Indian Dalit Muslims' Voice

संविधान (अनुसूचित जाति) आदेश-1950 निरस्त करने के लिए पीएम मोदी के नाम खुला ख़त

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sat, 10 Aug 2019 19:22:00 +0530

यूसुफ़ अंसारी (Yusuf Ansari)

मोदी जी, पंडित नेहरू की एक और ग़लती सुधारिए, मुसलमान और ईसाई दलितों को इंसाफ़ दिलाइए

आदरणीय प्रधानमंत्री जी आदाब अर्ज़ है,

सबसे पहले तो आपको बधाई दे दूं कि आपने जम्मू कश्मीर को लेकर बहुत बड़ा और कड़ा फैसला किया। ऐसा करने की हिम्मत दिखाने के लिए आपको दिल की गहराइयों से बधाई। दूसरे ट्रिपल तलाक़ के खिलाफ़ आपने एक क़ानून बनाया। हालांकि कुछ प्रावधानों से असहमति के बावजूद आपके इस क़दम का समर्थन करता हूं और उम्मीद करता हूं कि मुस्लिम समुदाय के हित में मुसलमानों के निजी क़ानूनों मेंं जिन और सुधारों की ज़रूरत है उन पर भी आप इसी तरह सख़्ती से फैसला लेंगे।

झा ट्रिपल तलाक़ के ख़िलाफ़ क़ानून बनाकर आप ने राजीव गांधी की गलती को सुधारा है। वहींं अनुच्छेद 370 को निष्प्रभावी करके आपने पंडित नेहरू की ग़लती को सुधारने का दावा किया है।

संविधान के अनुच्छेद 370 को निष्प्रभावी करके जम्मू कश्मीर का विशेष दर्जा ख़त्म करने के पीछे आफने वजह बताई है कि इससे संविधान में दिए गए बराबरी के अधिकारों का उल्लंघन हो रहा था। राष्ट्र के नाम अपने संबोधन में आपने इस बात का ज़िक्र किया है कि 1947 में पश्चिमी पाकिस्तान से आए क़रीब 5000 हिंदू परिवार जम्मू में रह रहे थे। उनको अनुच्छेद 370 की वजह से ही वहां की नागरिकता नहीं मिल पा रही थी। आपने इस तथ्य को स्थापित कर दिया है कि अनुच्छेद 370 पंडित नेहरू की एक बहुत बड़ी भूल थी। इसे सुधारा जाना ज़रूरी था। इस पर आपको कांग्रेस के भीतर तक से समर्थन मिल रहा है। इसके लिए आपको हार्दिक बधाई.

ट्रिपल तलाक़ के ख़िलाफ़ बनाए गए क़ानून के पीछे भी यही तर्क दिया गया था कि ट्रिपल तलाक मुस्लिम महिलाओं के साथ नाइंसाफी है और उनके संविधान में दिया गया पुरुषों के बराबर की बराबरी के अधिकार का उल्लंघन करती है। क़ानून मंत्री रविशंकर प्रसाद ने हमेशा कहा है कि ट्रिपल तलाक़ के मुद्दे को धार्मिक चश्मे से ना देखा जाए। बल्कि इस मुद्दे को लैंगिक समानता, महिला अधिकार और सशक्तिकरण के साथ ही संविधान में दिए गए बुनियादी अधिकारों के आधार पर हल किया जाए। ट्रिपल तलाक़ से संबंधित संसद और संसद के बाहर दिए गए उनके भाषणों का यही सार रहा है।

आदरणीय प्रधानमंत्री जी, पंडित नेहरू की एक ऐसी एक और बड़ी भूल है जिसकी वजह से देश में करोड़ों लोगों के साथ नाइंसाफी हो रही है। उनके अधिकारों का हनन किया जा रहा है। यह भूल संविधान के में दिए गए बराबरी और धार्मिक आजादी के अधिकारों का अतिक्रमण करती है। इस भूल को सुधारने के लिए लंबे समय से सामाजिक संघर्ष चल रहा है। पिछले 15 साल से मामला सुप्रीम कोर्ट में भी है। लेकिन केंद्र सरकार सुप्रीम कोर्ट में अपना पक्ष रखने को तैयार नहीं है। कांग्रेस के नेतृत्व वाली यूपीए सरकार ने पूरे 10 साल इस मामले पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट के सामने टालू रवैया अपनाया है। पिछले 5 साल से आपकी सरकार ने भी सुप्रीम कोर्ट में इस बारे में अपना पक्ष नही रखा है।

आप सोच रहे होंगे कि आख़िर पंडित नेहरू की वो कौन सी बड़ी ग़लती है और कौन लोग उससे प्रभावित हो रहे हैंं? मैं आपको बताता चलूं कि मामला संविधान के अनुच्छेद 341 का है। यह अनुच्छेद अनुसूचित जातियों के लोगों को उनकी आबादी के अनुपात में शिक्षण संस्थानों और सरकारी नौकरियों में आरक्षण सुनिश्चित करता है। 26 जनवरी 1950 को जब संविधान लागू हुआ तो उस समय अनुसूचित जाति धर्मनिरपेक्ष आधार पर तय होती थींं। यानी अनुसूचित जातियां कौन होगी इसे धर्म का कोई लेना देना नहीं था। लेकिन 10 अगस्त 1950 को तात्कालीन पंडित जवाहरलाल नेहरू की सरकार ने तात्कालीन राष्ट्रपति राजेंद्र प्रसाद के ज़रिए संविधान (अनुसूचित जाति) आदेश 1950 लागू करके यह व्यवस्था कर दी कि सिर्फ हिंदू धर्म को मानने वाले ही अनुसूचित जातियों की सूची में शामिल किए जाएंगे। सिख, बौद्ध, ईसाई और इस्लाम धर्म को मानने वाले इस दायरे से बाहर रहेंगे। इस आदर्श इस आदेश में इसकी कोई वजह नहीं बताई गई है।

राष्ट्रपति का यह आदेश संविधान में अनुच्छेद 14 के तहत दिए गए बराबरी के अधिकार का सीधा-सीधा उल्लंघन है। अनुच्छेद 14 कहता है कि सरकार अपने नागरिकों के बीच धर्म, जाति, नस्ल, जन्म स्थान या से लिंग के आधार पर किसी तरह का भेदभाव नहीं करेगी। राष्ट्रपति के इस आदेश से संविधान का अनुच्छेद 14 दलित आरक्षण के मामले में निष्प्रभावी हो या। इस पर उस समय सिखों के बड़े नेता ताराचंद में पंडित नेहरू पर वादाख़िलाफ़ी का आरोप लगाया। बताता चलूं कि संविधान सभा में सिखों को यह गारंटी दी थी हिंदू धर्म छोड़कर सिख धर्म अपनाने वालों का दलित स्टेटस बरकरार रहेगा। यानी धर्म बदलने से उन्हें आरक्षण के दायरे से बाहर नहीं किया जाएगा।

सिखों के तीखे विरोध के बाद 1956 में इस आदेश में संशोधन किया गया। सिख धर्म को हिंदू धर्म का ही एक पंथ क़रार देते हुए उसे हिंदू धर्म का हिस्सा बता दिया गया। इस तरह सिख धर्म अपना चुके दलितों को आरक्षण की व्यवस्था बदस्तूर जाने की जारी रहने की छूट मिल गई। इसके बाद 1990 में एक बार फिर इस आदेश में संशोधन किया गया और नव बौद्धों के लिए भी शिक्षा संस्थानों और सरकारी नौकरियों में आरक्षण का रास्ता खुल गया। राष्ट्रपति के इस आदेश के मौजूदा प्रावधान कहता है कि केवल हिंदू, सिख और बौद्ध धर्म मानने वाले ही अनुसूचित जातियों में शामिल किए जाएंगे। यानी आज भी यह आदेश संविधान के अनुच्छेद 14 का सीधा सीधा उल्लंघन कर रहा है।

1995 में तात्कालीन प्रधानमंत्री नरसिम्हा राव ने ईसाई धर्म अपना चुके दलितों को भी इसी श्रेणी में आरक्षण देने के लिए इस आदेश में संशोधन की कोशिश की थी। उस वक़्त बीजेपी ने इसका जबरदस्त विरोध किया था। लालकृष्ण आडवाणी और मुरली मनोहर जोशी समेत बीजेपी के तमाम वरिष्ठ नेताओं ने तात्कालीन राष्ट्रपति शंकर दयाल शर्मा से मिलकर सरकार को ऐसा करने से रोकने की गुजारिश की थी। उस वक्त यह तर्क दिया गया था कि ईसाई और इस्लाम धर्म भारतीय मूल के नहीं हैं। दोनों ही धर्म समानता के सिद्धांत पर आधारित हैंं। इनमें हिंदू समाज की तरह वर्ण व्यवस्था नहीं है। यह दोनों धर्म अपनाने के बाद दलित सामाजिक रूप से अछूत नहीं समझा जाता। इस लिए अनुसूचित जातियों के दायरे में उन्हें आरक्षण नहीं दिया जा सकता। उसके बाद से ही मुसलमान और ईसाई दलित अपने हक़ के लिए हर मोर्चे पर लड़ रहे हैं। लेकिन उन्हें कहीं इंसाफ नहीं मिल रहा।

दरअसल यह तर्क कई गंभीर सवाल खड़े करता है पहले सवाल यह है कि क्या अनुसूचित जातियों को आरक्षण उन्हें अछूत होने की वजह से लिया गया है? क्या हिंदू समाज आज भी वर्ण व्यवस्था को मान्यता देता है? संविधान के अनुच्छेद 17 के तहत छुआछूत को पूरी तरह खत्म किए जाने के बाद भी हिंदू समाज में छुआछूत की मान्यता है? अगर ऐसा है तो धर्म के नाम पर दलितों को बांटना उनके साथ और भी बड़ी नाइंसाफी है। जिस व्यक्ति के लिए सफाई का काम करने वाला व्यक्ति अछूत है। उसे इससे कोई फ़र्क़नहीं पड़ता कि उसका धर्म क्या है। उसके लिए रामकुमार भी अछूत होगा और अब्दुल रहीम भी। लिहाज़ा इस आधार पर मुसलमान और ईसाई दलितों को आरक्षण के दायरे में लाने से नहीं रोका जा सकता।

1958 का एक और कानून है जो यह कहता है कि कोई दलित अगर ईसाई या इस्लाम अपनाकर धर्म का लेता है तो उसे दलित होने के नाते मिलने वाली तमाम सुविधाएं तत्काल प्रभाव से मिलना बंद हो जाएंगी। लेकिन अगर वह फिर से ईसाई या इस्लाम धर्म छोड़कर हिंदू धर्म में वापस आ जाता है तो वह फिर से वह सारी सुविधाएं पाने का हक़दार होगा। यह क़ानून संविधान में दिए गए धार्मिक आज़ादी के मौलिक अधिकार का सीधा सीधा उल्लंघन है। एक तरफ़ संविधान लालच देकर धर्म परिवर्तन पर रोक लगाता है। वहींं संविधान की मूल भावना के ख़िलाफ़ जाकर इस देश में ऐसा कानून बनाया गया जो लोगों को किसी एक खास धर्म में रुकने पर मजबूर करता है। अगर लालच देकर किसी का धर्म बदलना संविधान के खिलाफ है तो लालच देकर किसी धर्म में रोके रखना भी संविधान की मूल भावना के खिलाफ माना जाएगा।

यहां अहम सवाल यह है कि मुसलमान और ईसाई दलितों यानी दलितों का वह वर्ग जो धर्म बदल कर मुसलमान या ईसाई हो गया है क्या वह संविधान में दिया गया बराबरी के अधिकार पाने का हक़दार है या नहीं। अगर संविधान के इसी बराबरी के अधिकार पर ट्रिपल तलाक़ को रोकने के लिए क़ानून लाया जा सकता है और अनुच्छेद 370 को निष्प्रभावी करके जम्मू कश्मीर का विशेष दर्जा खत्म किया जा सकता है तो फिर 10 अगस्त 1950 को राष्ट्रपति के हस्ताक्षर से जारी किए गए आदेश को भी निरस्त किया जा सकता है। राष्ट्रपति का यह आदेश संविधान के अनुच्छेद 14 और अनुच्छेद 25 का सीधा-सीधा उल्लंघन करता है। धर्म के आधार पर अपने नागरिकों के बीच भेदभाव करता है।

फ्रैंकलिन नाम के एक ईसाई दलित में मार्च 2004 में राष्ट्रपति के इस आदेश को चुनौती देते हुए इसे निरस्त करने की याचिका सुप्रीम कोर्ट में लगाई थी। इस याचिका पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने केंद्र सरकार से जवाब मांगा। केंद्र सरकार ने गोलमोल जवाब दिया। सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने केंद्र सरकार से पूछा था कि क्या मुसलमान और ईसाई दलितों को दलित आरक्षण क्यों नहीं दिया जा सकता? डॉ मनमोहन सिंह की यूपीए सरकार ने इस पर कोई जवाब नहीं देते हुए इस पर फ़ैसला सुप्रीम कोर्ट पर ही छोड़ दिया। यानी इस वक्त सरकार ने कहा था कि अगर सुप्रीम कोर्ट ऐसा करने का आदेश देता है तो सरकार इसमें बदलाव कर सकती है। इस पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने सरकार से दोबारा जवाब मांगा। लेकिन 2014 में अपनी विदाई तक यूपीए सरकार ने सुप्रीम कोर्ट में हलफनामा दाखिल नहीं किया। हैरानी की बात यह है कि पिछले 5 साल में आपकी सरकार ने भी सुप्रीम कोर्ट में अपना पक्ष नहीं रखा है। इस मामले पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट में आगामी सितंबर में सुनवाई शुरू होगी।

प्रधानमंत्री जी आपको ज्ञात होगा कि मई 2007 में आई रंगनाथ मिश्रा आयोग की रिपोर्ट में इस राष्ट्रपति के इस आदेश को संविधान की मूल भावना के ख़िलाफ़ बताते हुए इसे निरस्त करने की सिफारिश की थी। आयोग ने साफ कहा है कि आरक्षण देने के मामले में धार्मिक भेदभाव नहीं किया जाना चाहिए। इससे पहले 2006 में आई सच्चर कमेटी की रिपोर्ट में मुसलमानों के एक तबके की हालत दलितों से बदतर बताई गई है। यह वही तबका है जो कालांतर में इस्लाम धर्म अपनाकर मुसलमान हो गया था। धर्म बदलने से उसे मस्जिद में जाकर नमाज पढ़ने की इजाजत तो मिली। लेकिन उसके सामाजिक और शैक्षिक स्थिति में कोई फ़र्क़ नहीं आया। दलितों को शिक्षा और नौकरियों में मिली विशेष छूट और आरक्षण की वजह से उसके समकक्ष दलित वर्ग समाज में काफी आगे बढ़ गया।

प्रधानमंत्री जी इस पत्र के माध्यम से मैं आपसे पूछना चाहता हूं कि क्या मुसलमान और ईसाई दलितों के साथ यह धार्मिक भेदभाव अनंत काल तक चलता रहेगा या इस पर कभी रोक लगेगी। अगर आप संविधान में दिए गए बराबरी के अधिकारों की दुहाई देकर मुसलमानों की मर्जी के बगैर ट्रिपल तलाक़ क़ानून बना सकते हैंं, घाटी के लोगों की मर्जी पूछे बगैर बगैर अनुच्छेद 370 निष्प्रभावी करके उन्हें मिला विशेष दर्जा ख़त्म कर सकते हैंं। तो फिर राष्ट्रपति का आदेश निरस्त करके संविधान के अनुच्छेद 341 को धार्मिक भेदभाव रहित बनाने के लिए कड़ा कदम क्यों नहीं उठा सकते?

