably his theory of Relative Deprivation introduced in his 1970 publication, “Why men Rebel”(pg. 25). Gurr, an authority figure in political conflicts and instability, theorized that perceived discrepancies between people’s actual state and their aspirational state created tension that increased the potential for collective violence. He coined it as “perceived discrepancy between value expectations and value capabilities,” where the former comprised values, such as welfare, security and self-actualization that people feel they should be able to achieve, exceed the latter; the means they feel are available to them, empowering their self-actualization. Consequently, argued Gurr, people’s conscious experience of deprivation provoked both behavioral and attitudinal changes in them, which was the underlying theme in Doucet’s presentation.

PRIO: The Peace Research Institute Oslo

As the study revealed, the confidence level of more than 70 percent of surveyed participants, which comprised people from rural villages, residential neighborhoods and suburbs, in people around them or in stated institutions barely reached 40 percent. Hence, rather than relying on Haiti’s expensive an impotent judicial system, citizens opted for a consensus approach to conflict management, exhibiting a certain mistrust in the status quo. To solve their problems, deduced the experts, people divided them into two broad categories: small and big; the former solvable through mutual exchanges, while the latter necessitated mediation.

However, systemic violence in Haiti is not impenetrable, deduced Doucet who recommended creating a contextual and inclusive justice system to effectively deter the phenomenon. In her characterization, a “mixed justice system” through the people’s perceptions of justice and the Western approach would be a viable solution, since “Communities have resources, mechanisms established through more than 200 years of history, on which one could profitably capitalize,” she inferred.

More than two months before its forthcoming August 2012 released, Jeb Sprague’s book, “Paramilitarism and the Assault on Democracy in Haiti,” stormed academia, political and diplomatic communities, delivering what some reviewers perceived as a brilliant diagnosis of the history of political violence in Haiti. Following years of primary research, including more than fifty interviews and the acquisitions of 11,000 secret U.S. documents using the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), Sprague exposed the antidemocratic, malefic forces that, for the last two decades, barricaded the Haitian people’s democratic aspirations.

Sprague, a PhD candidate in Sociology at Santa Barbara’s University of California, chronicled the post-Duvalier era, at times risking his own safety, to decipher the processes of Haiti’s political destabilization and popular disempowerment. His investigative work unveiled power struggles within the National Police of Haiti (PNH French acronym), the central role of the Dominican Republic in 2004, overthrowing Haiti’s democratically elected government, as well as the subversive campaign leading to the internationally-sanctioned dethronement of former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide.

“The result of this campaign,” argued Author Peter Hallward, a philosophy professor at Kingston University in London, “More or less destroyed Haiti’s precarious democracy and crippled the country’s capacity to invest in its people or to respond to disaster.” Hallward, who published “Damning the Flood: Haiti and the Politics of Containment,” characterized Sprague’s 375-page book as the most substantial and detailed account yet written of the paramilitary insurgency that led to the 2004 coup. “Its consequences,” added the professor, “should remain central to any discussion of Haiti’s reconstruction today.”

Beyond a chronological marshaling of facts and events, the groundbreaking book helped provide a panoramic view into Haiti’s current political landscape. “It make a substantial contribution to our understanding of Haiti today,” said Monthly Review Press (MRP). “And is a vivid reminder of how democratic struggles in poor countries are often met with extreme violence organized at the behest of capital,” added the review. Moreover, Sprague also revealed a country unable to flush major political actors: local or transnational players, deliberately deterring its democratic evolution. In fact, many members of that ultra-conservative world still dominated Haitian politics, reemerging strategically as allies of “Build Haiti Back Better.”

As “Paramilitarism and the Assault on Democracy in Haiti,” painted the post-dictatorship era in a fascistic light dominated by paramilitary machinations that sabotaged Haiti’s democracy, it became clear that the populist rhetoric so prevalent on the lips of current leaders was only a facade cleverly contrived as the practical cure to the country’s chronic poverty. Meanwhile, Haiti plunged further into dependency and even deeper into the global capitalist order, a point sociology Professor William I. Robinson argued eloquently. As a leading theorist in transnational capitalism and Latin America, Robinson authored “Latin America and Global Capitalism: a Critical Globalization Perspective,” in which he explored transnational labour in Ecuador, Columbia, Chile and Argentina.

What came across most clearly, the Haitian people genuinely believed –maybe naively– in spite of numerous regressive, repressive paramilitary coups, rendering its prized democratic aspirations elusive, that each new government swept into office on inflated promises would constitute a rupture with its regrettable past. Even more sobering, Sprague’s book might be a chilling reminder of the difficulties awaiting Haiti’s battered democracy, as the resourceful, unscrupulous right wing community remobilized.

Northwest coast of Haiti. UN Photo: Logan Abassi

“Haitians Continue to drown at sea, fleeing, against all odds, the land their forebears fought for so heroically and valiantly on a quest for a better life.”

