There has been some controversy about the quality of the May 2013 general elections in the Philippines, during which some 18,000 local and national positions were elected. But the fairest verdict of this exercise in electronic voting would seem to be that, like in May 2010, elections changed, but politics didn’t. As always, discussing the May elections inevitably involves talking about families and personalities but not political parties.

Manny Pacquiao’s wife Jinkee Pacquiao files her certificate of candidacy on Tuesday, October 2. Photo by Cocoy Sexcion.

When it comes to the nationally elected upper house of the legislature – the Senate – much has been made of the fact that nine of the 12 winners came from President Aquino’s slate, dubbed “Team PNoy.” It’s important to note that from the start, this was not a group of Liberal Party (LP) members – only three candidates were Liberal Party members (and of those, only one had been a Liberal Party member for more than a few months). The rest are from the LP’s coalition partners, the Nacionalista Party, Nationalist People’s Coalition, Partido Demokratiko Pilipino-Lakas ng Bayan (PDP-Laban), and Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino.

In the end, the only LP winner was the newly minted member Bam Aquino, a first cousin of President Aquino with a distinguished NGO career. Other newcomers to the Senate were topnotcher Grace Poe (daughter of the late Fernando Poe Jr., defeated 2004 presidential candidate), Nancy Binay (daughter of Vice President Jejomar Binay), Sonny Angara (son of outgoing Senator Eduardo Angara), Cynthia Villar (wife of outgoing Senator Manual Villar), and JV Ejercito (son of former president, and newly elected Manila Mayor Joseph “Erap” Estrada). The pattern is obvious, and replicated throughout the archipelago for many offices – mayors and governors, members of Congress, and local council members.

In a post on this blog last year, I examined the fate of political families in Philippine history. One of those examined was the Dimaporos of Lanao del Norte, which in 2013 continued their unbroken hold on the province with husband Abdullah (the second generation of the dynasty) and wife Imelda being the two elected representatives, and their son Khalid the governor. Another was the Durano clan of Danao City in Cebu, which in 2013 continued their bewildering internecine competition as brother bested brother and nephew defeated uncle.

As witness the Durano imbroglio, being a political family is not necessarily a secure position. Some prominent political clans suffered a more crushing blow in May elections, with only one of the Villafuertes of Carmarines Sur winning a seat, and that winner defeated his grandfather, clan patriarch Luis. In the Zamboanga peninsula, the expansionist Jalosjos clan, which in 2010 spread from Zamboanga Norte to Zamboanga del Sur and Zamboanga Sibuguey, was rolled back to its one bastion of Dapitan City by allies of the president. Naturally, however, these allies were also established political families, such as the Hofers of Sibuguey and the Cerilles of Zamboanga del Sur.  One scion of a political clan, General Santos City mayor Darlene Antonino-Custodio, lost her re-election bid to a candidate supported by a nascent political force – boxing champion and Congressman Manny Pacquiao. An example of how new political families arise (almost half of all political clans originated after the restoration of electoral democracy in 1986), Pacquiao fielded his brother in another congressional race (the brother lost) and his wife, Jinkee, for vice-governor (she won).

Given this emphasis on families not political parties, on personalities not policy, we should view with skepticism any assertion that these election results, which do indeed demonstrate the continued popularity and drawing power of President Aquino, represent a surge for general reform. The organization of Philippine politics by clans and personalities makes it harder for the president to pursue his central theme of “if there is no corruption there is no poverty.” As explained by corruption scholar Michael Johnston, elections do induce uncertainty in political families (since they are not certain to win) who are appealing to citizens on the basis of favors and personal services. The incentive to accumulate irregular resources is increased since not only do they finance bids for power but they must be accumulated while in power:  “make hay while the sun shines,” as the saying goes. In this climate, where almost all politicking is conducted in this fashion, even anti-corruption efforts can be portrayed as “partisan,” as the insincere attempt by one faction to persecute another.

Reform is in fact possible in the Philippines. For example, the recent passage of tobacco tax increases in the teeth of fierce opposition of some in the industry, will allow better financing of health care for average citizens. But the more general question is, if politics is not changing, can governance patterns change in any sustainable fashion?  That is the topic of next week’s post.

Steven Rood is The Asia Foundation’s country representative in the Philippines. He can be reached at srood@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

With ongoing tensions in Northeast Asia – North Korea threatening war, pervasive struggles over island territory, and disputes over history and trade – there is a temptation to grow impatient with dialogue and diplomacy. But for more than 60 years, economic growth, peace, and stability in this region have been secured through regional and global cooperation, dialogue, and partnership. Today, too, the peace and well-being of future generations is best assured through continued close regional and global coordination and communication – however challenging this may at times appear.

To those working in the non-government arena, it is also clear that the critical issues facing Asia in the 21st century – from economic development to women’s empowerment; from safeguarding the environment to disaster relief; from effective governance to rule of law – cannot be solved through the power of governments alone. In the 21st century, all elements of a nation’s strength – its citizens, communities, institutions, NGOs – all of civil society must be called upon to assure Asia’s continued development as a peaceful, just, and thriving region of the world.