प्रधानमंत्री जी मैं आपसे निवेदन करता हूं कि आप आप पंडित नेहरू की ऐतिहासिक ग़लती को सुधारने के लिए एक और कड़ा कदम उठाने की हिम्मत दिखाइए। धार्मिक आधार पर 70 साल से भेदभाव का शिकार हो रहे मुसलमान और दलित ईसाइयों को इंसाफ दिल आइए। देश के मुसलमान-ईसाई दलित और उनकी आने वाली पीढ़ियां इसके लिए हमेशा आपकी आभारी रहेंगी।

आपका अपना,

पंडित नेहरू की ग़लती का शिकार एक भारतीय मुसलमान दलित

Courtesy: roundtableindia

भारतीय मोमिन अंसार समाज सम्‍मेलन एवं वर्तमान समय की आवश्‍यकता

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sat, 23 Mar 2019 00:31:00 +0530

दिनांक 3 मार्च 2019 को मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस के बारे में लिखने के लिए तो बहुत कुछ है, लेकिन कुछ बाते बहुत से Whatsapp Groups में लोगों की टिप्‍पणी (Comments) देखने के बाद में अपनी बात यहां पर लिख रहा हूं जिसका मकसद सिर्फ और सिर्फ अपने आप में सुधार और मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस को मजबूती प्रदान करना है। इस अपनी व्‍यक्तिगत राय के द्वारा किसी के भावना को ठेस पहुंचाना नहीं है और यदि ऐसा होता है तो में खुद जिम्‍मेदार हूं और इसके लिए शुरू में ही खेद व्‍यक्‍त करता हूं।

मोमिन तहरीक, मोमिन स्‍वतंत्रता सैनानी, मोमिन अंसार समाज सुधारक, मोमिन अंसार उलमा ए इक्राम, मोमिन अंसार तहरीक के बारे में मुझे ज्‍यादा जानकारी नहीं है इसके बावजूद में अपनी बात यहां पर रख रहा हूं। जहां तक मोमिन अंसार तहरीक की बात है जो सन् 1818 या 1820 में शायद बंगाल वर्तमान समय में बांग्‍लादेश के ढाका, मुर्शीदाबाद आदि में वहां के बुनकर विशेषकर जो कपडा उद्योग से जुडे हुए थे, अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ अपनी आवाज बुलंद कर दी थी और यही कारण है कि 1835 में जनाब सिबगतुल्‍ला अंसारी एवं उनके साथियों को अंग्रेजों ने फांसी पर चढा दिया था। छोटानागपुर/संथालपरगना (वर्तमान समय झारखंड) में शहीद ए आजम, देश रत्‍न जनाब शेख भिखारी (02 अक्‍टूबर 1811 - 08 जनवरी 1858) ने भी अंग्रेजों के जुल्‍म के खिलाफ आवाज उठाने की वजह से फांसी दे दी गई। इसी प्रकार जनाब हाजी शरियतुल्‍ला अंसारी (1781-1840) एवं उनके पुत्र जनाब मो. मोहसिन उर्फ दादुमियां (1819-1863), जनाब डॉ. मुख्‍तार अहमद अंसारी, जनाब शौकतुल्‍ला अंसारी एवं आजादी के तहरीक में, जनाब मौलाना रशीद अहमद गंगोही, जनाब मौलाना अब्‍दुल हक अंसारी, जनाब मौलाना इमामुद्दीन आदि ने जंगे आजादी में बढ-चढकर भाग लिया और मुल्‍क को आजादी दिलाई एवं कौम की रहनुमाई की।

इसके अलावा बहुत सारे मोमिन अंसार बिरादरी से संबंध रखने वाले स्‍वतंत्रता सैनानियों का अता-पता एवं कोई नामलेवा नहीं है ओर न ही इस विषयवस्‍तु पर कोई सं‍गठित तौर पर, विधिवत रिसर्च कर (तहकीकी कार्रवाई कर) ऐसे तमाम मोमिन अंसारी के सपूतों का पता लगाकर उनको सम्‍मान देना चाहिए। जो आज दिनांक तक कोई भी इस बावत मान-सम्‍मान हेतु, ब्‍यादगार हेतु कोई कार्रवाई की जाना नहीं पाई जा रही है। कभी कभी अस्‍थानीय परिप्रेक्ष्‍य में जनाब अब्‍दुल कययूम अंसारी साहब की जन्‍मदिवस मनाने की सूचना गाहे-बगाहे मिलती आ रही है। वह भी प्रोग्राम के तौर तरीके को देखने से ऐसा प्रतीत होता है और पता चलता है कि समस्‍त प्रोग्राम राजनीतिक लाभ लेने हेतु अथवा अपने आप को खुदनुमाई (प्रोत्‍साहन) किए जाना पता चलता है। यही नहीं इनके अलावा अनेकों स्‍वतंत्रता संग्राम सैनानी, सामाजिक आंदोलन से जुडे हुए, समाजसुधारक आदि जिन्‍होंने अंग्रेजों के जुल्‍म ज्‍यादती के खिलाफ अपने समाज में प्रचलित कूरितियों के खिलाफ लगातार आवाजें बुलंद की हैं और जिनका कि राष्‍ट्र निर्माण में एवं समाज के लिए उल्‍लेखनीय योगदान रहा है जिनके कुछ नाम निम्‍नानुसार हैं -

1. जनाब पीर मो. मुनीस
2. जनाब मो. अब्‍दुल मजीद
3. जनाब शेख मो. जहीर उद्दीन
4. जनाब शेख मुर्तजा हसन
5. जनाब मो. निजामुद्दीन एडवोकेट
6. जनाब शफीकुल्‍ला अंसारी
7. जनाब मौलाना अली हुसैन आसिम बिहारी
8. जनाब बख्‍त मिया उर्फ बत्‍तख मियां अंसारी

को इस तरह की कॉन्‍फ्रेंस/प्रोग्रामों में उनपर रोशनी डालते हुए उन्‍हें याद करना चाहिए जो इनके नाम फोटोज, पोस्‍टर्स, बैनर्स, फ्लैक्‍स आदि पर न के बराबर इस प्रोग्राम में देखने को मिले, बल्कि ऐसा देखने में आया कि अस्‍थानीय मोमिन कांफ्रेंस के पदाधिकारियों ने अपना ही प्रचार-प्रसार, खुदनुमाइश, इनके फोटो के साथ अपने फोटो लगाकर किया जाना पाया गया। इस प्रकार इनकी शख्सियत दब कर (गौड) रह गई है, इस ओर जितना ध्‍यान देना चाहिए था, उतना ध्‍यान नहीं दिया गया।

प्रोग्राम/कॉन्‍फ्रेंस स्‍थल पर जो भी पोस्‍टर्स अथवा बैनर्स लगे थे ऐसा लग रहा था कि व्‍यक्ति विशेष की खुदनुमाइश और किसी न किसी प्रकार का अपने आप को प्रोत्‍साहन करने की होड लगी हो और कोई भी व्‍यक्ति इस तरह के आयोजन से सहज ही अंदाजा लगा सकता है।

यह हमारी मोमिन तहरीक सन् 1900 से 1906 के बीच में कई नामों से कई क्षेत्रों में सरग्रम हो चुकी थी और जंगे आजादी से लेकर आजदी तहरीक में बढचढ कर भाग ले रही थी और मुल्‍क को आजाद करने में बहुत बडा रोल अदा किया। सन् 1906 में मुस्लिम लीग बनने के बाद इनकी कार्रवाई मुल्‍क को विभाजन से बचाने के लिए हर जगह जगजाहिर और नुमाया हो चुकी थी।

जैसा की ऊपर जिक्र किया जा चुका है कि मोमिन तहरीक, बुनकर, मोमिन अंसार बिरादरी जो अपने कारनामों (व्‍यवसाय) के कारण जानी जाती थी भारत के कई क्षेत्रों में काम कर रही थी और अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ संघर्षरथ थी और पहली आजादी की लडाई 1857 में हर स्‍तर पर, पहली आजादी की लडाई में बढचढ कर भाग लिया।

यही कारण था कि सर सैयद अहमद खान ने अपनी किताब ''अस्‍बाब ए बगावते हिंद'' में 1857 की पहली आजादी की लडाई को विद्रोह करार देते हुए पूरी जिम्‍मेदारी अंसार बिरादरी पर ''जुलाहों के ताने बाने ढीले हो गए थे'' कहकर मढ दिया था। आज अंसारी बिरादरी के कितने वीर सपूतों को स्‍वतंत्रता संग्राम सैनानी के तौर पर जाना जाता है, और इतिहास के पन्‍नों में जगह मिली है यह एक विचारणीय प्रश्‍न है। इस पर मोमिन अंसार बिरादरी को उच्‍च प्राथमि‍कता देते हुए कार्रवाई करने की जरूरत है जो आज दिनांक तक कोई भी तहकीकी कार्रवाई नहीं की गई जो बहुत ही दुख की बात है एवं खेद का विषय है।

इतिहास इस बात का गवाह है कि मुस्लिम लीग सन् 1906 में अस्तित्‍व में आने के बाद, जो पाकिस्‍तान बनाने के पक्ष में थी वही मोमिन अंसार बिरादरी के समस्‍त एसोसिएशन/ओरगानाइजेशन दो मुल्‍की नजरिए के लगातार खिलाफ रही है एवं मोमिन अंसार बिरादरी एवं अन्‍य मुस्लिम दलित समाज कहीं भी कभी भी इतिहास के पन्‍नों में पाकिस्‍तान बनाने का पक्ष नहीं मिलता है और इसका सबूत सन् 1906 से लगातार जो कि मोमिन अंसार के मजदूर समाज के लोग थे उन्‍होंने विभाजन के खिलाफ जो कार्रवाई की ऐसी कार्रवाई किसी और संगठन द्वारा नहीं की गई। अब ऐसी स्थिति में ऑल इण्डिया मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस और इसके साथ-साथ स्‍टेट मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस के पदाधिकारियों को चाहिए की प्रत्‍येक स्‍टेट में, बदलते हुए प्रदेश में अपने नुमाया कार्रवाई करे और अपनी बिरादरी को ही नहीं बल्कि समस्‍त दलित मुस्लिम समाज दबे-कुचले लोगों की, समस्‍त मुस्लिम समाज की रहनुमाई करे।

समस्‍त कॉन्‍फ्रेंस/सम्‍मेलनों की कार्रवाई को देखते हुए ऐसा महसूस हो रहा था कि मोमिन अंसारी बिरादरी एवं दलित मुस्लिम समाज के समक्ष कोई ठोस एजेण्‍डा/ भविष्‍य के लिए कोई एक्‍शन प्‍लान नहीं है ऐसी सूरते हाल में राष्‍ट्रीय मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस एवं मोमिन अंसार बिरादरी के दानिश्‍वर समस्‍त आवश्‍यक बिन्‍दुओं/मुद्दों पर कार्रवाई करने की सोच/प्‍लान बना सकते हैं, इसके लिए आवश्‍यक है कि अंसार बिरादरी के पदाधिकारी एवं दानिश्‍वरों में आपस में तालमेल, सहमति हो।

1. ऐसे समस्‍त ऑल इंडिया मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस के पदाधिकारी एवं स्‍टेट मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस के पदाधिकारी जो पिछले 3 वर्षों से पदग्रहण किए हुए हैं या उससे अधिक समय से वो अपने पद पर पदस्‍थ है और किसी कार्य को अंजाम देने में सक्षम नहीं हो रहे हों या नहीं कर पाए हैं, उनको चाहिए कि पद को रिक्‍त करते हुए नई पीढी के लोगों को जो मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस के एजेण्‍डे को आगे बडा सकते हैं, उन्‍हें सौंप देना चाहिए।

यही नहीं जो लोग 3 वर्षों से पदग्रहण किए हों और अपने क्षेत्र/जिला आदि में मोमिन अंसार को आगे नहीं बडा पा रहे हों, ऐसी स्थिति में नई पीढी के युवाओं को मौका देना चाहिए। कोई भी पदाधिकारी 3 वर्ष से अधिक पद पर न रहे ऐसा विचार करना चाहिए।

2. राष्‍ट्रीय स्‍तर पर एवं प्रदेश स्‍तर पर एवं इसी प्रकार जिला स्‍तर पर मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस को चाहिए की विचार विमर्श समिति (Think tank) का गठन किया जावे जिसमें मोमिन समाज के दानिश्‍वर लोग हो जिनका संबंध समस्‍त सामाजिक, न्‍यायिक, आर्थिक एवं शैक्षणिक आदि विषयों से उनका संबंध हो जिससे की वो अपनी राय दे सकें। ताकि अपने समाज की विभिन्‍न प्रकार की समस्‍याओं से निपटा जा सके।

3. हमारे मोमिन समाज, दलित, ओबीसी एवं अन्‍य समाज जो कि विभिन्‍न समस्‍याओं से जूझ रहे हैं उनकी समस्‍याओं का अध्‍ययन करने के पश्‍चात् उसका त्‍वरित निराकरण किया जाने का प्रयास करना चाहिए।

4. पिछले 4-5 सालों से मेरे द्वारा अपने स्‍तर पर यह प्रयास किया जा रहा है कि मोमिन अंसार का इतिहास क्‍या रहा है, मोमिन अंसार समाज से स्‍वतंत्रता सैनानियो, समाज सुधारक, राजनैतिक युगपुरूष या हमारे बीच के ऐसे व्‍यक्ति जिनका सन् 1857 से पूर्व एवं सन् 1857 से लेकर सन् 1900 एवं सन् 1900 से लेकर सन् 1947 तक एवं सन् 1947 से आज दिनांक तक उनका क्‍या योगदान रहा है ऐसे विशिष्‍ट व्‍यक्तियों के बारे में आने वाली पीढी को अवगत कराया जावे। समस्‍त जानकारी को किताब की शक्‍ल दी जावे जो आज दिनांक तक उपलब्‍ध नहीं है इस संबंध में उच्‍च प्राथमिकता देते हुए कार्रवाई करने की जरूरत है।

5. ऐसे समस्‍त पदाधिकारी जो पदों पर पदस्‍थ है वह और उनकी टीम अलगे 3 सालों में विभिन्‍न स्‍तरों पर क्‍या कार्रवाई करेगी वे अपने एजेण्‍डे की घोषणा करें एवं उसके बाद उसका पालन एवं क्रियान्‍वयन किया जाना सुनिश्चित करे।

जानकारी के मुताबिक न तो राज्‍य स्‍तर पर और न ही प्रदेश स्‍तर पर विधिवत कोई कार्यालय नहीं है और न ही किसी स्‍तर पर अपने समाज का सूचना केंद्र (Information Center) है जहां से सूचनाओं का आदान-प्रदान किया जा सके जो आज के युग में अत्‍यंत आवश्‍यक है एवं पिछडेपन का यह एक बहुत बडा कारण है। इस संबंध में पृथक से विस्‍तृत चर्चा की जा सकती है।

6. पिछले कई सालों से यद्पि मेरे द्वारा मोमिन अंसार कमेटी के युगपुरूष (Freedom Fighters) या अन्‍य व्‍यक्ति जिन्‍होंने राष्‍ट्र को बनाने में महत्‍वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई है हमारे युगपुरूषों का योगदान रहा है और आज इन युगपुरूषों के बारे में हमारे पास कोई जानकारी उपलब्‍ध नहीं है जो इतिहास के पन्‍नों में खोकर रहा गया है इस विषय पर कार्रवाई करने की अत्‍यंत आवश्‍यकता है। इस कार्य को भी उच्‍च प्राथमि‍कता देना चाहिए।

7. चूंकि मोमिन अंसार कॉन्‍फ्रेंस के द्वारा विभिन्‍न स्‍तरों पर विचार विमर्श समिति (Think tank) का गठन नहीं किया गया है ऐसे में हमारे समाज का निचला तबका किस प्रकार की समस्‍याओं से जूझ रहा है, उनसे निपटने के लिए हमारे पास कोई रणनीति एवं योजना नहीं है और न ही हम सब जानकारी के अभाव में विभिन्‍न स्‍तरों पर अवाज उठा पा रहे हैं और न ही रणनीति बना पा रहे हैं।

8. 12 वर्षों से अधिक हो चुके है, सच्‍चर कमीशन की रिपोर्ट, श्री रंगनाथ मिश्रा कमीशन की रिपोर्ट एवं श्री प्रोफेसर अमिताभ कुण्‍डु की रिपोर्ट की सिफारिशों को घोषणा किए हुए आज दिनांक तक क्रियान्‍वयन नहीं किया गया है और न ही इस ओर चाहे केंद्र की सरकार हो या प्रदेश की सरकार हो कोई भी पहल नहीं की गई है। इन समस्‍त रिर्पोटस की सिफारिशों को रद्दी की टोकरी में डाल दिया गया है इन सब को लागू करने हेतु रणनीति बनाने की आवश्‍यकता है। इन समस्‍त रिपोर्ट की सिफारिशों की घोषणा से समस्‍त दलित मुस्लिम समाज, ओबीसी मुस्लिम समाज एवं विशेषकर मुस्लिम समाज के सबसे निचले तबके को 10 प्रतिशत आरक्षण प्राप्‍त हो सकता है परंतु हमारे द्वारा इसे लागू कराने के लिए कोई ठोस कदम नहीं उठाए गए हैं उपरोक्‍त समस्‍त रिर्पोटस के परिप्रेक्ष्‍य में आरक्षण की मांग करना चाहिए जो आज दिनांक तक नहीं किया गया है और न ही आज दिनांक तक कोई ठोस आवाज उठाई गई है।

9. सन् 1950 का राष्‍ट्रपति आदेश (Presidential Order) एवं धारा 341 (1) जो मजहबी भेदभाव मुसलमानों एवं क्रिश्‍चन्‍स के साथ बनाए रखने के लिए लागू किया गया है उसे समाप्‍त करने के लिए मोमिन कॉन्‍फ्रेंस द्वारा कोई ठोस कदम नहीं उठाए गए हैं एवं ऐसा प्रतीत होता है कि या तो दलित मुस्लिम समाज को इसकी जानकारी नहीं है या दलित मुस्लिम समाज सो रहा है।

10. जानकारी के मुताबिक मोमिन अंसार समाज में जो बिखराव के कारण कई सारे Organizations, Association, Societies, Groups आदि बने हुए हैं और इसका कारण यह है कि हमारे समाज में कोई सही नैत्रित्‍व (Leadership) देने वाला नहीं है। एक बार नए सिरे से सभी Groups को एक प्‍लेटफार्म पर लाये जाने का प्रयास करना चाहिए और नही तो कम से कम एक Central Body राष्‍ट्रीय स्‍तर पर समिति का गठन कर जिसमे विभिन्‍न समितियां हों जो Central Body बनाई गई है उसके द्वारा तालमेल स्‍थापित कराते हुए सर्वमान्‍य एजेण्‍डे को लागू किया जा सके जिससे गरीब मुस्लिमों को इससे ज्‍यादा से ज्‍यादा फायदा पहुंच सके और यही उपाय है, क्‍योंकि समस्‍त मुस्लिम Organizations, Association, Societies को एक प्‍लेटफार्म पर लाना टेढी खीर है। मुस्लिम एक प्‍लेटफार्म आने से पहले ही बिखर जाता है और मुस्लिम दलित समाज में यह ज्‍यादा पाया जाता है।

11. वर्तमान समय में मुसलमानों के समक्ष विशेषकर दलित एवं ओबीसी मुसलमानों के साथ सुरक्षा की समस्‍या बड गई है। पिछले कई सालों से गरीब मुसलमानों में असुरक्षा की भावना बहुत तेजी से पनपी है। यह अपने आप में चिन्‍ता का विषय एवं विचारणीय प्रश्‍न है इसपर कार्रवाई की जाना अत्‍यंत आवश्‍यक है और यह तभी संभव हो सकेगा जब हमारे आने वाली पीढी Police, Army, Administration Services, Central/State में ज्‍यादा से ज्‍यादा भर्ती (Recruit) होंगे। इसके लिए बिरादरी के मुखिया लोगों को प्‍लान (रणनीति) बनानी होगी जो बगैर विचार विमर्श समिति (Think tank) बनाए संभव नहीं है।