Hardly a new phenomenon, Haitian migration took center stage as the United Nations in mid-July after a woman drowned when a boat carrying more than 100 Haitian migrants, the second one in a month, went aground near the Bahamas. In a similar incident taken place in U.S. And in Bahamian waters on June 12, 2012, more than 12 Haitians drowned while  attempting to reach Florida shores, according to Melissa Fleming, spokesperson for UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

In her characterization, “Continuing difficulties in Haiti following the 2010 earthquake are leading thousands of Haitians to leave their homeland each year, often in unseaworthy vessels,” said Fleming, who estimated hundreds of Haitians perished at sea annually, though she admitted empirical data to substantiate her claim lacked. “These events,” added Fleming, “are a reminder of the extremes that people in difficult situations sometimes resort to.”

The Spokesperson also attributed the continuous stream of Haitian migration to other environmental stressors, such as the nearly half million tent inhabitants still scattered throughout the country, Haiti’s tense political climate, and increased levels of criminality and insecurity. Far from being a Haitian idiosyncrasy however, mass migration plagued the region.

According to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), US Coast Guard rescued or intercepted more than 900 people since December, including 652 Haitians, 146 Cubans and 111 people from the Dominican Republic. Due to Haiti’s Humanitarian crisis, UNHCR and OHCHR implored countries to not return Haitian to their homeland without adequate individual protection screening. However, those pleas fell on death ears.

Facing those odds, Haitians continue to drown at sea, fleeing the land their forebears fought for so heroically and valiantly in a quest for a better life. Yet Build Haiti Back Better is in full swing, promising a new, modern Haiti will soon rise from the debris.

For Fleming, the situation necessitates a collective international approach aimed a prevention rather than interception and rescue. “UNHCR continues to advocate for the inclusion of adequate protection safeguards for individuals apprehended at sea, and hopes that such tragedies can be avoided in the future through enhanced international cooperation in the region,” she said.

Photo Credit: trendsupdates.com

Human rights activists acclaimed a Dominican Republic (DR) court’s historic conviction and 15-year prison sentencing of two Haitian child traffickers charged with smuggling, trafficking, and exploiting Haitian children’s labor. “It is the first time Haitian traffickers have been jailed in the Dominican Republic for trafficking children,” declared the International Organization for Migration (IOM) through a released statement that welcomed the landmark ruling. “IOM is pleased to see justice served on these traffickers,” it stressed.

Dominican authorities arrested Willi Yan and Coldonie Pie in February 2011 following several house-raids conducted in Los Alcarrizos, a poor residential neighborhood of capital city Santo Domingo, which coughed up 44 children. “They found children crammed in rooms, some sitting on the floor, others under beds,” reported IOM. As Zoe Stopak-Behr, spokesperson of the leading international organization for migration, explained to journalists, “Parents were convinced their children were being taken for a better life in Santo Domingo and even to Miami.” Yet, authorities identified 22 of the 44 children rescued as child trafficking victims.

A Second Collegiate Court found Yan and Pie guilty of trafficking children, ages 8 to 14, from Haiti, beating and exploiting them for forced labor. During the trial, the prosecution identified at least 12 children the two men smuggled from Haiti, turned into street beggars, subjected them to verbal, physical and psychological abuse. The two men even denied the victims food should their menial tasks fail to produce any money. Further, state prosecutors’ closing argument also revealed that two good Samaritans whose daily encounter with four children in the same street corner raised suspicions, intervened and turned them over to the National Children Council (NCC). Once in foster care, the minors detailed their daily routines, which led authorities to a hell hole where the 44 others lived in subhuman conditions.

“The conviction is extremely important for prevention,” declared Stopak-Behr to award-winning AlterNet, a Thompson Reuters Foundation humanitarian news site. “It shows that there is a penalty for trafficking and that the Dominican authorities are working,” he added. However, trafficking in persons between Hispaniola’s sister-nations extends far beyond Yan and Pie’s monstrosity; it is a well-orchestrated, lucrative business that both governments admittedly overlook.

From their historic colonial origin to American occupations, autocratic rules, and democratic acquisitions, Haiti and DR shared more than just the island of Hispaniola; their historical and cultural heritages revealed striking similarities. Nevertheless, the two nations’ developmental processes over the last half-century evolved astonishingly distinct from one another. According to the World Bank (WB), DR’s GDP per capital grew five times larger than that of Haiti, though virtually the same in 1960. A World Bank press released explained the phenomenon: “Haiti has been held back by greater political and micro-economic instability, along with lower investment in infrastructure and human capital, and environmental deterioration,” it read. Foreign policy think tanks attributed current immigration nightmares faced the sister-nations to DR’s superior economic performance, a strategic tool for child traffickers.