The role of civil society is crucial, and no one witnessed this truth more than the Japanese people. In the grim hours, days, and months following the March 11, 2011, “triple disaster,” the world watched in awe as the people of Japan joined together to overcome this unimaginable tragedy. New civil society organizations sprang up, and those already in existence grew. These civil society groups worked side-by-side with local communities, educators, businesses, local governments, and national governments to help the victims and to get Japan back on its feet.

The world also witnessed the capacity of civil society groups from many nations to work together, and to coordinate effectively with a range of government and non-government institutions. This is an approach that The Asia Foundation, as a civil society organization with six decades of experience in Asia and 17 offices across the region, has learned well. We know that to be effective we must coordinate with the full range of Asian institutions and actors. And it is why The Asia Foundation recently began to expand its relationships with Japanese institutions and civil society.

In the immediate aftermath of World War II, The Asia Foundation helped make the West more accessible to the Japanese people through travel grants, a translation service, and book donations. Today, we turn to Japanese institutions as partners in Asian development.  Last month, The Asia Foundation signed a cooperative agreement with JICA, the Japan International Cooperation Agency. Through this partnership, our two organizations will work together in support of inclusive, dynamic, and sustainable development and regional stability in Asia. And last summer, leading Japanese civil society organizations and The Asia Foundation joined together to bring members of Afghan civil society to Japan, so that their voices would be heard at the Tokyo Ministerial on Afghanistan by governments committing to the reconstruction of Afghanistan.

We no longer live in a world where governments alone can solve the great challenges of the world. Civil society organizations, the business community, and governments must work hand-in-hand, across national boundaries. The Asia Foundation has had a relationship with Japan for nearly 60 years. We know that with the rise of Japanese civil society, our new strategic partnership will be even more effective as we work – together – to improve lives and expand opportunities across a dynamic and developing Asia.

Michael Armacost is the Chairman of The Asia Foundation, and was U.S. Ambassador to Japan and to the Philippines, and under secretary of state for political affairs. David Arnold is the president of The Asia Foundation.?The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

With presidential elections in the island nation of the Maldives approaching in September, anxiety over an increase in gang-led violence is on the rise, despite the Maldives Police Service having successfully reduced crime on the streets of the capital, Male, in recent months. As in most fledgling democracies, political uncertainty can breed violent acts in an effort to achieve narrow political gains. The Maldives is no exception – just last year, the country was torn by weeks of political violent protests on the streets, and clashes between the police and protesters ending with the unexpected resignation of President Mohamed Nasheed. This uncertainty, combined with social issues such as high unemployment and rising cases of domestic violence, have resulted in a significant number of people joining gangs.

Last year, The Asia Foundation conducted a seminal study that revealed the diverse reasons why people join gangs, including unemployment, a need to belong, a search for brotherhood and identity, drugs, desire for an affluent lifestyle, and bullying at school. The study indicated that there are 20 to 30 violent gangs in Male with 50 to 400 members each. The findings also suggest that due to high levels of domestic violence, divorce, and broken homes, joining gangs has become a popular choice for Maldivian youth looking outside of traditional family structures for support and protection. Since then, the Foundation has been piloting a series of programs in partnership with the Maldives Institute for Psychological Services, Training, and Research (MIPSTAR), a local civil society organization, to counter the growth of gang-related violence. Since the program began in September 2012, 34 gang members from 11 different gangs from across the city of Male, some of whom were gang leaders, have voluntarily registered for the program and have been actively engaged since its inception. While this sampling is small, the preliminary results have been positive.

Gang members visit Kudabandos island, an hour-long ferry ride from Male, for a workshop organized by MIPSTAR.

Monthly meetings with the police to discuss grievances and strategies to address potential violence serve as a fulcrum to bring all gang members together. They come dressed neatly; arriving promptly to discuss among themselves the key issues that they would like to highlight in the monthly meeting with senior representatives from the Maldives Police Service. In the meeting last month, *Azim, who has been involved in gangs since he was 16 and is now a senior member, pointed out frustration over police harassment on the streets and arrests without evidence. He also said that being labeled a gang member results in closer scrutiny by the police officers, which he said was acceptable as long as they are not wrongfully arrested for crimes not committed by them.

These meetings with the police result in some honest reflection, with both parties proactively collaborating to find solutions to their respective challenges. The discussions reveal that one of the root causes for harassment and wrongful arrests were the beat police officers (police constables and sergeants who are permanently assigned to a neighborhood) who tend to view all gang members with suspicion and hostility. To help mitigate this, MIPSTAR is beginning to organize regular meetings with the beat officers to bridge the relationship between gangs and the police officers patrolling the streets of the city. While the program is still new, we hope that it will also contribute to addressing the trust deficit, which currently runs high.