12. राष्‍ट्रीय सरकार एवं प्रदेश सरकार की जो भी नीतियां है उससे गरीब समाज के लोग लाभ प्राप्‍त कर सकते हैं लेकिन यह जब मुमकिन है, जब हमारे समाज को शासन के द्वारा बनाई गई विकास नीतियों के बारे में जानकारी हो, इसके लिए आवश्‍यक है कि हर स्‍तर पर सूचना केंद्र स्‍थापित किया जाना चाहिए इस पर भी हमे विचार करना चाहिए।

यहां पर सूचना केंद्र (Information Center) से मुराद है कि एक जगह पर होने वाली अन्‍याय/जुल्‍म/ज्‍यादती आदि की जानकारी यदि प्राप्‍त होती है तो एकजुट होकर इस जुल्‍म ज्‍यादती से लडाई लडी जा सकती है और इसी कारण प्रत्‍येक प्रदेश में मोमिन सूचना केंद्र की स्‍थापना करना अत्‍यंत आवश्‍यक है।

13. हम सब के समक्ष जनप्रतिनिधि M.P., M.L.A., M.L.C, जिला पंचायत अध्‍यक्ष, पंच/सरपंच आदि की समस्‍या बनी हुई है। हमें इस पर भी ध्‍यान देने की आवश्‍यकता है कि किन कारणों से हमारे समाज का शासन, प्रशासन में किसी भी स्‍तर पर प्रतिनिधित्‍व का अभाव है क्‍या कारण है कि हमारे बीच से M.P., M.L.A. नहीं बन पा रहे हैं, यह भी बहुत बडा चिन्‍ता का विषय है एवं विचारणीय प्रश्‍न है।

इस संबंध में हम सब को एकजुट होने की आवश्‍यकता है, हम सब को अपनी ताकत प्रत्‍येक सियासी पार्टी को दिखानी होगी, हमारी बिरादरी के लोग किसी भी समाज/सियासी पार्टी के साथ हो परंतु हम सब का एजेण्‍डा एक हो एवं एक होना चाहिए। हमारी बिरादरी के लोग, दलित मुस्लिम, ओबीसी मुस्लिम कैसे आगे बढे हम सब को एकजुट होकर प्रयास करना चाहिए।

14. हमारे समाज के लोगों को तालीमे निस्‍वॉ एंव अपनी बहु-बेटी, बहनों को कैसे तालीम के द्वारा मजबूती प्रदान की जावे इसके लिए प्रत्‍येक स्‍तर पर एक विशेष सेल (समिति) का गठन करना चाहिए और अपने आधी जमाअत को जो बहुत कमजोर है हर तरह से उनको मजबूती प्रदान करना चाहिए साथ ही जो हमारे बीच में कूरीति/बुराई फैली हुई है चाहे वो जात-पात, भेदभाव, दहेज आदि का हो उसे रोकने के लिए लगातार प्रयास करना चाहिए।

15. समूचे मुल्‍क में लगातार किसी न किसी प्रकार के दंगे-फसाद, खून-खराबा होता आ रहा है, और इसमें लगातार बढौत्री हो रही है इससे सबसे अधिक मुसलमानों का सबसे निचला तबका, गरीब जनता इससे पीडित है, प्रभावित है। इस ओर हमें विशेष ध्‍यान देते हुए सौहाद्र (Communal Harmony) एवं (Cultural Issues) पर कार्यवाही करने की जरूरत है।

इस प्रकार हमारे कई सारी अन्‍य समस्‍याएं हैं जिनका उल्‍लेख मेरे द्वारा यहां करना संभव नहीं है जैसे शैक्षणिक पिछडापन, आर्थिक पिछडापन हमारी बिरादरी के मानवअधिकारों का हनन, शासन द्वारा की जाने वाली ज्‍यादतियां आदि शामिल हैं। यही नहीं हमारे मजहबी स्‍थानों, कब्रिस्‍तानों, वक्‍फ संपत्ति आदि पर किसी न किसी प्रकार से शासन एवं अन्‍य का नाजायज कब्‍जा है, इन तमाम विषय/मुद्दों पर विचारविमर्श करने की आवश्‍यकता है। और यह तब ही संभव हो पाएगा जब हम सब एक होकर एक छत के नीचे हों, और आने वाली नई नस्‍लों के लागों को मार्गदर्शन देते हुए क्‍यादत करने का मौका देंगे और अपने बीच के बिखराव को खत्‍म करना होगा। बिरादरी के लोग एक साथ बैठकर, सर जोडकर, मनन चिंतन, विचारविमर्श समस्‍त समस्‍याओं पर करें और एक ठोस नीति बनाते हुए समस्‍याओं को दूर करने की पहल करें और अपनी आने वाली पीढी के समक्ष नजीर बनें।

एम.डब्‍ल्‍यू. अंसारी
आई.पी.एस. (रिटायर्ड)
mwansari1984@gmail.com

नोट :- यह मेरी व्‍यक्तिगत राय है। आप सब से इस संबंध में ठोस सुझाव यदि प्राप्‍त होते हैं तो भविष्‍य में आने वाली पीढी के लिए लाभदायक साबित होगा।

Shaikh Bhikari Gate, a monument lying in a state of ruin and disrepair

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Fri, 17 Aug 2018 19:58:00 +0530

Shaikh Bhikari Gate, ORMANHJI CHOWK

A people without the knowledge of their past history, origin and culture is like a tree without roots.’ - MARCUS GARVEY. Historical buildings and monuments are physical links to our past. I was reminded of this maxim during a road journey I undertook recently. While travelling by road from Ranchi, the administrative capital of Jharkhand State to Dhanbad, the Coal Capital of India, I came across ORMANHJI CHOWK, a marketplace along the highway, just on the outskirts of Ranchi. There stands a gate constructed in the memory of Shaikh Bhikhari, a great freedom fighter of the 1st War of Independence in 1857. Shaikh Bhikhari was born in a humble momin ansar family of Khudia village in Ormanjhi, on 2nd October, 1811. From a humble weaver in the beginning, he rose to become a great freedom fighter, by virtue of his extreme patriotic fervour and bravery. Shaikh Bhikhari had fought the British a number of times. Employing his tactical guerrilla warfare skills, he inflicted major casualties on the British forces advancing from Ramgarh towards Ranchi through the Chutupalu Hills. But Shaikh Bhikhari was destined to become a martyr in the cause of the Motherland. He was hanged to death by the British in Chutupalu Valley on January 8, 1858.

At the present time, the ‘‘Shaikh Bhikari Gate’’ at Ormanjhi Chowk is a monument lying in a state of ruin and disrepair – plasters are crumbling, paints have peeled off, even the writing of the main arch has almost completely faded due to weather conditions and absence of routine repairs. It is indeed painful to see an important landmark, built to commemorate the noble sacrifice of this great freedom fighter, suffering from indifference and neglect.

Today is August 15, 2018. We are celebrating our 72nd Independence Day, today. We owe this great day to the sacrifices of our great freedom fighters, one of whom was, undoubtedly, Shaikh Bhikhari. The least we can do to honour his supreme sacrifice for the cause of Motherland is to repair this decaying monument and restore it to its original glory and grandeur.

Author:

M. W. Ansari, Retd. D. G. P.

Bhopal

He can reached at mwansari1984@gmail.com

SC status to Dalit Muslims, Christians will encourage conversion

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 30 Oct 2016 19:51:00 +0530

Claiming that extending reservation in government jobs to Dalits of minority communities would encourage conversions, Union Minister Thawar Chand Gehlot today said the Centre has told a court that it was "not agreeable to" granting them such rights.

Strongly opposing recommendations of the Ranganath Mishra Commission and the Sachar Committee for reservation to Dalits of Christian and Muslim minority communities, he told a gathering at a Hindu leadership conclave here that there is no provision in the Constitution to grant reservation to Dalits who convert to other religions.

The Union Minister for Social Justice and Empowerment also said any such step would "weaken the Hindu religion". "Our government has given in writing to a court rpt court that it does not agree with the reports of the Ranganath Mishra Commission or the Sachar Committee.

"We won't accord Scheduled Caste status to those who have converted. We are following the Constitution in letter and spirit," Gehlot said at the function, organised by the Hindu Aikya Vedi, a Sangh Parivar outfit in Kerala.

He noted that reservation was provided to Dalits in Hindu community to uplift them socially and economically from the ill-practise of untouchability and said such a practise does not exist in Christian and Muslim communities. So those who converted to these religions should not be granted SC status.

"Granting Scheduled Caste status to those belonging to minority communities will encourage conversion and weaken the Hindu religion. There is also no such provision in the Constitution," Gehlot observed.

He also accused Congress of plotting to reduce quotas for SCs, STs and OBCs to benefit minority communities. General Secretary of Hindu Aikya Vedi E S Biju said the Centre's decision opposing reservation has been given to the Supreme Court. It was one of the major demands of the Hindu organisations, he told PTI.

The Justice Sachar Committee was constituted by non-BJP government to prepare a report on the social, economic and educational status of Muslims in the country.

The Justice Ranganath Mishra Commission was formed to identify the criteria for socially and economically backward classes among religious and linguistic minorities and suggest various welfare measures for minorities, including reservation.

Both reports of the Sachar Committee and the Ranganath Mishra Commission had revealed that Muslims in India are the most backward community, despite their rich cultural heritage and strong numerical presence.

Source:
http://www.deccanherald.com/content/529072/sc-status-dalit-muslims-christians.html

IN DEFENCE OF THE PASMANDA (BACKWARD & DALIT MUSLIM) MOVEMENT: THREE FRAGMENTS

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 1 May 2016 03:00:00 +0530

Recently, a Muslim activist from Hyderabad who works on issues of social justice raised a few questions through a facebook post regarding the Pasmanda Movement (henceforth PM)—the movement of subordinated Muslim castes in North India.

Broadly, his post raised four major issues. One, that Muslim caste was a colonial invention and the pasmanda activists were being carried away credulously. Two, the PM was dominated by one particular caste—the Ansaris. Three, the movement plays into the hands of Saffron (Hindutva) forces. Four, the PM has been launched to satisfy the careerist urge of a few individuals. What his post alluded to was nothing new but a compacted version of all the misrepresentations about the PM that has in the past been circulated by the votaries of ashrafia (high caste Muslim) politics. I responded to his provocation by three fragments on facebook and am sharing a slightly revised version here for a wider debate on these issues.

There are two dominant strands in second part of the comment. One, the construction of Muslim caste by British colonial regime, in association with ‘official’ Muslims, through policy/pedagogic interventions and with the express intention of weakening ‘Muslim’ solidarity (the divide-and-rule dictum). Two, the notion that caste elements persist within Indian Muslims due to incomplete Islamization.—either due to the limitations of Sufi (mystical) interventions which were contaminated by local customary practices or due to retention of caste in the neo-Muslims (converts from local Hindu castes). While there is interesting discussion on invention of ‘caste’ (Nicholas Dirks) and ‘communalism’ (Gyanendra Pandey) for the purposes of management of subject populations by the British colonial regime I don’t wish to go there at the moment. It should suffice to suggest here that even the invention of ‘caste’ or ‘community’ by the colonisers necessitates a prehistory of these categories and they could not have been invented out of thin air.

My disagreement with the orientalist-colonial intervention is on another conceptual ground though. At one level the privileging of the hierarchical dichotomy of modernity-tradition resulted in the essentialist conflation of Islam/Hinduism with ‘tradition’ and Europe with ‘modernity’. This phenomenon consequently produced a sense of lack in the former which produced the race to catch up with the West. At another level tradition was further complicated as textual/folk, orthodox/heterodox or great tradition/little tradition and this is more germane to our discussion here. In this context while the great tradition of Hinduism was framed in terms of hierarchy, the great tradition of Islam was framed as egalitarianism. Consequently, any presence of egalitarian practices within Hinduism or hierarchical practices within Islam were seen as deviant and relegated to the domain of heterodoxy. I will focus specifically on Islam here and suggest that most of the limitations that our discussions on Muslim caste face in the contemporary owe to this key formulation which is to my mind a very colonial construction indeed.

In your post you argue that the persisting stamp of caste within Muslims is either due to contaminated mystic practices or as a residue of incomplete conversions among the native converts. There is also a further assumption that ‘pure’ and ‘authentic’ Islamization will see the end of Muslim caste. So let us start with textual/orthodox/great Islamic tradition itself. It is true that at one level the central text of Islam—the Quran—differentiates the believers only on the basis of piety (taqva) irrespective of rank but it is equally evident that the same text indicates at a number of hierarchical relationships as well: believer /non-believer (kafir, dhimmi), master/slave, husband/wife, early converts/late converts. Is it not the case that the question of succession to Prophet Muhammad was imbricated with tribal hierarchies with a strong case being made and legitimized later by canonical texts (Hadith) for the early caliphs to belong to Quraysh tribe? Is it not the case that the assassination of three out of the four rightly guided caliphs had something to do with social stratification in Arabia? Is it not the case that the notion of kufu—the principles to consider while seeking partners for marriage—were informed by birth-based status and rank by the great jurists? What about the exalted status of the Prophet’s progeny, the Sadat, throughout the so-called Islamic world?

I would contend that it is because of the legitimization of hierarchy by various canonical Islamic texts that the Muslims who arrived in India (Arabs, Afghans, Mongols, Turks, Persians, etc.) were not in the least bit surprised by caste: they were only too familiar with the hierarchies they found here. Rather, it could be argued, that they skilfully adapted to the caste order and even Islamized it. That is why Ziauddin Barni, a famous historian of 14th century, whose treatise Fatwa-e-Jahandari which is the only document available on political philosophy of the early days of Delhi Sultanate could write with confidence such lines: ‘The teachers of every kind are to be sternly ordered not to thrust precious stones down the throats of dogs or to put collars round the necks of pigs and bears—that is, to the mean, the ignoble and the worthless, to the shopkeepers and to the low-born they are to teach nothing more than the rules about prayers, fasting, religious charity and the haj pilgrimage, along with some chapters of the Qura’n and some doctrine of the faith, without which their religion cannot be correct and valid prayers are not possible. But they are to be taught nothing else, lest it bring honor to their mean soul. They should not be taught to read and write as imparting education to low both breeds indiscipline and when the low-born becomes efficient, due to their work and indiscipline all the important matters of religion and governance are sunk in chaos. Because with their efficiency they become governor, tax collector, auditor, officer and ruler. If the teacher disobeys the order and is established through investigation that he has imparted knowledge to the low-born, then he must be punished for breaking the orders’. That is why the office of niqābat was created in the sixteenth century that monitored the authenticity of Syed claims and carefully guarded their birth-based status on the basis of a careful inspection of genealogies. The categories of ashraf/ajlaf/arzal (referring to savarna, shudra and atishudra communities respectively) were not invented by the British or Hindus but were very much a part and parcel of Islamic textual production in South Asia. Throughout the reign of ‘Muslims’ the special opportunities in government employment, subsidies, and land grants in addition to marriage prerogatives were reserved for the ashraf sections. [For further evidence please refer to Masood Falahi’s work Hindustan mein Zaat-Paat aur Musalman]. From the evidence that is available caste as a form of social stratification within Muslims was quite evident much before the entry of the British!

That sets the context for interrogating the great hope you see in Islamization. What does Islamization mean in theory and practice—the privileging of piety, hijab, seclusion of women as sign of status, Arabisation, Persianization? Is it not mediated by the maslaqi-interpretative orientations—Shia/Sunni/Deobandi/Barelvi/Sufi/Ahl-e-Hadith and various schools of jurisprudence (fiqh)? What is the position of these intellectual-social traditions on hierarchy and socio-economic equality? Do they thematize caste and economics as problems or do they invisibilize them? What has been the track record of Islamization so far across regions? My own forays into these questions do not indicate great hope in terms of thematizing caste as a problem and its eradication through Islamization. But I may be mistaken and shall wait for more counter-evidence. Overall, I would urge that we should see Islam as a discursive tradition that is articulated variously according to the play of power, significant events and affective memories in various space-time orientations. To comprehend Islam as an essentially egalitarian tradition without historicizing it will be an analytically unproductive enterprise.

Lastly, while one may agree, albeit with qualifications, on recent scholarship on the invention of caste/community by the colonial regime one must also give the devil its due. It is due to the colonial dismantling of the office of niqabat, the displacement of Persian as a boundary maintaining mechanism for ashrafs, the opening of schooling and employment for the suppressed castes across religions, etc., that various lower castes could experience relative social mobility and mobilize against the caste order. Obviously those who benefited from the old caste order will see it as a colonial conspiracy. Those at the receiving end will supply the relevant counter-footnotes. This fragment could be seen as an exercise in the latter.

In your post you have remarked that the PM is dominated by the ansaris. There are broadly two kinds of ansaris. The first group alludes to those who claim a foreign extraction and associate themselves with the ansars of Medina that helped Prophet Muhammad when he migrated from Mecca to Medina in early Islamic history. In North India the Ansaris of Firangi Mahal (Lucknow) are one such community and may be clubbed under ashrafs. The VP Hamid Ansari comes from that community. The second and a much larger group refers to weavers (julahas) who were probably indigenous converts from kori caste to Islam in historical time and started adopting the title ansari from 1850s onwards. The adoption of upper caste surnames and inventing myths of origin was quite a common practice among upwardly mobile subordinated castes across religions during that period. The express intention was to transcend their status as stigmatized caste communities.

Since it was difficult to claim Brahmin or Syed status the lower castes among Hindus and Muslims mostly tried to claim kshatriya and sheikh status for themselves respectively. The julahas consequently rechristened themselves as Momin Ansar and started using the surname Momin or Ansari. However, even this was resisted by ashrafs. Deobandis, for example, Ashraf Alī T’hānawī (d. 1943) and Muftī Muhammad Shafī(d. 1976), supported a law forbidding low-status artisans to adopt Arab surnames.