Source: Reuters

In 2009, the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) reported, “At least 2,000 children were trafficked across the poorly controlled border between Haiti and the DR),” according to this Reuters article. While officials increased U.N. Police Division’s (UNPOL) patrol frequency along the 227-mile border to deter child trafficking, post-quake stats proved even more egregious. A Miami Herald article reported traffickers smuggled more than 1,411 boys and girls out of the country just one month following the earthquake, a number that increased to 7,300 through October 2010, eight months later.

Nevertheless, Stopak-Behr remained optimistic about the DR’s first child traffickers’ conviction. “We hope it will have a preventive effect and help stop the constant flow of children into the Dominican Republic,” said the spokesperson to reporters, emphasizing, “The Dominicans had been criticized for some time now for not bringing many trafficking cases to trial.”

Partnering with the Haitian Embassy in Santo Domingo among other child protection entities, IOM helped transition the children to normal life. “Following successful pre-return risk assessments, the children were subsequently moved, by IOM, from the Dominican Republic to Haiti,” read a note posted on its website.

Presidential couple Michel and Sofia Martelly at historic flag display. Source: Facebook

Haitians across the globe celebrated, on May 18, 2012, the birth of a symbol: Haiti’s bi-color blue and red; hence, commemorated 209 years since that solemn day in 1803 when Catherine Flon sewed the first Haitian flag. Mobilized around their collective aspiration, adamant bravery and inalienable rights to liberty and equality, Haiti’s Founding founders embarked on a collision course with history.

Reflecting on Haiti’s endless struggle last week, contemporaries of former slaves remembered how their forebears willed their destiny to abolitionism, independence and ultimately plunged a dagger into the heart of Imperialism. More than two centuries later, their legacy prevailed, reminding generations of Haitians of freedom’s herculean price and their obligation to its ideals.

Throughout the revolutionary war, recounted Journalist Fleurimond W. Kerns in his 2003 article “The Haitian Flag: Birth of a Symbol,” the indigenous army that overwhelmed Napoleon’s forces carried France’s tricolor blue, white and red flag that pioneer Toussaint L’Ouverture adopted in 1798. However, following Louverture’s capture and extradition to France’s Fort-de-Joux, a military outpost in the Jura Mountains where he died, his first lieutenant Jean Jacques Dessalines’ heroics gave new directions to Hispaniola’s slave rebellion. Although a major setback for the movement, Louverture’s arrest led to his famous declaration on-board his captors’ vessel headed to France. “In overthrowing me,” he said, “You have done no more than cut down the trunk of the tree of blacks’ liberty in Saint Domingue. It will spring back by its roots, because they are numerous and deep,” quotes that historians argued helped propel the revolution to its final phase.

Catherine Flon and Haiti's flag featured on a ten Haitian Gourdes (HTG) banknote. Source: Banknote Collectors Community

During last weekend’s ceremonies in the town of Arcahaie, historic birthplace of Haiti’s flag, President Michel Martelly referenced Flon’s needle, as the glue that bonded red and blue bands together, giving Haitians their pride and dignity as human beings. Expanding on Martelly’s metaphor, Gandy Thomas, Haiti’s General Consul in Atlanta, Ga., highlighted the needle’s expansive role in the fabric of the republic. “The needle of Catherine Flon sewed together the unity of this society of men determined to seek, by the force of arms, the way to freedom,” said Thomas during his commemorative speech. “The needle of Catherine Flon also sewed their commitments of one another to live as equals,” he added. Many Haitians, including Thomas, believe the symbolism of May 18, 1803 is as relevant today as the ideals of the sons of freedom valid. The Founding Fathers’ ultimate sacrifice, argued this point of view, planted seeds of freedom that have yet to materialize for the Haitian population.

Gandy Thomas, Haiti's General Consul in Atlanta, Ga. Source: Haitian Post

As anger flared over Louverture’s epic fall, all leaders of the Haitian Revolution set aside their differences during the Congress of Arcahaie and swore allegiance to Dessalines: their new leader. The unity achieved at the congress was essential to a successful completion of the revolution, beginning with Dessalines first major act cataloged by Kerns. “He grabbed a red, white and blue flag, and with a sharp jerk, ripped the white stripe to pieces and joined the blue and red together, making the first Haitian flag, symbolizing the union against the colonialist, pro-slavery France.” Dessalines then handed the remaining blue and white stripes to his god-daughter Catherine Flon who sewed them together horizontally, mobilizing revolting slaves under the Oath of the Ancestors: “freedom or death” written boldly on their new flag. Although widely regarded by Haitians as one of the nation’s founding heroes, Flon did not figure on Haitian currency until year 2000.

As the country struggles to build a more perfect union, her needle remains a powerful symbol of unity that can reunite today’s complex and fragmented Haitian society to honor the memories and sacrifices of its brave ancestors. Concluding his eloquent speech, Thomas reminded leaders of their obligation to the pioneers’ aspiration of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. “The needle of Catherine Flon finally sewed the ideals of brotherhood among men who solemnly swore to no longer live in subhuman conditions imposed by the slave system,” he said. “For it is we, the ruling elites,” he concluded, “who must lead the battle and emerge victorious.”