Momin Conference, 1939 Gorakhpur

A few points need to be made here. One, the 1931 Census returned the julahas as numerically the largest occupational group amongst North Indian Muslims. Two, they were the first to organize themselves politically and therefore challenged the ashraf hegemony in no uncertain terms (they were instrumental in forming the All India Momin Conference in the late 1920s). In fact in 1939 they asked for a separate electorate for Momin community as against the Muslim electorate. Consequently, ashraf stalwarts from Sir Syed Ahmed Khan to Syed Shahabuddin have shared a common anxiety about this community.

For instance, Sir Syed:

‘The position of the julahas had got thoroughly undermined and this inferior-lowly people (badzaat) were most active in the uproar (1857 rebellion)’.

And Syed Shahabuddin:

‘But the Ansaris of Bihar and UP have been for historical reasons, a privileged group since 1937. They were pampered for their nationalist record while the so-called ‘Ashraf’ who largely associated themselves with the Muslim League politics and later with the Pakistan Movement, were left high and dry. Of course no one looked at the other ‘Ajlaf’.’

Obviously, Syed Shahabuddin does not require data or figures to make a point rather he expects one to take his words as divinely revealed truth! Thirdly, while it is true that the julahas have been the most vocal against the ashraf hegemony for historical reasons they have always worked with other subordinated Muslim caste groups. The All India Momin Conference reached out to qureishis (butchers), idrisis(tailors), mansooris (cotton-carders) and rayeens (vegetable sellers), etc., before 1947. In the early 1990s the first pasmanda organization in Bihar the All India Backward Muslim Morcha was established by Dr. Ejaz Ali, a raeen. Also, in UP while the Pasmanda Front is led by Zahid Taj who comes from the idrisi community, the Pasmanda Samaj is led by Anees Mansoori from the mansoori community. So while the Momin Conference or All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz are better known and have been established by ansaris the pasmanda political space includes the voices of other Muslim castes as well. In fact this is just the beginning. There are more than 100 Muslim subordinated caste groups in North India and they are getting increasingly politicized. It is in the nature of caste system—or what Ambedkar called a system of ‘graded inequality’—that no caste group can take its position for granted. Every relatively dominant group will be challenged sooner than later by new caste groups as democratization proceeds. It is the category of religion which is holistic and blocks internal democracy, caste by its very nature is fragmentary and gives space to new entrants.

Pasmanda Rally Delhi 2010

So if Ansaris are visible in the pasmanda domain it is owing to their numerical strength and early politicization. I mentioned above that from the 1990s onwards other biradaris like raeens, qureishis, mansooris, saifis, etc., have also made their presence felt. It is quite similar to the visibility of yadav, koeris or kurmis in the backward class movement or jatavas in the dalit movement in North India. Obviously, while the savarna-ashraf sections have always attempted to hegemonically co-opt and use the internal differentiations of power within subordinated caste blocs to their advantage, the lower caste leaders on the other hand have tried to mobilize excluded castes against savarna hegemony. It’s a war of positions and as in the case of Hindu community the caste movements within Muslims are weak compared to the savarna-led mobilizations on the axis of religion.

III

Once it is admitted that the dominant articulations of Islam and so-called ‘Muslim’ regimes in the Indian subcontinent legitimized caste-based stratification then the displacement of guilt to the colonial regimes can be parochialized. The British could benefit from the social divides like caste or religion only because they were already there. The earlier regimes were already employing them for purposes of consolidation and reproduction of their power. That the colonial regime, armed with advanced military and governmental-bureaucratic technologies, took the cleavages to a qualitatively different level is another issue altogether.

Pasmanda Posters

Now the ashraf anxieties that the pasmanda movement is supporting the Saffron forces or that their ideologues are making a career for themselves are neither new nor surprising. All dominant forces decry any internal dissent and aspire to set-up delays and timetables whenever the under-thematized subaltern subjectivities attempt to rupture the consensus in the public sphere. During the so-called anti-colonial upsurge the champions of caste, gender and labour movements were hurled with similar charges of rupturing the much required ‘national’ solidarity for resisting the common enemy, the British. Dr. Ambedkar was dubbed as a British agent and charged for betraying the ‘nation’ while Abdul Qaiyum Ansari was called a Congress agent and charged for betraying the ‘qaum’ (community). Now it does not require a great imagination to comprehend who was singing the ‘nation’ or ‘qaum’ in the pre-1947 historical crucible.

Abdul Qaiyum Ansari

Let me contextualize the discussion. The pasmanda ideologues have been consistent in contesting both ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ nationalisms because they feel they are led by higher castes and share a symbiotic relationship which is inimical to bahujan interests, including pasmanda muslims. After all, in most ‘communal’ or ‘Islamophobic’ atrocities it is the pasmanda sections that bear the maximum brunt. Abdul Qaiyum Ansari, the leader of the Momin movement, had categorically stated earlier:

If we have to put an end to communalism, the idea of the two-nation theory should be buried. RSS and Jana Sangh are the largest banner bearers of Jinnah’s two-nation theory in this country. So I have been emphasizing on the matter that all parties, functioning on communal ground, should be legally banned, whether these are the RSS, Jana Sangh, Jamaat-e-Islami or Muslim League. But I do not think that mere legal ban on communal parties will solve the problem…a country-wide movement is needed along with ban on communal parties.

Slogan on top reads – Dalit & Backwards are same – whether Hindu or Muslim

License plate reads PASMANDA Revolutionary Campaign

While one may have a normative objection to the politics of banning political voices, the pasmanda position on Saffron forces is unambiguously clear. Similar sentiments have been consistently expressed by the contemporary pasmanda leadership. Where does the charge of playing at the hands of the Saffron forces then emerge from? In 2006 when the entire ashraf brigade was supporting Laloo Yadav’s M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) formula in Bihar assembly elections, Ali Anwar, the founder of All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, revealed and contested it as FM-Y (Forward Muslim-Yadav) alliance and gave a call to the pasmanda muslims to support the JDU instead. With a slight shift in EBC and Pasmanda votes towards JDU, RJD bit the dust and was routed in the elections. I recall that at that time Syed Shahabuddin and others made a similar charge against Ali Anwar. He was labelled as a Saffron agent since the JDU was in alliance with BJP. However, when Syed Shahabuddin’s own daughter fought on a JDU ticket in the subsequent elections, won and became a minister, not only were most ashraf leaders tight-lipped rather the organizations like Imarat-e-Sharia were writing cosy letters to Nitish Kumar. Nitish was still in alliance with the BJP then. What had changed? Let me remind you that it is the rhetorical statements of the likes of Imran Masood (‘Modi ke tukde tukde kar denge’) and Owaisi brothers (‘24 ghante ke liye PAC hata lo to…’) that are eventually instrumental in consolidating the Hindutva forces. What are the caste locations of BJP lackey’s like Shahnawaz Hussain, Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi, MJ Akbar, Najma Heptullah and the Ilmi siblings? Please reserve your charges for them and not for pasmanda leadership. Yes, if there is one thing the ashraf leadership must be legitimately anxious about it is this: it will become increasingly difficult for them to take pasmanda muslims and their votes for granted. The pasmanda have learnt the follies of chastity and now they are going to increasingly turn politically promiscuous. You will have to start appreciating that there is a world outside the ‘secular-communal’, ‘Hindu-Muslim’, and ‘majority-minority’ binary. If the pasmanda don’t support ‘Muslim’ politics because it is dominated by ashrafs, then it does not automatically mean that they are supporting ‘Hindu’ politics. They are simply flirting, they are experimenting. It should be clear that from now onwards any settlement will have to be a ‘negotiated settlement’!

Now what do pasmanda activists do? They think, write, campaign, collect funds, agitate, approach the political parties, contest elections, and make a living by working in the NGOs, newspapers, universities, etc, : typical stuff which the left, right, dalit-bahujan and other activists also do. A few may be corrupt but there may be others who are immensely committed. You also run a centre which acts as a pressure group for Muslim issues. Are you making a career for yourself? My suggestion to you would be to think hard before making such allegations. I think now it’s high time when the ashraf champions should come out of their state of denial and start listening to what the pasmanda voices have to say rather than making shallow allegations. They must realize that the pasmanda sense of humiliation, discrimination and injury is deep and it needs to be acknowledged and addressed. And, it has to be addressed now!

Source:

Caste census to be released soon: Govt

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 1 May 2016 02:53:00 +0530

The government is making all efforts to release the caste census at the earliest, Social Justice and Empowerment Minister Thaawar Chand Gehlot told the Rajya Sabha on Thursday while replying to a debate on the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order (Amendment) Bill, 2016.

The Bill, passed by Rajya Sabha, makes some changes in the Scheduled Castes (SC) list of Chhattisgarh, Haryana, Kerala, Odisha and West Bengal.

“One member demanded for reservation provision in proportion to the population of backward classes. We are thinking on that. If you can create an environment, we can do this,” Gehlot said.

On extending reservation benefits to Dalits who had converted to other religions, the minister said, “The Supreme Court as well as governments in 1945 and 1956 have considered such subjects, and every government has disagreed. Scheduled Caste status is given to those who are treated as untouchables. We are not in a situation to implement (something) going beyond the Supreme Court judgment.”

Replying to members who accused the government of being insensitive towards SCs while referring to the Rohith Vemula case, Gehlot said, “Eleven students, including some SCs and STs, had committed suicide (at Hyderabad Central University) before Rohith’s death. How many leaders went and provided relief to their families,” Gehlot asked. “…Who is responsible for the problems of SC/STs? The party which ruled for 60 years did not do much for them. You can find the answers yourself.”

CPI member D Raja demanded extension of reservation to the private sector as well, as private companies take easy loans from PSU banks and yet refuse to accept reservation policy. “What is private about the private sector,” he asked.

Earlier, while debating the Bill, K Somaprasad of the CPM had remarked that the government should consider increasing quota benefits in proportion to the growing population of backward classes.

Source:

AP Assembly passes Muslim reservation bill

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 1 May 2016 02:38:00 +0530

Hyderabad, July 24 (IANS) A legislation to provide four percent reservation to backward classes of Muslims in government jobs and educational institutions in Andhra Pradesh has been passed by the state assembly.

On Monday night, the Andhra Pradesh Reservation in Favour of Socially and Educationally Backward Classes of Muslims Act, 2007, replaced the ordinance issued last month.

Ignoring objections from the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the house passed the bill, paving the way for reservations for 15 backward Muslim classes.

While MIM, which has five members in 294-member house, demanded reservations for the entire community and took exception to the division of the community into castes, the BJP opposed reservations in the name of religion. The BJP, which has two members, staged a walkout.

MIM leader Akbaruddin Owaisi argued that there was no caste system among Muslims. However, the amendments moved by MIM were defeated by a voice vote.

Replying to a debate on the bill, Minister for Minority Welfare Mohammed Ali Shabbir said several states were providing reservations to backward classes of Muslims. He said the government wanted to provide five percent reservations to the entire community but was compelled to reduce the quantum and also confine it to only backward sections.

It may be recalled that the Andhra Pradesh High Court had twice set aside the government order and legislation for 5 percent reservations to Muslims.

However, some students have also challenged the move in the court while the BJP and its youth and student wings have intensified their agitation.

Source:

अगड़ी जाति के मुसलमानों ने किया पिछड़ों पर हमला

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Fri, 28 Nov 2014 19:17:00 +0530

पटना में पिछड़ी जाति में शामिल करने के लिए होने वाली सुनवाई के दौरान अगड़ी जाति के लोगों ने पिछड़ी जाति के लोगों पर हमला कर दिया.

बीच में शमशाद साई. जिनपर हमला हुआ

नौकरशाही ब्यूरो

इस मारपीट में शमशाद साईं और हिशामुद्दीन अंसारी को निशाना बनाया गया. शमशाद साईं बिहार राज्य अल्पसंख्यक आयोग के सदस्य हैं. यह हमला तब हुआ जब राष्ट्रीय पिछड़ा वर्ग आयोग शुक्रवार को पटना प्रमंडलीय आयुक्त के सभा कक्ष में 24 जातियों को पिछड़ा वर्ग में शामिल करने के आवेदन के पक्ष और आपत्तियों पर सुनवाई कर रहा था.

बाद में शमशाद साई और हिशामुद्दीन अंसारी ने गांधी मैदान थाने में मारपीट कि शिकायत दर्ज की. आरक्षण बचाओ भियान के नेता प्रोफेसर अब्बास, अशोक यादव, मनीष रंजन, इम्तेयाज अंसारी, अली इमाम भारती और जफर इमाम के नेतृत्व में दर्जनों लोग हमले के खिलाफ धरना पर बैठ गये.

इस मारपीट में शमशाद साईं और हिशामुद्दीन अंसानी को निशाना बनाया गया.

शमशाद साईं बिहार राज्य अल्पसंख्यक आयोग के सदस्य हैं

मुस्लिम मलिक जाति के लोगों ने मलिक जाति को ओबीसी में शामिल करने के लिए आवेदन किया था . जबकि आरक्षण बचाओ अभियान की तरफ से यह दलील और सुबूत दिये गये कि मलिक जाति सामाजिक और आर्थिक रूप से अगड़ी है इसलिए उन्हें पिछड़ा वर्ग में शामिल नहीं किया जाना चाहिए. जब पिछड़े समुदाय के लोगों ने अपनी दलील आयोग के सदस्य शकीलुज्जमा अंसारी के समक्ष रखी तभी उन पर हमला बोल दिया गया. शमशाद साईं ने अपने चेहरे पर उग आये लाल दाग को दिखाते हुए बताया कि उन्हें थप्पड़ और घूसे से पिटाई की गयी. उन्होंने कहा ‘इसी बीच वहां मौजूद पुलिसकर्मियों ने मेरी जान बचाई’.

आरक्षण बचाओ अभियान के नेता हिशामुद्दीन अंसारी ने कहा कि टमैं शमशाद साईं के साथ था और हम दोनों अपना पक्ष रखते हुए मलिक बिरादरी के लोगों को ओबीसी में शामिल न करने के लिए दस्तावेजी साक्ष्य पेश कर रहे थे. इतन में अचानक हम पर थप्पड़ और घूसे से हमला किया गया. उन्होंने कहा कि हमला करने वाले 8-10 की संख्या में थे. इनमें ज्यादातर वे लोग थे जिनके नाम जनसुनवाई की पंजी में दर्ज हैं.

इस घटना के बाद आयुक्त कार्यालय के परिसर में अफरातफरी फैल गयी. थोड़ी देर में दोनों पक्षों के लोग भारी संख्या में जमा हो गये. इस बीच वहां मौजूद सुरक्षा कर्मियों ने बीच बचाव किया.

गौरतलब है कि केंद्रीय पिछड़ा वर्ग आयोग 26-27 नवम्बर को 24 जातियों को ओबीसी में शामिल करने के पक्ष और विपक्ष में सुनवाई करने आया था. इसके अलावा आयोग तीन जातियों को ओबीसी की लिस्ट से अलग करने की मांग पर भी सुनवाई की.

Source: http://naukarshahi.in/archives/17467

Doctoring History for Political Goals: Origin of Caste System in India

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Tue, 4 Nov 2014 20:53:00 +0530

By Ram Puniyani

Caste hierarchy is the major obstacle to the goal of social justice and it continues to be a major obstacle to social progress even today. There are many a theories, which have tried to understand its origin. The latest in the series is the attempt of RSS to show its genesis due to invasion of Muslim kings. Three books written by RSS ideologues argue that Islamic atrocities during medieval period resulted in emergence of untouchables and low castes. The books are "Hindu Charmakar Jati", "Hindu Khatik Jati" and "Hindu Valmiki Jati".

The Sangh leaders claimed that these castes had come into existence due to atrocities by foreign invaders and did not exist in Hindu religion earlier.According to Bhaiyyaji Joshi, number two in RSS hierarchy, 'shudras' were never untouchables in Hindu scriptures. 'Islamic atrocities' during the medieval age resulted in the emergence of untouchables, Dalits. Joshi further elaborated, "To violate Hindu swabhiman (dignity) ofChanwarvanshiya Kshatriyas, foreign invaders from Arab, Muslim rulers and beef-eaters, forced them to do abominable works like killing cows, skinning them and throwing their carcasses in deserted places. Foreign invaders thus created a caste of charma-karma (dealing with skin) by giving such works as punishment to proud Hindu prisoners."

The truth is contrary to this. The foundations of the caste system are very old and untouchability came as an accompaniment of the caste system. The Aryans considered themselves superior, they called non-Aryans krshna varnya (dark skinned), anasa (those with no nose), and since non-Aryans worshipped the phallus, they were considered non-human or amanushya. (Rig Veda: X.22.9) There are quotes in the Rig Veda and Manusmriti to show that low castes were prohibited from coming close to the high castes and they were to live outside the village. While this does not imply that a full-fledged caste system had come into being in Rig Vedic times, the four-fold division of society into varnas did exist, which became a fairly rigid caste system by the time of the Manusmriti.

Untouchability became the accompaniment of the caste system sometime around the first century ad. The Manusmriti, written in the second–third centuries ad, codifies the existing practices which show with utmost clarity the type of despicable social practices that the oppressor castes were imposing upon the oppressed castes. The first major incursions of Muslim invaders into India began around the eleventh century ad, and the European conquests of India began in the seventeenth–eighteenth centuries.

Over time, the caste system became hereditary. The rules for social intercourse as well as establishing marriage relations were laid down by the caste system. Caste hierarchies also became rigid over time. The shudras began to be excluded from caste society, and ‘upper’ castes were barred from inter-dining or inter-marrying with them. Notions of ‘purity’ and ‘pollution’ were enforced strictly to maintain caste boundaries. Shudras became ‘untouchables’. It is this rigid social division that Manu’sManav Dharmashastra (Human Law Code) codified.

Golwalkar, the major ideologue of RSS ideology defended it in a different way, ‘If a developed society realizes that the existing differences are due to the scientific social structure and that they indicate the different limbs of body social, the diversity (i.e. caste system, added) would not be construed as a blemish.’ (Organiser, 1 December 1952, p. 7) Deendayal Upadhyaya, another major ideologue of Sangh Parivar stated, ‘In our concept of four castes (varnas), they are thought of as different limbs of virat purush (the primeval man)… These limbs are not only complimentary to one another but even further there is individuality, unity. There is a complete identity of interests, identity, belonging… If this idea is not kept alive, the caste; instead of being complimentary can produce conflict. But then that is a distortion.’ (D. Upadhyaya, Integral Humanism, New Delhi, Bharatiya Jansangh, 1965, p. 43)

Social struggles to oppose this system and the struggles to escape the tyrannies of caste system are presented by Ambedkar as revolution and counter-revolution. He divides the ‘pre-Muslim’ period into three stages: (a) Brahmanism (the Vedic period); (b) Buddhism, connected with rise of first Magadh-Maurya states and representing the revolutionary denial of caste inequalities; and (c) ‘Hinduism’, or the counter revolution which consolidated brahman dominance and the caste hierarchy.

Much before the invasion of Muslim kings, shudras were treated as untouchables and were the most oppressed and exploited sections of society. The rigidity and cruelty of the caste system and untouchability became very intense from the post-Vedic to Gupta period. Later, new social movements like Bhakti, directly, and Sufi, indirectly, partly reduced the intensity of the caste oppression and untouchability. This doctoring of the history by Sangh ideologues is motivated by their political agenda and tries to hide the truth.

[Author can be reached at ram.puniyani@gmail.com]

अनुसूचित जाति का दर्जा क्यों चाहिए?

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 2 Nov 2014 05:04:00 +0530

Amol Madame for BeyondHeadlines

भारतीय मुस्लिम और ईसाई अपने धर्म में हिन्दु अनुसूचित जाति के समानांतर स्थिति में रह रहे लोगों को अनुसूचित जाति में सम्मलित करने की मांग एक लम्बे समय से कर रहे हैं. लेकिन गत दिनों केन्द्रीय सामाजिक न्याय व अधिकारिता मंत्री थवर चंद गहलोत ने मुस्लिम और इसाई धर्म में से किसी भी वर्ग को अनुसूचित जाति की सूची में सम्मिलित करने से स्पष्ट मना कर दिया है.

स्पष्ट रहे कि यह मांग सबसे पहले 12 जून 1993 को ऑल इंडिया जमियतुल हवारिन बिहार के द्वारा पटना में की गयी थी. यही मुद्दा 2005 में एक तरफ नितीश कुमार ने संसद में उठाया था तो दूसरी तरफ राबड़ी देवी ने इस प्रकार की सिफारिश केंद्र सरकार से की थी.

इस पर निर्णय लेने के लिए सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने 2011 में जस्टिस कापाड़िया की अध्यक्षता में एक बेंच का गठन भी किया था. इसी दौरान अनुसूचित जाति आयोग ने अल्पसंख्यांक आयोग को बताया कि इस मांग से उसे कोई ऐतराज नहीं है, बशर्ते की वर्तमान 15% प्रतिशत आरक्षण प्रभावित नहीं होना चाहिए. लेकिन केंद्र सरकार द्वारा इस मामले को आगे नहीं बढ़या गया.

इस संबंध में भाजपा सरकार के मंत्री गहलोत का मानना है कि जिन लोगों ने धर्म बदल लिया वे अछूत नहीं रहे, क्योंकि इस्लाम और ईसाई धर्म में जाति व्यवस्था नहीं है. इन लोगों को अनुसूचित जाति में सम्मिलित करने से अन्य लोग मुस्लिम और ईसाई बनने के लिए प्रोत्साहित होंगे. इसके अलावा अनुसूचित जाती के आरक्षण में अतिरिक्त स्पर्धा हो जाएगी.

थवर चंद गहलोत का यह भी कहना है कि वे लोग पहले ही ओबीसी संवर्ग में आरक्षण प्राप्त कर रहे हैं, फिर उन्हें अनुसूचित जाति का दर्जा क्यों चाहिए?

असल में थवर चंद गहलोत भारतीय मुस्लिम और ईसाई समुदायों को जाति विहीन समझने की भूल कर रहे हैं. बाबा साहब अम्बेडकर ने 1940 में ही इस्लाम में व्याप्त जातिगत व्यवस्था के बारे में लिखते हुए उनकी किताब पाकिस्तान और पार्टीशन ऑफ इंडिया में अशराफ, अजलाफ और अरजाल की चर्चा की है. सच्चर समिति की रिपोर्ट भी बताती है कि जिन तथाकथित हिन्दू पिछड़ी तथा अस्पृश्य जातियों ने इस्लाम क़बूल किया, उन्हें अजलाफ या अरजाल की पहचान मिली. इस तरह यह जातियां मुस्लिम शासन के समय भी निम्न जाति की ही बनी रहीं. यही स्थिति भारत में ईसाई धर्मीय लोगों में भी दिखाई देती है.

शायद यही वजह था कि अजलाफ और अरजाल दोनों को इकठ्ठा करके ओबीसी संवर्ग में रखा गया. पसमांदा आंदोलन की ओर से यह कहा जाता रहा है कि अरजाल जातियां पूर्व की हिन्दू अस्पृश्य जातियां हैं. धर्म परिवर्तन के बाद भी उनकी मुस्लिम जातियों को अनुसूचित जाति का दर्जा दिया गया था. लेकिन संविधान स्वीकृत होने के बाद राष्ट्रपति (अनुसूचित जाति) अध्यादेश-1950 में सिख धर्मीय अस्पृश्य जातियों को और 1990 में बौद्धों को भी शामिल किया गया. फिर इसी तरह अन्य धर्मों के अस्पृश्य-समान जातियों को क्यों बाहर रखा गया है?

ऑल इंडिया पसमांदा मुस्लिम महाज के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष अली अनवर अंसारी आरक्षण से धर्मपरिवर्तन प्रोत्साहित होने वाले मत को सिरे से ख़ारिज करते हैं. उनके अनुसार धर्म एक वैयक्तिक चीज़ है, जिससे व्यक्ति भावनात्मक रुप से जुड़ा हुआ होता है. अगर केवल आरक्षण पाने के लिए धर्म बदला जाता तो मुस्लिम और ईसाई धर्म की पिछड़ी जातियां बहुत पहले ही हिंदू बन जाती. जबकि यह पिछड़ी जातियां अपने-अपने धर्म में रहकर ही अधिकारों के लिए लड़ रही हैं.

इन पिछड़ी जातियों में से किन जातियों को अनुसूचित जाति में शामिल करना चाहिए, इसके लिए सरकार को ज़रूरी जानकारी इकठ्ठा करने की आवश्यकता है. क्योंकि देशपांडे कमीशीन (2005) के अनुसार मुस्लिम और ईसाई धर्म की ऐसी जातियों की पूर्ण जानकारी उपलब्ध नहीं हैं.

यह जानकारी प्राप्त करके उस आधार पर ईसाई और मुस्लिम धर्म की जातियों को भी अनुसूचित जाति का दर्जा दिया जाना चाहिए. इसके पश्चात अनुसूचित जाति की बढ़ी हुई जनसंख्या के आनुबा में आरक्षण का प्रतिशत निश्चित किया जाना चाहिए. ऐसा करने से अनुसूचित जाति में किसी भी तरह की अतिरिक्त स्पर्धा भी निर्माण नहीं होगी.

(लेखक जवाहरलाल नेहरू विश्वविद्यालय में रिसर्च स्कॉलर हैं.)

Source: http://beyondheadlines.in/2014/11/scheduled-caste/

India minister says no special caste status for Christians

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Wed, 29 Oct 2014 10:16:00 +0530

India should not extend government job and education assistance to the country’s poorest Christians, India’s social justice minister, Thavar Chand Gehlot, said this month.

For one thing, he said, there are no Christians among India’s Dalits, a name given to the country’s most impoverished and marginalized citizens, sometimes called “untouchables.” For another, extending government benefits to poor Christians would encourage poor Hindu Indians to convert in hopes of qualifying for the programs.

The minister’s statements, provided Oct. 10 to the Times of India, drew scoffs from activists who work with Christian Dalits. Advocates for Christian and Muslim Dalits have tried for decades to gain access to the government’s job and education set-asides.

"Nobody can escape the Indian caste system by converting to other religions. After the conversion, they do not live in vacuum but in a casteist society itself."

--Rev. Sunil Raj Philip, executive secretary, Commission on Dalits, National Council of Churches in India

“As a Dalit Christian leader, I have to state that the position of the minister is unfortunate,” Rev. Kumar Swamy, national secretary of the All India Christian Council, told World Watch Monitor.

“The constitution clearly states that citizens will not be discriminated on the basis of religion,” Swamy said. The government’s provision of benefits to Hindu Dalits on one hand, and the refusal of them to Christian and Muslim Dalits on the other, he said, is a “violation of a fundamental right equality before the law guaranteed under of the constitution.”

Thawar Chand Gehlot, India's social-justice minister

Thawar Chand Gehlot / Wikimedia Commons / Creative Commons

As the Indian states of Maharashtra and Haryana were holding elections, the Times of India interviewed Gehlot, a member of the cabinet of new Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He took the opportunity to speak out on the decades-old demand to extend “Scheduled Caste” status to the country’s Dalit Christians and Muslims, thereby providing them the same access to resources provided to Indian Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists.

Gehlot said the demand, embodied in a 10-year-old lawsuit now sitting before India’s Supreme Court, is illogical. Some Hindus, he said, “converted to other religions because untouchability did not exist there. The conversion has solved the problems they faced as Hindus. So, they should not ask for SC status."

Nonsense, say Christian activists.

“Nobody can escape the Indian caste system by converting to other religions. After the conversion, they do not live in vacuum but in a casteist society itself,” said Rev. Sunil Raj Philip, executive secretary of the Commission on Dalits within the National Council of Churches in India, in a statement released Oct. 21. The council represents 30 Orthodox and Protestant churches in India.

WHO ARE THE DALITS?

Dalit means “trampled upon” and refers to people in low castes who are treated as “untouchables” in caste-ridden Indian society. Dalits are a mixed population, living all over the country, speaking a variety of languages and practicing numerous religions.

Often, they eke out a living working menial jobs such as scavenging while living segregated from upper castes in rural areas. In pockets of southern Tamil Nadu state, for example, Dalits are not allowed to walk in upper-caste areas. In roadside eateries in neighbouring Karnataka state, Dalits may be required to squat on the floor and eat from dishes kept separate from those provided to upper-caste customers, who sit on chairs.

Indian news media reported in September that a group of non-Dalit students at a school in the state of Tamil Nadu stole a watch worn by a 16-year-old Dalit boy, then later slashed the boy’s wrists with knives, causing injuries that required hospitalization. Caste tensions regularly plague the school, according to the news account, as non-Dalit students frequently harass Dalit students for things such as wearing slippers.

A 1950 law listed Hindu Dalits as “Scheduled Caste,” which made them eligible for free education and set aside jobs in government and seats in state legislatures, to improve their status. The privileges were extended to Sikh Dalits in 1956, and to Buddhist Dalits in 1990. They are not available to Muslim and Christian Dalits.

Dalits account for two-thirds of India’s Christian population, who number more than 80 million, or 7 percent of India’s total population, by some estimates.

Gehlot’s statement, Philip said, “is meant to fool the citizens of India pretending that casteism does not affect these religions.”

“The minister is trying to cover up the fact that casteism in India is a product of Hinduism and it has spread its web to the entire social matrix of India,” said Philip, pastor of the Church of South India.

The official census puts the Christian population of India at 2.3 percent, though independent estimates put the number as high as 7 percent, which equates to more than 80 million people. Millions of Christian Dalits keep their faith hidden, to avoid disqualification from Scheduled Caste categorization and the benefits it provides.

“Whether Christians or Muslims do not have caste system is not the issue. The fact is that caste identity till today is a dominant identity in India and results in all forms of discrimination,” Rev. Swamy told World Watch Monitor.

In his interview with the Times of India, Gehlot said expanding scheduled-caste status to Christians and Muslims “would provide a filip [a stimulus] to religious conversions.”

Though India has no official religion, Hinduism had its birth in India, where 80 percent of the people are Hindu. A nationalistic strain of Hinduism dominates the national political structure with the ascension of the Bharatiya Janata Party to the control of the national government earlier this year.

“The fact that the minister admits that if this reservation is granted to Dalit Christians and Muslims, Hindu dalits will convert (to these faiths) is a telling point about forced allegiance to a religion,” Swamy said. “The State is actually involved in inducement through giving of reservations. The Indian constitution is clear about the State not has no religion.”

Franklin Caesar, a Dalit Christian activist, filed suit 10 years ago to forbid the government to set aside benefits based on religion. His petition has been pending in the federal Supreme Court for a decade, with no indication that the case will be taken up any time soon.

“It is contradiction that the minister for social justice is trying to deny justice to the Christians and Muslims,” said Caesar, who moved to New Delhi from Tamil Nadu in 2004 to fight the case more effectively.

Ceaser told World Watch Monitor that several inquiry reports and commissions have recommended that the government “de-link” scheduled-caste status from religion. In its 2009 report, the National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities, led by a former chief justice of India, concluded that Christians and Muslims suffer the same inequalities as other Dalits.

Christian-rights groups have citied this report often, prompting Hindu nationalist groups in the state of Kerala in early September to demand that the report be scrapped on the grounds that there is no discrimination among Christians against Dalits.

“On the political level, Hindu nationalists say all Indians are Hindus. But when it comes to the issue of equal rights to all Dalits, they divide them on the basis of religion,” Caesar said.

In the decade his constitutional petition has stood before the Supreme Court, Ceaser, an engineer, has obtained a law degree.

“We do not expect any positive response from the government to our petition in the Supreme court,” he said. “We are asking the court to decide on the constitutional validity of the caste discrimination as it amounts to discrimination on the basis of religion.”

Nor does he say there is any reason to continue the street protests over the government’s policies toward Dalit Christians and Muslims.

“With the BJP in power, what is the point of protesting?”

Source:

https://www.worldwatchmonitor.org/2014/10/article_3443328.html/

Govt opposed to Dalit status for converts

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Wed, 22 Oct 2014 20:23:00 +0530

NEW DELHI: The Centre believes that granting dalit status to converts from Islam and Christianity would encourage religious conversions, coming out against the demand that the list of Scheduled Castes be opened up beyond Hinduism, Sikhism and Buddhism.

Union social justice minister Thavar Chand Gehlot told TOI, "Allowing SC status to converts would provide a fillip to religious conversions. The demand is not constitutional and we want to work within the parameters of the statute for the welfare of these communities."

The unequivocal stance indicates that the Centre may oppose the demand of dalit Christians in the Supreme Court. The issue has been hanging fire as the UPA government, in its affidavit, continuously dragged its feet in the Court.

The call for extension of dalit status to Christianity and Islam is a sensitive subject that has resulted in divisions among social groups. While the dalit converts have long complained that stigma of caste-system exists in their new religions and they be clubbed with SCs, a section of existing dalits oppose it out of the fear that new members to the SC list would add more claimants for benefits like job reservations and cut into their share.

Groups like Sangh Parivar apprehend if dalit status is opened to practitioners of Christianity and Islam, there would be nothing to stop dalits from changing faith. The ineligibility for welfare benefits is seen as a check against conversion.

(People take part in a religion conversion ceremony from Christianity to Hinduism at Hasayan town in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. Photo: Reuters)

Speaking to TOI, Gehlot argued that opening the SC list would bring new claimants for benefits available to existing dalits. "It will encroach upon the facilities of SCs," he said.

On the other hand, he claimed the dalit converts are availing facilities extended to (backward) Christians and Muslims. "Now, if they get SC status, they will be eligible for dual benefits," he added.

According to the minister, the demand was unjustified because dalit-converts left the Hindu fold to escape the scourge of untouchability. "They converted to other religions because untouchability did not exist there. The conversion has solved the problems they faced as Hindus. So, they should not ask for SC status," he argued.

Coming out strongly against the campaign of dalit converts, the Union minister said the subject was debated in detail in the Constituent Assembly and has also been examined by government and the Supreme Court in the past. "They did not support it then and it should not be done now," he insisted.

Refusing to spell out the stand the government may take in the apex court, Gehlot said, "I am not aware of the affidavit the law ministry would file. But we are against opening dalit status to converts."

Source:

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Govt-opposed-to-Dalit-status-for-converts/articleshow/44765858.cms

Election results 2014: Reverse polarization is why Muslim votes did not count in UP and Bihar

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sat, 17 May 2014 07:06:00 +0530

Despite a concerted effort by "secular" parties to get Muslims to vote en bloc against BJP, the saffron challenger prevailed largely because of what is being called "reverse polarization".

In both UP and Bihar, which have a significant population of Muslims, the BJP pulled off big wins. Talking to TOI after the results were declared, BJP general-secretary Amit Shah said his party succeeded "because the number of people who are not part of the politics of vote bank are much more".

As per the 2011 Census, Muslims are nearly 15% of India's 1.2 billion people. In 35 seats, they number around one in three voters or more. In 38 other seats, Muslims are 21-30% of the electorate. If the 145 seats where they are 11-20% are added to this, Muslim voters have the ability to influence the outcome in 218 seats. UP and Bihar, which have 120 seats between them, have 18% and 16% share of Muslims respectively. So the "secular" gamble was not unreasonable.

In UP alone, out of 80 seats, 32 have a Muslim population of close to 15% or more. Yet, despite a serious pitch as the only force that could stop Modi, SP won only two seats, with 30 going to BJP.

Curiously, the saffron party swept all eight constituencies, including Saharanpur, Amroha, Shrawasti, Bijnor, Muzaffarnagar, Moradabad and Rampur, where the Muslim population hovers around 40%. For the first time since Independence, UP has no Muslim MP.

The trend is similar in Bihar where out of the 17 seats where Muslims have more than 15% of votes, BJP has won 12. The remaining five have been shared by the RJD-Congress-NCP combine and JD(U) which has got one seat.