Haitians & Friends' leadership board

“What really moved me,” admitted Jean-Paul Benoit, president of Haitians and Friends (HF) during our interview, “We realized there was no Haitian presence at the university, so we suggested the club.” After obtaining Student Government’s approval on March 1, 2012, Benoit and six other students officially launched the first Haitian organization at University of North Carolina’s 66-year-old Charlotte campus. “Even when we don’t have a huge Haitian community here, as opposed to Florida or New York,” added the graduating senior, “I think we can work to give our country a voice and show what Haiti really is.”

Organizational goals and objectives, according to Public Relations Coordinator Sebastien Francois, aimed at shattering succinct summations of chronic misery enveloping Haiti’s conventional image. “We want to promote Haiti and Haitian culture within a student demographic that know very little about our history,” he said. Francois, who plans to continue his postgraduate studies at UNCC’s William States Lee College of Engineering, completed his junior year this spring. Francois’ argument is not a singular perception within the organization, though. Concerns over Haiti’s global image spread well beyond HP’s goals and objectives.

Haiti's Minister of Tourism's New Logo

Several communication campaigns designed to surgically reconstruct the country’s image surfaced recently, starting with Minister of Tourism Stephanie Balmir Villedrouin selecting a new logo and slogan for a public relation campaign she hoped would help revitalize Haiti’s tourism industry. Similarly, the Haitian Consulate in Orlando, Fla launched Decouvrir Haiti last week, a campaign dedicated to improving Haiti’s image during Haitian Cultural Heritage Month celebrated in May. Moreover, Miami Herald’s “Haiti’s Rebranding itself as Tourism Destination,” reinforced perceptions of an ongoing collective effort to put a new face on Haiti. Some 20 Haitian hoteliers attended Miami’s Caribbean Hotel & Resort Investment Summit (CHRIS) to focus on recent tourism trends in the Caribbean, reported award-winning journalists Jacqueline Charles. Beyond the collective image building, proactive individuals, such as Journalist Erilande Sully also launched Destination, a new magazine dedicated to Haiti’s beauty: nationally and internationally, something club President Benoit found particularly appealing.

Sebastien Francois- Public relations Coordinator

Club President Jean Paul Benoit

“That’s why we want to ensure a successful launched of HF,” he said, enumerating numerous challenges the organization faced. “Capturing the interests of people who, to some extent, have no idea where Haiti is, will be difficult,” remarked the 24-year-old finance major that plans to return to Haiti following his December graduation. Since inception, explained Benoit, HF enjoyed relative success, attracting at least 25 students of diverse ethnic backgrounds to some club meetings. “We have had Jamaicans, Africans, Dominicans and Venezuelans, among others, who participated in our meetings,” declared Benoit who emphasized the club was not a mean to mobilize Haitians only. “We must keep in mind the organization is here for everyone promoting Haiti: Haitians and foreigners alike,” he added.

Talking about the club’s legacy, strategic recruiting would ensure continuity and strong leadership in the near future, said the president. Benoit also admitted to recruiting 10 young Haitians throughout the U.S. and Haiti who will, within the next four years, replace the governing body and keep the organization active. “We will use every resource at our disposal to get greatest exposure and ensure continuity,” he added. For his part, faculty Advisor Fritz Hjardemaal, a young Haitian working at UNCC’s Information Technology Services, felt the club had the right structure in place to not only ensure its survival, but also thrive. HF’s constitution, its governing body and recruiting mechanisms would facilitate the club’s long-term progress, explained Hjadermaal during an interview.

Fritz Hjardemaal- Faculty:staff advisor

To that end, Francois detailed his plans to propel the organization to new heights next semester, including bringing Haitian guest speakers to UNCC, offering ethnic dance lessons and, collaborating with established organization to increase HF’s visibility. In fact, President Benoit recently secured a student membership program from the Latin American Chamber of Commerce of Charlotte (LACCC) where HF would be its campus liaison. Under that agreement, the club would represent the Chamber on campus; recruit students and help them obtain internships, networking and job opportunities within the organization. Club members agreed LACCC’s membership was a great acquisition that would lead to many opportunities for a club barely a semester old.

Throughout our interviews with club members, one underlying theme reemerged constantly. “Haiti is not known around the world for the things that we do best,” said Hjardemaal, who expressed great pride in HF’s leadership board. “It is great to have such a dedicated group of young men here at the university, helping to change those negative perceptions,” he added.