Even in Maharashtra, which has Muslims constituting 14% of its population, BJP and its allies have swept the polls winning 42 out of 48 seats. The combine also won all the seats with considerable Muslim voters. In Mumbai and other Muslim-populated areas across Maharashtra, low polling in Muslim pockets and votes split between Congress-NCP and AAP made Muslim votes ineffective.

"In the Muslim-dominated Govandi area of Mumbai North-East polling was 40% while in the Gujarati-dominated Mulund, in the same constituency, it was 60%. And Muslim votes got divided between AAP's Medha Patkar and sitting MP NCP's Sanjay Dina Patil. This gave BJP's Kirit Somaiya a comfortable win," said Rais Shaikh, Samajwadi Party councillor from Govandi.

Pollsters, going by trends of past elections, say the Muslim vote is most effective where it is around 10% of the electorate, big enough to sway the result in a multi-cornered contest, by consolidating for a single candidate. Ironically, where Muslim presence is over 20%, their votes have been mostly ineffective. This is because of a multiplicity of Muslim candidates that divide their votes. In such constituencies, say psephologists, there is often counter-polarization of Hindu votes. In a polarized UP, it's the latter that seems to have helped the BJP. "In the future, Muslims will have to change their strategy and keep their options open," said M A Khalid of All India Milli Council.

Courtesy: Time of India

BSP’s ‘social engineering’ formula fails to work, BJP wins all 17 reserved seats

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sat, 17 May 2014 06:46:00 +0530

Written by Ramendra Singh | Lucknow | May 16, 2014 8:31 pm

The BJP also emerged victorious in seats like Phulpur and Ballia which it had never won before.

The BSP office and Mayawati's residence in Mall Avenue area wore a deserted look on Friday.

For the first time since its inception three decades back, the BSP drew a blank in the Lok Sabha elections. Besides the collapse of its Dalit-Brahmin and Dalit-Muslim social engineering formula, the results indicated that a section of the party’s core Dalit support base voted for the BJP, which won all the 17 reserved seats from the state with huge margins.

In 2009, the BSP had won 20 seats and came second in 47 seats, after seeing a constant rise in its vote share since 1989, which was its first Lok Sabha election after being founded in 1984. This time, the party has come second in 34 seats.

The party has also failed to retain Rewa in Madhya Pradesh, its lone seat outside Uttar Pradesh in the outgoing Lok Sabha.

Mayawati had given tickets to 21 Brahmins and 19 Muslims. The number of Muslim candidates was increased after the communal riots in Muzaffarnagar in September last year, but none of them managed to win. In fact, in the seats where the SP and BSP both fielded Muslim candidates, the SP nominees polled more votes.

The BSP’s strongholds of Ambedkarnagar (erstwhile Akbarpur which was earlier won by Mayawati in 1998, 1999 and 2004), Sitapur and Misrikh were all won by the BJP. The BSP office and Mayawati’s residence in Mall Avenue area wore a deserted look on Friday. The results came as a shock to party leaders who were expecting a better performance than the SP at least.

Neither Mayawati, who had projected her party as the balance of power at the Centre after the elections, nor her party leaders spoke to the media.

BSP national treasurer and Rajya Sabha MP Ambeth Rajan said only Mayawati could comment on the party’s performance and they are “too depressed” to make any statement.

The party’s Rajya Sabha MP and western UP in-charge Munquad Ali said the party would conduct a survey to find out what went wrong, and would be able to draw conclusions only after that.

The BSP’s debacle was reflected in the strongest ever penetration of the BJP among Dalits and Backward Classes, as the party won all 17 Lok Sabha seats reserved for SCs. The BJP’s best performance in reserved seats in UP till now had been 13 seats in 1996. In 2009, the SP had won 10 reserved seats, followed by BSP’s two, Congress’s two, BJP’s two and Rashtriya Lok Dal’s one. The BJP also emerged victorious in seats like Phulpur and Ballia which it had never won before.

Courtesy: http://indianexpress.com/article/india/politics/bsps-social-engineering-formula-fails-to-work-bjp-wins-all-17-reserved-seats/

आजाद फाउंडेशन के सचिव को हटाने पर चुनाव आयोग से शिकायत

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Tue, 13 May 2014 07:07:00 +0530

पुलिस महानिदेशक रैंक के अधिकारी और मौलाना आजाद एजुकेशन फाउंडेशन के सचिव एम.डब्ल्यू अंसारी को चुनावों के दौरान पद से हटाये जाने पर चुनाव आयोग से शिकायत की गयी है.

रहमान खान के दबाव में हटाया गया अंसारी को

यह भी पढ़ें-

अपने मंत्रालय के सचिव को हटाने पर घिरे के रहमान खान

अंसारी को 1 मई को तब पद से हटा दिया गया था जब चुनाव आचार संहिता लागू था. मालूम हो कि मौलाना आजाद एजुकेशन फाउंडेशन केंद्रीय अल्पसंख्यक कल्याण मंत्रालय के अधीन कार्यरत संस्था हौ जो अल्पसंख्यकों में शिक्षा व रोजगार के प्रसार के लिए काम करता है.

ऑल इंडिया मुस्लिम मज्लिस ए मुशावरत के अध्यक्ष जफरुल इस्लाम खान ने चुनाव आयोग को लिखे पत्र में असारी को हटा दिये जाने पर कड़ी आपत्ति जताते हुए लिखा है कि वह एक ईमानदार अधिकारी हैं और उन्हें काम करने नहीं दिया जा रहा था.

मालूम हो कि अंसारी को अल्पसंख्यक कल्याण मंत्री के रहमान खान के दबाव में हटाया गया है.

जब से एम. डब्लू अंसारी को फाउंडेशन का सचिव बनाया गया था तब से इसने 35 हजार छात्रों को स्कॉलरशिप देकर एक रिकार्ड बना दिया था. इतना ही नहीं अंसारी ने जबसे एमएएफ के सचिव की जिम्मेदारी संभाली थी, उन्होंने ऐसे दर्जन भर एनजीओज को ब्लैकलिस्टेड कर दिया जो भ्रष्टाचार में लिप्त थे और फाउंडेशन से ग्रांट हासिल कर फर्जीवाड़ा कर रहे थे.

एमएएफ सूत्रों का कहना है कि अंसारी के पद संभालने के बाद से फाउंडेशन में नयी जान आ गयी थी और इसने एक साल में जितना काम किया था उतना काम इसने पिछले चार साल में भी नहीं किया.

लेकिन सवाल यह है कि जिस अधिकारी की तारीफ खुद फाउंडेशन के अन्य अधिकारी करते हों उन्हें अचानक बिना वजह बताये उनके पैरेंटल बॉडी में भेजने का फरमान क्यों जारी कर दिया गया? फाउंडेशन के सूत्र बताते हैं कि अंसारी के काम करने का पारदर्शी तरीका और उनकी विश्वसनीयता ही उनके हटाये जाने की वजह बन गयी.

एमडब्ल्यू अंसारी के हटाये जाने का अब भारी विरोध शुरू हो गया है. फोरम फॉर मुस्लिम स्टडीज ऐंड एनालाइसिस के सचिव जसीम मोहम्मद ने यूपीए सरकार की आलोचना करते हुए कहा है कि अल्पसंख्यक कल्याण मंत्री के रहमान खान ईमानदार अधिकारियों को काम करने नहीं देना चाहते.

Courtesy: http://naukarshahi.in/

Congress’ parting kick: K Rahman Khan humiliates upright officer

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Tue, 13 May 2014 07:01:00 +0530

The Milli Gazette

Published Online: May 11, 2014

Print Issue: 16-31 May 2014

In late January came the news that senior IPS officer Mohammad Wazir Ansari has been promoted as the new Chhattisgarh DGP. It was feared that Ansari would leave his current crucial assignment as Secretary of Maulana Azad Education Foundation (MAEF). But he decided to stay with the Foundation.

Come May, general election is at its peak, PM Manmohan is packing his bags and so must be Minister of Minority Affairs K Rahman Khan knowing well that he has only a few more days left in office. Yet, flouting Election Commission’s Model Code of Conduct, he sacks the Secretary of the Foundation and replaces him with IPS Dinesh Singh Bist. This has come as a shock to people who know Ansari and care for MAEF. But not to those who know K Rahman Khan.

K Rahman Khan (left), Mohammad Wazir Ansari

MAEF runs various schemes for the uplift of minorities, like grant-in-aid for infrastructures for NGOs working in basic education, scholarships for meritorious girls students, health programme ‘Sehat Scheme’, a faculty development programme ‘Nalanda Project’, Maulana Azad Memorial Lecture and awareness programmes. The Foundation had come under fire in the past for disbursing aid of just Rs 1 lakh in 2011-12 against a budget of Rs 100 crore. Ever since Ansari took over as MAEF Secretary in February 2013, things changed tremendously with 35,000 scholarships given last year. Blacklisting seven NGOs, while giving grants of Rs 183 crore to 1,423 NGOs.

Ansari is known to be a no nonsense person, honest to the core, workaholic and notorious for keeping his staff on their toes. His resumé (still available on the Foundation’s website) showcases his illustrious career, receiving Police Presidential Medal for Meritorious Services in 2001 and Police Presidential Medal for Distinguished Services in 2011.

Ansari refused to be interviewed by MG but speaking to several staffers at MAEF, there seem to be many reasons, mostly personal, which may have caused Rahman Khan to sack Ansari.

Ansari’s proposals to have a periodical on Maulana Azad and to have an annual Maulana Azad lecture did not find favour with the MMA. Ansari was facing difficulty in populating a library which had all books on Maulana Azad. Ansari also wanted to make the staff of the Foundation permanent as it has only five permanent staff while all the remaining 20 odd are temporary working for more than a decade, which reportedly, did not go well with the Minister who wanted a grand building for the foundation, whereas Ansari wanted the funds to be used in welfare activity.

Khan pressed for grants for some NGOs but Ansari refused to oblige for lack of eligibility and documentation. A friend of Khan’s son, Khalid Bilgrami, was made Treasurer of the Foundation, for whom Khan wanted an honorarium of Rs 75000, whereas sources said Bilgrami was mentally incapable and work of the foundation suffered as a result.

Maulana Azad Education Foundation (MAEF) was earlier situated here at Chelmsford Road, New Delhi - 110055 and the building was equally shared amongst Ministry of Social Justice & Empowerment (MoSJ&E) and the Ministry of Minority Affairs (MOMA).

But the main reason which is being held against Ansari is that he did not follow “normal” procedure for repair and maintenance work carried out for shifting the Foundation’s office from a shared building to a separate block next to it. The new place comprises 1.6 acre of land with built up area of approx. more than 4000 sq.ft. with 24 small rooms, two large halls, boundary wall and one entry gate. All the built-up area was in a very dilapidated and abandoned condition. The portion had never been maintained, repaired or looked after during the past 30 years and had encroachments even on its main gate.

The entrance gate of MAEF after renovation of the abandoned block, encroachments still exist on both sides of the gate.

Out of the total expenditure of Rs. 66.40 lakh under the head of repair and maintenance, initially repair works of Rs 10.14 lakh were carried out through contractors and it was observed that the cost of further repairs and renovation would be saved if MAEF got the work done by itself. As a result, cash withdrawals were made to quickly get things done in order to meet the December 2013 deadline to shift the office.

Maulana Azad Bhawan, Maulana Azad Campus as it is now after shifting from the old shared premises.

All this repair work was done after the approval of the Governing Body and visits were made by the Minister himself and his staff and they appreciated the work. The open land of this campus was a complete jungle which was cleared and the road, parking, garden etc were developed within the allotted time.

Meanwhile, sources claim, things kept deteriorating between Khan and Ansari. Reportedly, Ansari asked for a detailed account and progress from the Minister who was directly looking after the planning/study/blue-prints for 5 universities under the Foundation at a cost of Rs 15 lakh for each university.

Finally, Khan ordered an audit of the repair work at the Foundation by National Buildings Construction Corporation (NBCC) which said in its report that estimating costs of repair work of a dilapidated building after the repair has been done is theoretically not possible. Strangely in one part the report justified cost escalation and in another part stated that the cost of repair could have been lower.

Debris still remains on the campus as work stopped abruptly.

Reportedly, this very NBCC was supposed to get the contract to build the grand office of the Foundation which was vetoed by Ansari who, instead, chose to repair the existing abandoned building.

Such banners on the boundary makes the campus known to public.

Staff at MAEF confirmed that in case of disbursement of aid, Ansari did not want to see any delay in approved cases.

Ansari refused to comment on his removal but said he is not going to sit quietly.

This article appeared in The Milli Gazette print issue of 16-31 May 2014 on page no. 1

Mushawarat deplores abrupt removal of Ansari from Maulana Azad Foundation

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Tue, 13 May 2014 06:59:00 +0530

Asks Sonia Gandhi and Election Commission for his immediate reinstatement

By Muslim Mirror News

New Delhi: The All India Muslim Majlis-e Mushawarat has come out in support of M. W. Ansari IPS who was abruptly sacked from the post of the Secretary of the Maulana Azad Education Foundation and asked his reinstatement as quickly as possible. Deploring the abrupt and hasty action taken by the Minister of Minority Affairs K Rehman Khan, Mushawarat on Monday said that removal of an upright and honest officer in the midst of elections has sent wrong a message to the country and community. It also sent a letter to UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi protesting the sacking of Ansari in the most unconstitutional manner even without any proper enquiry. It is being mentioned here that Muslim Mirror was the first news portal which broke news of Ansari’s sacking.

President of AIMMM Dr Zafarul-Islam Khan said it is a clear violation of the model code of the election as the minister had only a few days left in office. “The abrupt and untimely removal of an efficient and honest officer sends a very wrong message to the country and community”. Dr Khan has written in this respect to the Chief Election Commissioner and Sonia Gandhi asking for a quick reversal of this hasty and wrong decision and reinstatement of the honest officer who had brought life back to the Maulana Azad Educational Foundation. In his letter to Sonia Gandhi, he pointed out that “despite the Election Commission’s Model Code of Conduct which prohibits Union and state governments to make any appointment or promotion during the period of elections, the Union Minority Minister has found it appropriate to summarily sack an upright IPS officer who was serving as Secretary of the Maulana Azad Education Foundation which is a major central government organisation working for the educational and social upfilt of the minorities”.

He further said “The officer in question, Mr MW Ansari, who holds the post of the Director General of Police of Chattisgarh but was still serving this institution on deputation in order to serve the community. Observers say that after many years, this organisation had such a no-nonsense, efficient Secretary who got a lot done within a short period of time while earlier the organization was known for sheer ineffectiveness, laziness and corruption”.

The letter pointed out that “According to our information, the Minister was nursing a grudge against Mr Ansari for asking for accounts of certain amounts of the organization spent by the Minister, so he used an unproven case of renovation of the Foundation’s new premises at allegedly inflated cost to sack Mr Ansari unceremoniously though, if needed, the allegation could have been properly investigated allowing Mr Ansari to place on record his side of the story”.

Courtesy: http://muslimmirror.com/

अपने मंत्रालय के सचिव को हटाने पर घिरे के रहमान खान

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 11 May 2014 22:05:00 +0530

पुलिस महानिदेशक रैंक के अधिकारी और मौलाना आजाद फाउंडेशन के सचिव एम.डब्ल्यू अंसारी को पद से हटाने का मामला तूल पकड़ता जा रहा है. इस मामले में अल्पसंख्यक कल्याण मंत्री रहमान खान घिरते जा रहे हैं.

एमडब्ल्यू अंसारी डीजीपी रैंक के अधिकारी हैं

केंद्र सरकार ने अंसारी को पिछले 1 मई को पदमुक्त करते हुए उन्हें अपने पैरेंट कैडर में वापस जाने का फरमान जारी कर दिया था. ध्यान रहे कि मौलाना आजाद फाउंडेशन केंद्रीय अल्पसंख्याक कल्याण मंत्रालय के अधीन काम करता है.

नौकरशाही डॉट इन को जो खबरें मिली हैं उसके अनुसार अल्प संख्यक कल्याण मंत्री के रहमान खान की हां में हां, न मिलाने और उनके मनपसंद नजीओज को योजना राशि मंजूर न करने के कारण अंसारी को हटाया गया है.

ध्यान रहे कि मौलाना आजाद एजुकेशन फाउंडेशन( एमएईएफ) अल्पसंख्यक छात्रों को स्कालरशिप और उनकी पढ़ाई व रोजगार पर सैकड़ों करोड़ रुपये का फंड वितरित करता है.

फाउंडेशन में फूंकी नयी जान

पिछले कई सालों से मौलाना आजाद एजुकेशन फाउंडेशन( एमएईएफ) एक निष्क्रिय संस्था के रूप में बदनाम रहा है. 100 करोड़ रुपये के सालाना फंड के बावजूद एमएएफ वित्त वर्ष 2011-12 में महज एक लाख रुपये का उपयोग कर सका था. लेकिन जब से इसका सचिव एम. डब्लू अंसारी को बनाया गया था तब से इसने 35 हजार छात्रों को स्कॉलरशिप देकर एक रिकार्ड बना दिया था. इतना ही नहीं अंसारी ने जबसे एमएएफ के सचिव की जिम्मेदारी संभाली थी, उन्होंने ऐसे दर्जन भर एनजीओज को ब्लैकलिस्टेड कर दिया जो भ्रष्टाचार में लिप्त थे और फाउंडेशन से ग्रांट हासिल कर फर्जीवाड़ा कर रहे थे.

अंग्रेजी अखबार डीएनए ने अपने सूत्र के हवाले से लिखा है कि गर्वनिंग काउंसिल की बैठक में अल्पसंख्यक कल्याण मंत्री के रहमान खान और फाउंडेशन के सचिव अंसारी के बीच कुछ एनजीओ को ब्लैकलिस्टेड किये जाने पर तकरार पैदा हो गया था. बताया जाता है कि रहमान खान एक खास एनजीओ को ब्लैकलिस्ट किये जाने पर खासे नाराज थे और वह चाहते थे कि उसे ग्रांट जारी रखा जाये, पर अंसारी ने उस एनजीओ के आचरण पर प्रश्न चिंह लगाते हुए उसे ग्रांट देने से इनकार कर दिया था.