Leader of United Democratic Convention Evans Paul. Source: Radio Vision 2000

“The current governance of the country has nothing to do with democracy,” declared Evans Paul, leader of United Democratic Convention KID (French acronym), intervening live on Invite du Jour. “The country faces an autocracy in which the closest advisors of the head of state dares not provide him any council,” added Paul on Radio Vision 2000’s popular weekday talk show where decorated journalists Valery Numa and Marie Lucie Bonhomme discuss current events with prominent political leaders. Assessing the state of the Nation, the former presidential candidate criticized the Martelly administration he said, since assuming office on May 14, 2011, weakened state institutions and provoked political degradation.

Martelly, whose right shoulder surgery at a Miami hospital early last month prevented his attending Colombia’s sixth Summit of the Americas, rushed back to Miami nearly three weeks ago, suffering from pulmonary embolism. His sudden return to the hospital puzzled many leaders, including Paul who expressed serious concerns over the country’s lack of leadership, absent a legitimate government. Equally alarmed, senate President Simon Desras echoed Paul’s concerns speaking with the Miami Herald. “No one knows in which hospital the president is, what he suffers from,” admitted Desras whose immediate resolution involved flying a delegation to Martelly’s hospital. “There is a void,” added the National Assembly’s president, “No one knows who is running the country.”

However, the president maintained, in two pre-recorded video played on state television a week apart, while doctors discovered a blood clot in his lungs, he had a direct line of communication with his cabinet.  During his first appearance since the incident, Martelly detailed his brush with death to Haitian radio host Alex Saint-Surin. “I couldn’t breathe, I couldn’t talk, I couldn’t eat, I couldn’t stand, I couldn’t lay down, I couldn’t do anything,” recounted the head of state during Radio Mega’s North Miami Beach’s live broadcast. “My stomach was compressed,” he added, “It felt as if three people were pressing down on it.”

As the president focused on his recovery, sporadic violent incidents sprung around the Haitian capital, heightening a sense of insecurity. Rogues forces claiming ex-soldiers status, stormed the House of Deputies and disrupted the ratification process of designated Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe. The heavily armed men demanded acknowledgment from lawmakers in their quests for restitution and to reconstitute the Armed Forces of Haiti. President Martelly condemned the gunmen who wore military uniform and, some of which carried hand grenades; nevertheless, they challenged government authority, chanted slogans and called on lawmakers to restore the army disbanded in 1995 by former President Jean Bertrand Aristide. Many leaders, including House President Levaillant Louis-Jeune, denounced the paramilitary’s disruption as a threat to state institutions: hence democracy itself.

Haitian President Michel Martelly

Following that incident, police officers overlooking judicial apparatus to avenge their colleague Walky Calixte’s death, attempted the unwarranted arrest of deputy Rodriguez Sejour they alleged murdered their brethren. Anger flared following a crime spree that, within 24 hours, left three members of the Haitian National Police dead. As a result, officers went on strike and barricaded major highways in protest. Deputy Sejour immediately issued a statement, rejecting the allegations officers made against him. Even more alarming, the entire Justice Department also went on strike with its own list of demands, hoping to pressure the executive branch to finally install Haiti’s highest Court, as the Haitian Constitution required. President Martelly, who recently filled four remaining vacancies on the Court, postponed their swearing-in ceremony indefinitely. As lawyers and judges urged immediate actions from the administration, they threatened to stop working until the government takes appropriate actions. The U.S. embassy in Haiti even issued warnings to its citizens, citing sporadic incidents of civil unrest occurring in various locations of Port-au-Prince, reported the Miami Herald.

On Invite du Jour, Paul attributed the leadership void to Martelly’s inexperience in the political realm. “The current crises are the result of total ignorance of the head of state in politics,” he said. “Many observers questioned the ability of President Michel Martelly to govern the country, due to his lax approach to important state matters,” he added. For Minister of Economy and Finance Andre Georges Lemercier however, the reality vastly differed from Paul’s depiction. “The government is not dysfunctional in the absence of President Michel Martelly,” he assured Radio Vision 2000 reporters. “Besides,” he added, “Almost all Departments are hard at work.” Reinforcing Martelly’s message to the nation, Lemercier told journalists, “Now the government is healthy.”

Congresswoman Maxine Waters

April 26, 2012                                                                                                           Con­tact: Mikael Moore
For Imme­di­ate Release                                                                                         Phone: (202) 225‑2201

Con­gress­woman Waters Urges State Depart­ment to
Use U.S. Influ­ence to Avoid Chaos in Haiti

Wash­ing­ton – Con­gress­woman Max­ine Waters (D-CA), a strong advo­cate for the Hait­ian peo­ple in the U.S. Con­gress, sent a let­ter to Sec­re­tary of State Hillary Clin­ton dated April 24, 2012, express­ing grave con­cern about the cur­rent polit­i­cal cri­sis in Haiti.  Con­gress­woman Bar­bara Lee (D-CA), Con­gress­woman Yvette Clarke (D-NY), and Con­gress­man John Cony­ers (D-MI) also signed the Congresswoman’s let­ter.  The text of the let­ter follows:

“As con­gres­sional friends of the peo­ple of Haiti, we have been observ­ing the recent polit­i­cal cri­sis in that coun­try with grave concern.