इस घटना के बाद केंद्रीय अल्पसंख्यक कल्याण मंत्री के रहमान खान और मौलाना आजाद फाउंडेशन के सचिव एम.डब्ल्यू अंसारी आमने-सामे आ गये थे.

हालांकि इस संबंध में रहमान खान की प्रतिक्रिया अभी तक सामने नहीं आयी है लेकिन उनके दफ्तर के एक अधिकारी ने डीएनए को बताया था कि सचिव एमडब्लू अंसारी ने फाउंडेशन के भवन निर्माण में 15 प्रतिशत अतिरिक्त राशि खर्च की थी.

जब इस संबंध में नौकरशाही डॉट इन ने अंसारी से बात की तो उनका सीधा कहना था कि मंत्री को ईमानदार अधिकारी की जरूरत नहीं है और वह चाहते हैं कि फाउंडेशन में वैसे लोगों का आधिपत्य रहे जो हर तरह का फर्जीवाड़ा करते हैं. असारी आगे कहते हैं मैंने जितनी ईमानदारी से काम किया है इसका सुबूत देने के बजाये मैं इस पर हर तरह की जांच को तैयार हूं. उन्होंने कहा कि कुछ लोग अल्पसंख्यक समाज की बदहाली के नाम पर खुद अपनी चांदी काटना चाहते हैं और मैं इस तरह काम में उनके लिए बाधा था.

Courtesy: http://naukarshahi.in

FMSA condemns removal of secretary of MAEF Mohd. Wazir Ansari, IPS/DGP

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 11 May 2014 15:32:00 +0530

Aligarh 11-5-2014: Unceremonious marching orders to the secretary of Maulana Azad Education Foundation (MAEF) indicate that hones and hard working officer have no place under UPA government said Prof. Razaullah Khan while presiding over a meeting of Forum for Muslim Studies & Analysis (FMSA), Aligarh on Media Centre Aligarh. He said that Union Minister Affairs Minister K. Rahman Khan was treating Mohd. Wazir Ansari, IPS, DGP a road block in pleasing his chosen few by giving contracts and so he removed him who is not only an honest officer but also was worthy for implementing UPA government policies. He recalled that Wazir Ansari not only got renovated dilapidated building of Foundation but had disbursed Rs. 183 crore across the country to uplift the minorities. He said that the act of UPA government should be condemned strongly.

Jasim Mohammad, secretary of FMSA said that the greatest achievement of Wazir Ansari was that he named the building of MAEF as Maulana Azad Bhawan. He pointed out that Wazir Ansari is a highly decorated IPS police officer of Chhattisgarh and if may not have pain for marginalized classes he may not have joined MAFE at all and may had contribution as Additional Director General of Police. But he preferred to serve the masses instead of cozy life. He said that K. Rahman Khan instead of respecting such an officer failed to show the minimum courtesy. Jasim Mohammad demanded that M. Wazir Ansari, IPS should be recalled as secretary of MAEF to speed up the welfare of minorities particularly Muslims.

AMU EC Member Dr. Mohammad Shahid said that plain truth is that K. Rahman Khan was trying to give benefits to his chosen people and NGOs and Wazir Ansari resisted that which angered Rahman Khan. He said such actions on personal egos are not fruitful to democracy at all.

N. Jamal Ansari said that earlier a noted educationist PA Inamdar was also removed by the Union Minister Affairs minister AR Antulay in the manner in which Wazir Ansari has been shown the doors. He said that minority affairs minister is not Zamindari of minster and the uncalled for actions of K. Rahman Khan must be taken seriously by UPA Chairperson.

In the end of meeting FMSA passed a regulation demanding that Mohd. Wazir Ansari should be called back respectfully as secretary of MAFE and Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh should call on expander of K. Rahman Khan.

MAEF secretary abruptly removed by congress Minister K Rahman Khan

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 11 May 2014 11:07:00 +0530

New Delhi: The Central government has removed Mr. M. W. Ansari, the secretary of Maulana Azad Education Foundation (MAEF), a frontline body under the ministry of minority affairs to implement various minority welfare schemes, in the midst of the election process.

The secretary, Mr. MW Ansari, a senior IPS officer of Chhattisgarh cadre was given the marching orders, rather unceremoniously through a fax message without giving any reason on May 1. He was reportedly sent off following a tiff with minister K. Rahman Khan on granting funds to some favourite NGOs and his opposition to issue a contract for the construction of a new building for the MAF in the heart of Delhi.

The Foundation had come under fire in the past for spending just Rs 1 lakh in 2011-12 against a budget of Rs 100 crore. It was after this dismal performance that the ministry of minorities affairs hunted for an appropriate officer to head the Foundation, which is responsible for distributing scholarships, providing grant-in-aid to NGOs who work in the areas of providing basic educational infrastructure and facilities in minority concentration areas. Ansari was asked to immediately handover charge to DS Bisht, currently the managing director of National Minorities Financial Development Corporation (NMFDC).

Ansari, who refused to talk about his exit, said he had no idea why he was removed in the midst of elections. MAF sources said Ansari's credentials and transparent working style was the main factor behind his exit from the Foundation.

The Central government has provided a corpus of Rs 910 crore to the Foundation, which is invested in three banks. Last year, the amount generated an income of Rs 82 crore for the Foundation to meet its administrative and infrastructural requirements.

"At the last governing council meeting, presided by the minister, there was a tiff on blacklisting of some NGOs and also the minister wanted a contract to be assigned to National Buildings Corporation (NBC) for the construction of a new building, which was resisted by secretary Ansari," a source in the MAF said.

Those in the Foundation said the senior IPS officer, of the rank of director general police, wanted funds to the tune of Rs 100 crore to be used for the welfare of community, rather than for construction of a signature building.

MAF officers said Ansari had energised the institution by providing some 35,000 scholarships mostly to girl students last year. While blacklisting seven NGOs, he was also instrumental in disbursing Rs 183 crore to 1,423 NGOs across the country for the upliftment of educational standards of minority community, an important recommendation of Justice Rajinder Sachar committee.

Assam Violence: A Shame

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 11 May 2014 10:32:00 +0530

By Ram Puniyani

The recent (May 01, 2014) violence in Kokrajhar, Baska killing 32 Bengali speaking Muslims is one more reminder of the seeping Bodo-Muslim tension in the region. This violence is being attributed to Bodoland People’s Front (BPF), whose legislator Pramila Rani Brahma allegedly stated that her party candidate and Assam minister may not win in the present elections as according to her knowledge Muslims had not voted for him and have voted for a non-Bodo candidate. This is what seems to have provoked the violence, but surely this is tip of the iceberg as the problems between two communities are much deeper and are in a way continuation of the same reasons which led to the violence in the region in July 2012. This is also related to the subtle threat for the forthcoming Assembly elections of 2015.

The fear being expressed by the party of Bodos is that a defeat of their candidate will spell the doom for their demand for the state of Bodoland, which is high on their agenda. While the dissatisfaction amongst Bodos and the travails of Bengali speaking Muslims have been simmering for a long time, they got painful expression in the form of the violence in July 2012 in the Bodo Territorial Autonomous Districts (BTAD) Kokrajhar, Chirang, which are governed by Bodo Territorial Council and part of Dhumri. This violence led to killing of sixty people and displacement of nearly four lakh people.

The region is gripped by the problem, due to the misconception that the Bengali speaking Muslims in the region are infiltrators from Bangala Desh. While the BJP, Modi, are projecting that the present elections are being fought on the issue of development, at every conceivable moment there is the propping up of the communal issue. In his speeches in eastern part of the country, Modi has been accusing Bengal Chief minister that she has more time to look after the Bangla Deshi infiltrators than the people of Bengal. In Assam, he went on to suggest that rhinos were being killed in Kaziranga National Park to find room for infiltrators. He also gave a threat that the infiltrators should pack themselves up as they will have to leave on 16^th May, the day election results will come out and he is sure to become the Prime minister of the country.

The problem in the Assam region is a festering wound on the body politic of India. In Assam under the pressure of problems related to jobs and other livelihood issues have been given a communal tilt by the parochial forces which gave the slogan ‘Assam for Assamese’ quite on the line of Maharashtra for Marathis by the sectarian Shiv Sena in Mumbai. The first casualty of this propaganda and the attitude which was generated due to this; was the Nellie massacre (1983), in which nearly three thousand people, mainly Bengali speaking Muslims, were butchered by Luhang tribe. The massacre occurred in the midst of Assam agitation, which was demanding cleansing of the electoral rolls of ‘illegal immigrants from Bangla Desh’. A Tribhuban Prasad Tiwary Commission was instituted in the wake of massacre, but its report was never made public.Agitation of Bodo’s led to creation of Bodo Territorial Council (BTC), giving most powers to Bodos in the four districts, Khokrajhar, Chirang, Baksa and Udalgiri; three of which have undergone the massive violence in July 2012. The claim that Bodos are majority and need to preserve their ethnic identity and interests in the area, does not hold any water since the estimate of percentage of Bodos in this area varies from 22 to 29% only. With full powers given to them under this council they have marginalized other sections of society very badly. The other point of view is that despite the formation of Bodo Territorial Council, the Bodos did not surrender their arms, which was one of the conditions for accepting the demand of this regional council

The study of population statistics will make it clear that the beginning of coming of Bengalis speaking Muslims in Assam was due to the policy of British. There is a long history of Bengali speaking Muslims in Assam For example there were close to one lakh Muslims in Assam in 1931.In the beginning Bengal was the very populous and politically most aware area. Assam at that time was sparsely populated. British undertook a ‘Human Plantation policy’ in the beginning of twentieth century. The basic idea of British policy was three fold. One was to ensure the shifting of people from the overpopulated Bengal to Assam. Two, it aimed to reduce the incidence of famine and unrest in Bengal, and three British wanted to habitat Assam and collect revenue from that area.

Irrespective of the propaganda about Bangla Deshi infiltrators, research based on population statistics of last century shows that Muslims in the region are settlers from pre partition Bengal to begin with. Later there was some migration at the time of partition in 1947 and still later in the after math of 1971 war with Pakistan, leading to formation of Bangla Desh. Shivam Viz in Myth of Bangla Deshi and Violence in Assam (http://kafila.org/2012/08/16/the-myth-of-the-bangladeshi-and-violence-in-assam-nilim-dutta/) shows that the migration has taken place over a period of time and the increase of population stops after 1971.

The Assam accord of 1985 granted citizenship rights to all these who had settled in Assam till then. This accord recognizes all those living in this area as the legal setters and so most of the Muslim fall in that category. Not to deny that that some small number of illegal immigrants, the ones’ forced to migrate for economic reasons may also be there.

Despite these facts, the issue has become a big fodder for communal politics, which keeps harping on ‘Bangal Deshi infiltrators’. Here also they go on to say Hindu migrants from Bangla Desh are refugees while the Muslims are infiltrators. Even the 2012 violence was labeled by communal forces as strife between Bodos (Nationalists) and Muslims (foreigners!). The plight of the Muslims who speak Bengali is pathetic as not only they are marginalized and looked down upon, many of them do not even have the voting rights and some of them are put in the category of D voters, i.e. doubtful voters and so are not allowed to vote. There is an active hate industry blaming that the ruling party is encouraging infiltration for the sake of votes while in reality the economic migrations which are associated with the regional disparities like Nepali’s coming to India have also come down heavily with Bangla Desh economy looking up in last few decades.

The present violence is definitely and outcome of the communal venom spread through the election speeches and unresolved issues of the two communities. The Bodos not surrendering arms, after formation of BTC, as promised by them has been the major ground for violence. It is here that we need to concentrate. The demand for giving licenses to minorities for self protection has been in the air but probably better option is to disarm the Bodos, as per the accord which led to the formation of Bodo Regional Council. The human tragedy of such proportions needs and urgent response and long term measures from the state and central Government. The reconciliation between two communities must be given top priority, adequate rehabilitation along with the development of the region, the lack of which is given the direction of ‘Hate other’ by the tendencies demanding separate Bodo land.

[Author can be reached at ram.puniyani@gmail.com]

Untouchability Another ‘Gujarat model’

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Thu, 1 May 2014 18:02:00 +0530

A study on untouchability practices in 1,589 villages in Gujarat provides critical data for the Dalit movement to shape its interventions at the national and international levels. By ANUPAMA KATAKAM

DESPITE laws making it punishable, untouchability continues to exist in the country in a vicious manner. A study titled “Understanding Untouchability: A Comprehensive Study of Practices and Conditions in 1,589 villages”, conducted in Gujarat by the Navsarjan Trust, an organisation that promotes the rights of Dalits, in collaboration with the Robert E. Kennedy Centre for Justice and Human Rights, puts together staggering data on the obnoxious practice that gets neglected by both the State and Central governments. The survey was conducted from 2007 to 2010.

A sample of the findings indicates how deep the rot is. In 98.4 per cent of the villages surveyed, inter-caste marriage was prohibited, and inter-caste couples would be subjected to violence and would often have to leave the village. In 98.1 per cent of the villages, a Dalit could not rent a house in a non-Dalit locality. In 97.6 per cent of the villages, Dalits touching the water pots or utensils of non-Dalits was considered defilement. In 97.2 per cent of the villages, Dalit religious leaders would never be asked to perform a religious ceremony in a non-Dalit area.

The report says it is essential to note that while citizens’ groups and human rights activists have been advocating Dalit rights, the lack of political will has been a major setback to attempts to abolish untouchability. The introduction to the report states: “There is systematic underestimation of the practice of untouchability within modern India; the perpetuation of a wide variety of abuses is allowed to continue with impunity; there is a general lack of awareness and sensitivity to the pervasiveness of the problem; and, consequently, there is limited political will to address and change the situation.”

Martin Macwan of Navsarjan, who spearheaded the study, says, “Navsarjan has experienced first hand that a deeper understanding gained by intensive data collections leads to the development of more effective strategies to address the continued practice of untouchability.” The organisation expects the study will provide critical data for the Dalit movement to shape its interventions at the national and international levels. According to Macwan, untouchability is a deeply complex problem. “It is a crime to practise untouchability, but the caste system is not a crime, which is the root of the problem. People believe it is part of a belief and nothing is wrong with that,” he says.

Most people tend to look at untouchability in isolation, he says, while it is in reality closely linked to the economic, social and political structure. Citing an example, he says the government itself marks out separate burial lands for Dalits. The politician will not oppose it, says Macwan, but rather encourage it for short-term gains.

Although the study was conducted in Gujarat, Macwan and his team believe it is a pointer to a problem that exists across the country on a similar scale. The report says: “The issue of untouchability is one of the most divisive issues in the country’s history and a lived experience of all people in India, including both Dalits, who number over 164 million, and non-Dalit perpetrators and witnesses.”

To meet the study’s goals, an international team of human rights activists, lawyers and academics with distinct areas of specialisation assembled in 2007 to define the diverse set of practices that constitute the legally and almost conceptually amorphous term “untouchability” in a manner that would reflect the experiences Dalits live through every day. Explaining its methodology, the report says the study did not seek Dalit communities’ opinions on the various conditions and practices to which they were subjected (for instance, what they feel about these practices). Accordingly, the resulting research is intended to be a census of untouchability and not a public opinion survey.

The study team conducted the census at the community level and the household level involving the entire Dalit population in a village. A randomisation process selected which locale would be subject to which approach.

Untouchability index

The team spoke to 5,462 respondents in 1,589 villages over a two-year period. The researchers formulated an index of untouchability after identifying 98 distinct practices of discrimination and clustered them into eight categories: 1) water for drinking, 2) food and beverage, 3) religion, 4) touch, 5) access to public facilities and institutions, 6) caste-based occupations, 7) prohibitions and social sanctions and 8) private sector discrimination. The survey was on both vertical and horizontal discrimination, that is, discrimination by a non-Dalit against a Dalit and discrimination by a Dalit against another Dalit. Seeking to understand the pervasiveness of untouchability, the surveyors asked the villagers a series of questions pertaining to their everyday lives, such as “can you get water from the village well without assistance?” The answers helped in collating crucial and relevant data.

A practice most prevalent across all the villages examined (at 98 per cent) was the failure to serve tea to Dalits in non-Dalit households. Even if tea was served, it was done so in a separate cup called “rampatar”—vessel of Ram.

In approximately 96 per cent of the villages, Dalit labourers were served lunch separately from other workers. Any leftover food touched by them was thrown away, untouched by any non-Dalit. Further, in 94 per cent of the villages, when the community gathered, Dalits were asked to sit in a separate place to eat, to bring their own plates, or to eat after non-Dalits had finished.

With regard to practices concerning religious activity, the study suggests that in almost all of the villages surveyed (97 per cent), Dalits were not allowed to touch articles used for religious rituals. In 96 per cent of the villages, non-Dalits would not come to Dalit localities to perform religious services.

The report states that in 90 per cent of the villages, Dalits were not allowed to enter public temples. In 92 per cent of the villages, prasad, or a portion of the food offered to the deity, was thrown to Dalits without any physical contact.

The study also found that in approximately 96 per cent of the cases, it was forbidden for a Dalit to enter an upper-caste house.

In less than half (44 per cent) of the villages, it was considered defilement if Dalits splattered water on a non-Dalit even at common bathing places or when a Dalit washed his or her hands or clothes. Additionally, in 38 per cent of the villages, a Dalit even accidentally touching a non-Dalit was considered defilement.

Some of the clearest forms of vertical caste discrimination were in restrictions with regard to private and public spaces. In 87 per cent of the villages surveyed, Dalits were not allowed to hire cooking pots for wedding ceremonies. Further, Dalits could not use the services of local barbers (in 73 per cent of the villages), potters (in 61 per cent of the villages) and tailors (in 33 per cent of the villages).

In 29 per cent of the villages, Dalits were denied access to common wells or taps, and in 71 per cent of the villages, there was no water tap in the Dalit area of the village. “Given that water is essential for so many aspects of life—especially in a rural context —this form of discrimination is especially inhuman. Particularly astounding is that, in 10 per cent of the villages, Dalits were not able to receive the services of the village’s private doctor, even though failure to do so is potentially fatal,” says the report.

Horizontal discrimination

The researchers also highlight a few practices that are not in the index. For instance, in 95.8 per cent of the villages, Dalits belonging to a dominant sub-caste would enforce the practice where lower sub-caste Dalits must remove carcasses. In 92.4 per cent of the villages, all Dalits did not have access to Dalit burial grounds. In 91.4 per cent of the villages, lower sub-caste Dalits had to collect the clothes discarded at burials, and they are expected to wear them as their clothing. Dalit children were always segregated and made to sit separately in classrooms.

Akin to vertical discrimination, but apparently not as severe, is the discrimination by a Dalit against another Dalit. The report says that in almost all villages, lower sub-caste Dalits had to sit separately from the rest of the Dalit community during special meals. In 78 per cent of the villages, lower sub-caste Dalit farm workers were not provided with water on a higher sub-caste Dalit’s farm. “With regard to perhaps the most valued of resources, those at the bottom are consistently discriminatory toward others who share their plight,” the report says.

Another most prevalent form of horizontal discrimination concerns religious activity. Specifically, in 80 per cent of the villages, lower sub-caste Dalits were not allowed to sit with higher sub-caste Dalits when a religious discourse was on even if the discourse took place in the home of a Dalit.

In 64 per cent of the villages, despite there being a law that reserves a certain proportion of seats for Dalit panchayat members relative to the Dalit population, including having a provision to elect a Dalit head of the local governing council, lower sub-caste Dalit members of the panchayat had to often sit on the floor.

Other forms of discrimination include Dalit midwives refusing to assist lower sub-caste Dalits or some others refusing to be treated by lower sub-caste nurses. An important area of concern is Dalits’ access to gauchar land, a public grazing area, which is required for their livelihood. In 59 per cent of the villages, gauchar land access was restricted to lower sub-caste Dalits. In some cases, lower sub-caste Dalits were not allowed to dance at a Dalit-specific village celebration.

Radical changes required

The study emphatically points out that “understanding untouchability is crucial to ending untouchability. Without understanding the problem, the Government of India will never be able to fully address the issue and fulfil the human rights obligations owed to Dalit citizens.”

It makes several critical points about the current status of untouchability. Given the situation at the panchayat level where a Dalit cannot even sit on a chair, reservation is not enough, it says. Additionally, India’s human rights obligations are deficient, say the researchers. “Faced with poverty, oppression and exploitation, Dalits have a very difficult time reporting atrocities or other violations of law and realising their constitutional right to non-discrimination,” says the report.

The Navsarjan Trust believes that the data provided could be used to make effective intervention towards eradicating untouchability in India.

Printable version | May 1, 2014 1:59:09 PM | http://www.frontline.in/social-issues/social-justice/another-gujarat-model/article5958923.ece

Mid-poll pitch: Congress sub-manifesto promises OBC quota for Muslims

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sat, 26 Apr 2014 20:37:00 +0530

NEW DELHI: Midway through the Lok Sabha polls, Congress has launched an aggressive minority outreach, committing itself to "finding a way forward" on quotas for backward Muslims and Scheduled Caste status to all dalit minorities.

In its additional manifesto on "empowerment of minorities", Congress has said it will work towards earmarking a quota of 4.5% for backward Muslims in the existing other backward caste (OBC) reservations.

Though Congress's main manifesto released on March 26 mentions quotas for backward Muslims, the new document specifically reiterates the 4.5% sub-quota announced by the Manmohan Singh government but which was stalled in courts.

The fresh minority pitch - available on the manifesto link on the Congress website - goes further, speaking of "extension of Scheduled Caste status to all dalit minorities", a demand opposed by many dalit groups currently accessing quotas.

Amending the SC criteria - currently available to Hindus and Buddhists — will allow 'dalit' Muslims and Christians to access quotas and has been strongly opposed by BJP on the ground that there is no caste-based discrimination in both religions.

The document also says a Congress government will examine the feasibility of the next delimitation commission being mandated to ensure minorities are not "disenfranchised" by constituencies where their population is equal or more than dalits or tribals being declared as reserved.

The major outreach to Muslims could indicate Congress's bid to consolidate minority support amid signs that BJP could be benefitting from a polarization in many states. Congress's alliance with Lalu Prasad's RJD seems to be working in Bihar, pulling in Muslim support, and the party may be seeking similar results elsewhere where the minority votes appear split.

Congress has also said it will work to ensure adequate representation of minorities in all public positions and in student and faculty positions in educational institutions. The equal opportunity commission will be empowered to check discrimination against minorities in employment and education opportunities.

The to-do list ends with an appeal: "We appeal to all our friends from minority community to support the INC so that we can fulfill promises made in the Election manifesto to the minorities communities."

The clutch of additional manifestos that include documents on agriculture, panchayati raj, SCs, OBCs, youth and women, are placed under "suggested policies and programmes for Congress government (2014-19)" and have been culled out of manifesto consultations.

Congress had earlier said that the additional manifestos, addressing sectional concerns, will include hundreds of suggestions received during the "open manifesto" discussions launched by Rahul Gandhi with various stakeholders.

On quotas for backward Muslims, the document says, "The Congress-led UPA government has taken steps to address conditions of backward minorities by providing for reservation in educational institutions and in government employment. We will pursue this closely in Supreme Court and ensure the policy is implemented through proper legislation."

In 2011, the Centre had announced a sub-quota of 4.5% for socially and educationally backward persons belonging to minority communities, but the proposal was stalled due to judicial scrutiny.

The pointed reference to the 4.5% quota, omitted in the main manifesto perhaps due to concern that it may help BJP harp on "minority appeasement", could mean Congress has jettisoned the more cautious approach in favour of aggressively wooing a key voting segment.

The strategy, however, is not without risks as BJP has been accusing Congress of pampering Muslims at the cost of dalits and backward castes.

Congress has reiterated that Prevention of Communal and Targeted Violence (Access to Justice and Reparations) Bill, 2013 will be passed as a matter of priority when it comes back to power.

The party promised to empower equal opportunity commission to check discrimination against minorities in employment and education opportunities.

The commitment was made to set up a panel to enquire into the socio-economic status of all minority groups — Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Jains, Buddhists and Parsis so as to ensure equitable access to government benefits for welfare of minorities.

Source:

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/home/lok-sabha-elections-2014/news/Mid-poll-pitch-Congress-sub-manifesto-promises-OBC-quota-for-Muslims/articleshow/34169902.cms

Contemporary Dalit Politics and Ambedkar’s Goal of Caste Annihilation

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 2 Mar 2014 20:22:00 +0530

By Ram Puniyani

On 28th Feb (2014) Ramvilas Paswan of Loktantantrik Jan Party joined the NDA alliance. Same Paswan had left the NDA twelve years ago with the beginning of Gujarat carnage, saying that with the violence in Gujarat he cannot be part of NDA. This time his son formulated the face saver when he said that Modi has received clean chit in the Gujarat carnage. Few days ago another dalit leader Udit Raj directly joined BJP, with the assurance of being given a ticket for forthcoming elections. In Maharashtra, Ramdas Athwaley of Republican Party of India had become part of NDA, and succeeded in being nominated for Rajya Sabha, Upper house of Parliament. There are many others dalits in the fold of BJP directly or in alliance with BJP to be in NDA, for pre poll alliance. Most of these leaders claim to be working on the path shown by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Ambedkar was committed to annihilation of caste and was totally opposed to the concept of Hindu nationalism, as propounded by RSS-BJP.

During freedom struggle when three types of nationalisms were in vogue, Indian Nationalism, Muslim Nationalism and Hindu nationalism, majority of the people of India supported and followed the path of Indian nationalism. Majority Hindus were for Indian nationalism, majority of Muslims were also for Indian nationalism. It was the elite, the landlord, Kings who began communal streams and were later joined in by a section of affluent upper castes of those religions. The British manipulation kept fuelling the fire of religious nationalism. Muslim nationalism turned in separatist direction and their demand for Pakistan came to the forefront. Hindu nationalists accepted the religion based nationalism but denied the demand of Pakistan on the ground that this had been a Hindu nation from times immemorial. This whole formulation of Hindu nation from ancient times is an invalid concept, as the very concept of nation, Nation state is a modern concepts. So in the revised edition of his book, ‘Partition of India’, Dr. Ambedkar opposed the formation of Pakistan on the following ground that formation of Pakistan may pave the way for Hindu Raj and “If Hindu Raj becomes a reality then it would be greatest menace to this country. Whatever may Hindus say, actually it does not make a difference that Hinduism is a danger to Independence, Equality and Brotherhood. Thus it is an enemy of democracy. We should make all out efforts to stop Hindu Raj from becoming a reality.” (Pakistan or Partition of India, Page 358). Here what Ambedkar is referring to Hinduism is Brahmanical Hinduism, the ideological ground of Hindutva, the agenda of RSS combine.

Ambedkar did lay the foundations of dalit movement, and went on to form Scheduled Caste Federation (SCF) in due course; before conceptualizing the Republican Party of India. This SCF in 1951, on the eve of First General elections in 1952; which was to begin the process of adult suffrage, forged an alliance with Praja Socialist Party (PSP) led by Jaya Prakash Narayan. The manifesto of SCF ruled out “alliance with any reactionary party such as Hindu Mahasabha and Jan Sangh (Previous avatar of BJP) (quoted from Gopal Guru EPW Feb 16, 1991, citing Ambedkar Letters to Gaikwad, page 280-296). He was the one who could see the long term agenda of Jan Sangh-Hindu Mahasabha of Hindu Rashtra, the concept totally opposed to secular democratic India. His basic motto was ‘educate, organize and struggle’, for caste annihilation and for the values of substantive Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. He was aware that this process; educate and organize to struggle; is possible only in a democratic set up, so alliance with Hindutva political outfits was ruled out of hand.

Today what is happening? From last several years a new dalit leadership has emerged, which on one hand represents a faction of this group and on the other has also personal-family electoral ambitions. So in short term they, for their personal benefits have been sitting in the laps of communal parties. Namdeo Dhasal, the great poet went with Shiv Sena, which had created hell with the publication of Amdekar’s ‘Riddles of Hinduism’. Ramdas Athwaley is again with the communal forces who have given him the Rajya Sabha seat. Udit Raj has also embraced the party of Hindu raj and Ramvilas Paswan, guided more by personal political ambitions, rather than the long term benefit of the downtrodden, has shamelessly allied with BJP. In the short term these dalit politicians may benefit but at the same time they will strengthen the politics of Hindutva-Hindu raj, the system of inherent hierarchy of caste and gender.

A single example will tell us about the approach of BJP towards the dalit question. Recently a book penned by BJP Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi has been withdrawn, Karma Yoga. Modi in his book wrote “I do not believe that they (Valmiki’s) have been doing this job just to sustain their livelihood. Had this been so, they would not have continued with this type of job generation after generation…At some point of time, somebody must have got the enlightenment that it is their (Valmikis’) duty to work for the happiness of the entire society and the Gods; that they have to do this job bestowed upon them by Gods; and that this job of cleaning up should continue as an internal spiritual activity for centuries. This should have continued generation after generation. It is impossible to believe that their ancestors did not have the choice of adopting any other work or business.” (http://epaper.timesofindia.com/Repository/ml.asp?Ref=VE9JQS8yMDA3LzExLzI0I0FyMDA3MDA%3D&)

On the same issue of scavenging, Dr. Ambedkar makes scathing critique of the social order where a section of people have to do such demeaning and humiliating jobs. While claims are made about the development and ‘concern for all communities’ the conditions of dalits in Gujarat are abysmal, temple entry is opposed at places, there is low rate of conviction for anti dalit atrocities, there is prevalence of manual scavenging still prevalent and this receives glorification from Modi. There is denial of access for water to the main sump at places. Cases of intimidation of dalits wanting to convert to Buddhism have been reported from Gujarat. These are few of the phenomenon prevalent in the Laboratory of Hindu rashtra, Gujarat. What should one say of leadership of dalits who compromise the values of Dr. Ambedkar, the values of long term goals of social justice and annihilation of caste for their short term greed for electoral power for their own self? There is a need for introspection by these leaders and their followers about the opportunism and lack of principles of such people in the positions of leadership of the communities.

[Author can be reached on ram.puniyani@gmail.com]

Is it time to rethink caste-based reservation quotas?

noreply@blogger.com (Mohammad Shahanshah Ansari) — Sun, 2 Mar 2014 08:51:00 +0530

Should the accident of birth be the sole factor in determining the opportunities available to a person? Should we persist with the current system of caste-based reservation quotas? Ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, these questions are finding their way back to the political centrestage.

First, senior Congress leader Janardhan Dwivedi, and now BJP leader Sanjay Paswan have suggested the need to revisit the existing reservation system. Both leaders argue that in its current format the caste-based reservation system has created vested interests within the community and those most in need of the reservation quota rarely ever get it.

For the Congress, Dwivedi’s suggestion couldn’t have come at a more inopportune moment. Barely months away from a crucial general election in which the Congress in unlikely to fare well, it couldn’t afford to alienate the Dalit votebank, especially as it is the dominant Dalit castes that historically align with the Congress. Neither could the Congress afford a split in the Dalit vote, hence Congress President Sonia Gandhi’s long explanatory statement of her party’s position on caste-based reservations.

Paswan’s suggestion that the third generation of quota beneficiary families should not be eligible or that there should be income ceilings in identifying beneficiaries, similar to that for Other Backward Classes, appears to have the backing of his party. The merits of the argument notwithstanding, the BJP support for the idea is not without electoral benefits. In reaching out to the disadvantaged among the Dalits, the BJP is hoping to secure the vote of those sections that have not gained from the reservation policy of successive governments.

Electoral benefits apart, it brings to focus an important question: has the current system of caste-based reservation delivered on its promise? This leads to another question: are quotas the best instruments for delivering equal opportunities for those who have been historically disadvantaged and marginalized?

The fact that the suggestion has come up within the two principle political parties indicates that the quota system hasn’t delivered to the extent that was expected.

Why hasn’t the reservation quota system delivered? Many argue that the quota system does deliver. After all in the last 64 years many persons belonging to the disadvantaged communities have held high public office, risen to the top echelons of administration and been important community leaders. But even so, a large number still remain disadvantaged, marginalized and too far away from any opportunity to better their lives. What accounts for this disparate achievement rate, even as the state has created and protected avenues for advancement?

To borrow from Robert Shiller and George Akerlof’s assessment of continuing poverty among African-Americans in the United States, the answer perhaps lies in the stories and the notion of fairness. The stories of being deprived, of being left out are powerful instruments that affect the way the disadvantaged groups approach opportunities.

Consider the way the quotas work. A child goes through the first 16 years of his/her life before they can access a quota. The first opportunity comes at 17, when the child is set to enter the higher education system. In a country where only 12 out of 100 make it to college, the numbers who make use of the quota is woefully small. By this time, the child has had to navigate through the psychological and material difficulties of an economic and social system that they did not chose and consider to be unfair. Their “differences” are part of their makeup, the notions of “not getting their rightful fair share” reinforced, the notions of “us” and “them” embedded. Clearly the world doesn’t seem like a fair place. The right to equal opportunity enshrined in the Constitution seems like a distant dream.

In “The Dignity of Working Men”, Michele Lamont finds that African American workers (at the same level as their white counterparts) view their lack of success in a “them” and “us” paradigm. They view their success, achieved under more difficult circumstance than the white co-workers, accomplished in a world that is determined by “them” and their rules. The Indian situation may not be completely co-terminus with this, but differences of caste and religion continue to inform the worldview and approach in much the same way.

What seems increasingly clear is that any approach that seeks to address the continued deprivation of marginalized groups must take into account that these groups have been dealt with a bad hand when it comes to resources, both at the level individual families and that of communities. It needs to be understood that the story of “us” and “them” is not just a notional; it is the outcome of a story of deprivation. It need not be today’s lived story, but it is definitely part of their received stories, reinforcing the divide between “us” and “them”. Additionally, these groups believe (a belief that is reinforced constantly often by those who claim to be their saviours for their personal gain) that they function in a world that is both unjust and unfair. So how does one break the cycle?

Two institutions can make a difference. The most important is the school. There is a need to recognize that communities that poor in resource resulting from historical circumstances will need special outreach. Even now schools are seen as the path to breaking the cycle of poverty, deprivation and marginalisation. Resources used to strengthen schools functioning in these communities can make the difference. There has been a considerable reduction in the drop out rate among Scheduled Castes at the class VIII level—from 55.25% in 2005-06 to 43.3% in 2010-11, but much more needs to be done. If more children from these communities make it through school, they will have a better shot at using the much-vaunted quota for higher education and jobs. Larger numbers would exert pressure to ensure that the constitutional provision for ensuring diversity doesn’t become the preserve of a few.

The other is a watchdog ensuring diversity and equality of opportunity—the Equal Opportunity Commission. The stated claim of reservation quota is to promote diversity and addressing historical wrongdoing. An equal opportunity commission could ensure that diversity is not restricted to predetermined numbers. Since it is based on the principle that “all things being equal” preference is given to certain groups, it could help counter the arguments of merit that are constantly raised when the issue of quota is raised. Unfortunately, in its haste to collect electoral brownie points, the Congress-led UPA government has approved setting up an Equal Opportunity Commission, which will only deal with minorities, not discrimination and deprivation across the board.

The efficacy of the system of caste-based reservation quota needs to debated and discussed without getting caught in the electoral politics of the question. Till that happens, the Indian version of affirmative action will remain an instrument for creating vote banks.

Source:

http://blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/GreyMatters/entry/is-it-time-to-rethink-caste-based-reservation-quotas?fb_action_ids=712011255500249&fb_action_types=og.recommends&fb_source=other_multiline&action_object_map=%5B584394551630343%5D&action_type_map=%5B%22og.recommends%22%5D&action_ref_map=%5B%5D