“The sud­den and unex­pected res­ig­na­tion of Prime Min­is­ter Garry Conille is a cause for seri­ous con­cern.  We had the oppor­tu­nity to meet with him on sev­eral occa­sions, includ­ing while he was in Wash­ing­ton, DC, on Feb­ru­ary 9th.  We believed he was ideal for the job.  He appeared to be very hard-working and ded­i­cated to the peo­ple of Haiti.  He was work­ing hard to develop pro­duc­tive rela­tion­ships with Pres­i­dent Michel Martelly and mem­bers of the Hait­ian Par­lia­ment.  We sup­ported his efforts to improve trans­parency as it relates to gov­ern­ment con­tracts and other impor­tant gov­ern­ment business.

“Prior to his res­ig­na­tion, there were rumors that his life had been threat­ened.  We urged him to share this infor­ma­tion with the U.S. State Depart­ment.  Unfor­tu­nately, less than one month after we met with him, he resigned.  Prime Min­is­ter Conille’s res­ig­na­tion does not speak well for Haiti.

“We are also con­cerned about the deci­sion to drop all charges against Jean-Claude “Baby Doc” Duva­lier for human rights vio­la­tions com­mit­ted dur­ing his fifteen-year reign.  We sus­pect that this deci­sion is an attempt to exon­er­ate him and rein­te­grate him into Hait­ian soci­ety.  We are espe­cially con­cerned that his reha­bil­i­ta­tion appar­ently has the sup­port of Pres­i­dent Martelly.  What does this mean?  Is there a cred­i­ble, inde­pen­dent jus­tice sys­tem in Haiti at this time?

“We are fur­ther con­cerned by the rumors that for­mer Pres­i­dent Jean-Bertrand Aris­tide may be arrested based on trumped-up cor­rup­tion charges.  These rumors could be an indi­ca­tion that Pres­i­dent Aristide’s life is in dan­ger.  Is this true?  Is Pres­i­dent Aristide’s life in dan­ger?  Pres­i­dent Aris­tide con­tin­ues to have sub­stan­tial and wide­spread sup­port in Haiti.  If any harm should come to him, it would cause tur­moil and dis­rup­tion in Haiti.  Fur­ther­more, the out­cry and dis­rup­tion would only serve to set Haiti back, dis­cour­age invest­ment, and cre­ate yet another cri­sis in this trou­bled country.

“The United States played an impor­tant role in resolv­ing the issues sur­round­ing Haiti’s last pres­i­den­tial elec­tion.  Our action’s helped posi­tion Pres­i­dent Michel Martelly to emerge from the Novem­ber 2010 elec­tion as the strongest can­di­date, thus enabling him to win the runoff elec­tion the fol­low­ing spring.  While some of us may have ques­tioned the role the United States played in the elec­tions, once the elec­tion took place, many of us vowed to give sup­port to the new pres­i­dent and do every­thing we can to assist him in address­ing Haiti’s urgent needs for hous­ing, cholera treat­ment, infra­struc­ture, and job cre­ation.  Just as the United States accepted respon­si­bil­ity for the cri­sis over the elec­tion, we have great hope that the United States will accept respon­si­bil­ity for the polit­i­cal cri­sis Haiti is fac­ing now.

“An espe­cially wor­ri­some devel­op­ment is the unof­fi­cial reestab­lish­ment of the army.  Prior to his elec­tion, Pres­i­dent Martelly sup­ported the reestab­lish­ment of the army, despite the fact that it is known pri­mar­ily among the Hait­ian peo­ple for its gross vio­la­tions of human rights.  The inter­na­tional com­mu­nity appears to agree that there should be no fund­ing or sup­port for the reestab­lish­ment of the army at this time.  How­ever, it appears that the army is being orga­nized on an unof­fi­cial basis.  Old police sta­tions have been taken over by for­mer mem­bers and sup­port­ers of the army and the bru­tal ton­ton macoutes para­mil­i­tary force, and these indi­vid­u­als are con­duct­ing train­ing exer­cises through­out Haiti.

“We rec­og­nize that Haiti is a sov­er­eign nation and has the right to develop its own laws and poli­cies.  How­ever, the Amer­i­can peo­ple have been very sup­port­ive of Haiti since the earth­quake, and the United States has taken a lead­ing role in sup­port­ing democ­racy and recon­struc­tion.  The United States Con­gress pro­vided emer­gency sup­ple­men­tal appro­pri­a­tions for relief efforts and passed leg­is­la­tion to can­cel Haiti’s mul­ti­lat­eral debts.  We can­not sit by idly and watch while cur­rent events under­mine our efforts.

“We respect­fully urge you to estab­lish a com­mis­sion to over­see Haiti’s polit­i­cal devel­op­ment.  Fur­ther­more, we urge you to work with the Martelly admin­is­tra­tion, the Hait­ian Par­lia­ment, and rep­re­sen­ta­tives of civil soci­ety in Haiti to ensure that human rights are respected, demo­c­ra­tic progress is not reversed, and polit­i­cal insta­bil­ity and chaos are not allowed to inter­fere with Haiti’s devel­op­ment.  Finally, we urge you to keep us informed about the work of this com­mis­sion and polit­i­cal devel­op­ments in Haiti.  Sta­ble, effec­tive gov­er­nance is crit­i­cal for Haiti’s future.”

To read more about Con­gress­woman Waters’ long­time work on Haiti, click here.

Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos (UN Photo/Susan Markisz)

“We must improve our cooperation with Haiti,” pleaded Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos to his 32 American homologous partners attending the Sixth Summit of the Americas the weekend of April 14-15. Intervening on behalf of the earthquake stricken nation, Santos said rather than helping individually, countries should collaborate to maximize their impact on Haiti’s recovery. Haiti’s weak infrastructure crumbled on Jan. 12, 2010 when a magnitude 7.0 earthquake hit the island nation, killing more than 300,000 people.

While Cuba’s absence highlighted this year’s summit, Haiti received strong support from the Colombian leader who perceived the country’s problems as a hemispheric affair, in lieu of a separate entity. “We must take ownership of the agenda of [Haiti’s] government and integrate it into our actions,” declared Santos on Caribbean Journal’s reporting. Founded in 2011, the Miami-based news magazine focuses on Caribbean affairs, offering its readers a regional news source.

President Michel Martelly, who cancelled his trip to the summit following his doctors’ orders, welcomed Santos’ statements with open arms. “President Santos has shown that he is concerned about the situation of our country,” said the head of state that had surgery on his right shoulder just a week ago before the summit. “He showed a great political vision in proposing joint action of all the countries in the Americas to join us for the reconstruction and development of our country, and the improvement of the conditions of the Haitian people,” added Martelly who informed the national media of the last minute changes late Friday. “On recommendations of his physicians, the president was forced to rest in order to ensure a safe and full recovery,” read an unsigned note issued by the president’s communication office. Prime Minister-Designate Laurent Salvador Lamothe, the resigning Foreign Minister, would represent Haiti at the summit, emphasized the note.

Summit of the Americas

Lamothe, 39, received the approval nod from 19 senators in the first phase of his ratification process last week, though not without controversy. While some senators, including West Department representative Steven Benoit, contended Martelly’s close friend and business partner was ineligible due to irregularities found in his documents, others in the majority said those claims were circumstantial. As they propelled Lamothe to the second phase that will take place in the House of Deputies midweek, senators decried a lack of concrete evidence or a smoking gun to change their votes. Martelly proposed Lamothe for the post of PM following Garry Conille resignation nearly five months after receiving a narrow senate majority and 98 percent approval from the lower house.

Back in Cartagena, Cuba’s exclusion from the summit became a point of contention between South and North American nations, dividing the hemisphere and preventing the proclamation of a final declaration from the event. Many participating nations even threatened to boycott Panama’s 2015 Summit should Havana’s omission persist. Nevertheless, Santos’ message on Haiti’s recovery efforts was crystal clear; “We must work together in unity with the government of Haiti to be able to overcome its problems,” hammered the host of the summit. “Because in the past,” explained Santos, “The priorities of the Haitian people have at times been missed.”

US Ambassador to Haiti Kenneth Merten at a press conference, declaring President Michel Martelly a Haitian citizen.

Suspicions surrounding Martelly’s nationality snowballed the national press for months, as he taunted senators and even dared them to dislodge his passports from his pockets. “The president’s passport will remain in the president’s pockets,” joked Martelly to journalists. “You have no legal authority to investigate my nationality,” he later sniped at persisting senators. However, when the snowball transformed into an avalanche, destroying the president’s credibility, Merten offered him a get-out-of-jail pass. “President Martelly is not an American,” declared the ambassador, “He is Haitian.” Merten, a career diplomat officially serving as ambassador to Haiti since Aug. 24, 2009, made the controversial comments appearing alongside Martelly during a highly publicized press conference where the president showcased eight passports, hoping to stop the allegation’s domino effect.

President Martelly showing his passport to haiti's national press

If Merten’s intervention appeased some critics, it angered many more and, to a large extent, further obfuscated matters for Martelly. Speaking with the Washington Times, Stanley Gaston who presides over Port-au-Prince’s Bar Association, openly criticized the ambassador’s actions. “Listen to me good,” drilled Gaston into reporters. “If President Martelly is not an American citizen, then the United States doesn’t have to go into this debate at all.” Standing on Constitutional ground, other critics also spat fire at Merten and urged legal actions against him. Invoking article 56 of the 1987 Constitution, which stipulates, “An alien may be expelled from the territory of the republic if he becomes involved in the political life of the country, or in cases determined by law,” many opinion leaders decried Merten’s explicit interference in Haitian politics as ground to expel him.

Addressing growing critics, the ambassador whose incumbency ends later this year, said he could not understand why people criticized both his initial silence on the matter and his intervening on behalf of the president. During an exclusive interview with Tele Metropole, Merten reiterated his claim: Martelly was not an American citizen; emphasizing both the U.S. State Department and the president authorized his intervention. It was impossible, explained Merten, for an American citizen to also have an U.S. alien card, revealing Martelly surrendering his residency card to the U.S. Embassy in May 2011, shortly after his swearing-in as Haiti’s 56^th president.

US Ambassador to Haiti Kenneth Merten

Many senators felt Merten’s revelations confirmed that, contrary to strict constitutional imperatives, Martelly won Haiti’s highest office as a U.S. resident or citizen. Yet, Ralph Theano who oversees communications between the executive and parliament felt the ambassador’s affirmation should help close the investigation. During a phone interview, Theano said the diplomat’s statements should dispel all suspicions surrounding the president who was a native of Haiti. However, lawmakers disagreed; “A foreign diplomat cannot close a senate investigation,” replied Sorel Jacinthe, former president of the House of Deputies.

Meanwhile, investigators casted more doubts over the president nationality, highlighting numerous irregularities that surfaced under their microscopes. In fact, Senator Jean-Charles who initiated the citizenship investigation alleged the executive had an entire team forging its documents, allegations the government characterized as a witch hunt created to destabilize the administration.

President Michel Martelly. Source: Martelly's Facebook page

An almighty Head of State cornered by a trigger-happy parliamentary firing squad must obtain a senate majority to see his designated Prime Minister Laurent Salvador Lamothe through the ratification process.

Many senators, namely John Joel Joseph who represents the West Department, exhorted resigning Foreign Affairs Minister Lamothe, rather than relying on President Michel Martelly, to take his fate in his own hands. As the legislator explained to reporters, Martelly’s credibility deficiencies with lawmakers rendered him obsolete and incapable of securing a clear majority, which he inferred lessened Lamothe’s chances of surviving the senate. Joseph highlighted the president’s constant conflicting relationship with the regulatory body and his undermining parliament’s authority as major deterrence to successful negotiations. He called on Lamothe to allocate his own allies within the upper house, absent any representing members of the executive in the National Assembly or Martelly’s negotiating power.

During an interview late last week, Joseph revealed that senators from various political parties began talking about creating a new majority, a move political analysts argued would isolate the head of state, excluding him from the negotiation table. “This block should be established to enable parliamentarians to have a space to discuss issues relating to the challenges the country currently faced,” hammered Joseph who emphasized a united senate would help move the country forward. Confirming his colleague’s revelation, Senator Francisco De La Cruz deemed the multiparty majority vital in addressing the population’s pressing needs, including forming a new government. “It will not be a majority created around the ratification of the designated prime minister, but we want to discuss major political issues of the state,” echoed De La Cruz.

President Michel Martelly (right) and resigning Foreign Affairs Minister Laurent Lamothe (left). Source: Le Nouvelliste

President Martelly nominated close friend Lamothe for the post, days after Prime Minister Garry Conille offered him his resignation letter. However, friction at the highest level of state institutions promised a difficult process for the resigning minister. Martelly’s Group 16 that facilitated Conille’s ratification exploded during his tug-of-war with lawmakers, forcing the embattled head of state back to square one to fight the negotiation battle on his adversaries’ turf.

Voting Haitian Senate

Meanwhile, as Haitian leaders wrapped themselves in this prolonged political entanglement, the United Nations denounced a lack of necessary resources to fund humanitarian services in Haiti. “The humanitarian community seeks $231 million to fund its work in the island nation this year,” revealed a statement released yesterday on behalf of Nigel Fisher, UN’s humanitarian coordinator in Haiti. “So far,” emphasized the note, “It has only received 8.5 per cent of that amount.” Those developments, inferred critics, had a linear relationship with the struggling Caribbean nation’s lack of a legitimate government to revive its stagnated recovery efforts; yet, Haitian leaders ineptitude persisted.

Since assuming office on May 14, 2011, his Excellency’s political capital nearly dissipated bumping from crisis to crisis. Last week, the House of Deputies released the results of its investigation into the matter, which placed President Martelly at the commands, piloting the unconstitutional arrest and brief incarceration of Deputy Arnel Belizaire late last year. Furthermore, ongoing senate investigations into both Lamothe and Martelly’s alleged foreign citizenship status fueled more controversies that weakened the administration, argued some analysts who theorized the senate’s dealings sought not only to isolate Martelly, but also to turn his friend Lamothe against him.