The gang members also participate in vocational training courses of their choice, which is a mandatory feature of the program. The courses range from training to be a water sport and diving instructor, tour guide, and computer programmer to completing formal education. *Ahmed Mahruf, a past gang member who recently completed his three-month water sports course, said that as a water sport instructor he is ensured of a job with a good salary. Six such gang members, the majority of whom have criminal records, completed the water sports course last month and are currently employed as assistant instructors, under probation, with resorts close to Male. For them to secure regular jobs, the Maldives Police Service will issue a letter of recommendation to ensure their employability. This is a significant step as it helps drive down unemployment, one of the key issues perpetuating gang violence. The three most dangerous gang members as identified by the police are enrolled in O-Level (High School Diploma) programs and regularly seek individual counseling also offered in the program. They expressed that the present context is challenging. On the one hand, they want to engage actively in the program and reform themselves; but on the other hand, there is also a pressure to engage in illegal activities including contract violence.

The program also helps gang members form goals for their future and develop realistic plans to achieve them. This along with psychosocial support offered through individual and group counseling sessions which focus on understanding their interests and motivations, managing anger and frustration, and developing conflict resolution strategies to keep out violence, are critical for self-development.

The project office serves as a drop-in center for gang members participating in the program, and is open until midnight during the week. It provides them with their own space not only to hang out and discuss their concerns with each other and the counselors but also to support the implementation of the program. For example, Ahmed and Azim have developed a five-minute video slickly edited to showcase the session on how to develop new career skills. Azim regularly types out the monthly meeting notes with the police and other gang members. He is also supporting MIPSTAR with the study of gang violence in the two atolls of Laamu and Fuvamulah by bringing the local gang leaders and some of its members on board.

Though the program is in the early stages and the sampling very small, it is noteworthy that none of the 34 gang members associated with the program has committed a crime over the past seven months. Based on this pilot, the Foundation will soon expand the program to work with gangs in Laamu and Fuvamulah. While it’s too soon to tell for certain, based on what we’ve seen so far, we are hopeful that by reaching a far greater pool of potential and current gang members, this program can contribute to addressing some of the most pressing issues in the Maldives.

*Names have been changed for privacy.

Gita Sabharwal is The Asia Foundation’s deputy country representative in Sri Lanka. She can be reached at gsabharwal@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not necessarily those of The Asia Foundation.

The horrific collapse three weeks ago of an eight-story garment factory building in Savar, just outside of Bangladesh’s capital, Dhaka, took the lives of more than 1,100 people, and was followed just last week by a deadly fire in another garment factory that left at least eight dead.

The garment sector in Bangladesh accounts for about 80 percent of the country’s exports and employs more than 3 million people. Photo/Conor Ashleigh

The tragedies have left a nation in mourning, shining a spotlight on the lack of safety for garment sector workers in Bangladesh. These incidents have drawn international attention on the urgent need for better working conditions for workers, starting with safer, more secure buildings.

While these events may serve as an immediate eye opener for consumers and manufacturers in the west, the critical need to improve factory safety in the readymade garment sector in Bangladesh should not come as a surprise. The country has long been under scrutiny because of recurrent industrial accidents that point to poor working conditions and poor safety standards in some of the country’s factories. Voices from within (including international buyers and local factory owners) and outside of the industry (international donors and civil society) have repeatedly called for measures to be taken to improve factory safety.

The death toll of what is one of the largest industrial accidents in Bangladesh fully justifies national and international outcries and the ire of the customers and business community, demanding that strong commitments and measures are taken. However, the worst thing that could happen to the readymade sector in Bangladesh, and to the millions of workers whose livelihoods depend on exports to western countries, is to see the label “made in Bangladesh” boycotted by consumers.

After China, Bangladesh is the world’s second-largest apparel exporter. The garment sector accounts for about 80 percent of the country’s exports and employs more than 3 million people, mostly women. If it is true that cheap labor is the main driver of the sector’s growth, it is also fair to say that this growth has provided economic opportunities to millions of women who would have very few other options to escape extreme poverty. The garment sector, despite what seems like an extremely-low paying industry in western standards, has positively transformed the lives of many women in Bangladesh.

Maintaining the livelihood of the workers and their families should, however, never be to the detriment of their safety. Strong commitments need to be made and measures implemented not only to improve safety, but to make safety and decent working conditions the heart of the industry’s competitive advantage. This is not only the responsibility of the employers; it is the responsibility of each of the players in the value-chain: consumers, international buyers, leaders of the garment sector and professional associations, Bangladesh’s government, the international community, the civil society, and the workers themselves.

Consumers have an essential role to play in requesting information on the conditions in which their clothes are produced and in putting pressure on brands to better control the working conditions in the factories they are sourcing from. Western retailers are, of course, well positioned to press for reform, and to impose good working conditions as a prerequisite for their orders, before considering the price. Many world-famous brands have already called for more stringent labour safety standards. On May 8, the U.S. Department of Labor and the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative convened a conference call with U.S. buyers in Bangladesh’s garment industry to discuss U.S. government engagement to improve workers’ rights and working conditions, and to review how the private sector can assist in these vital ongoing efforts.

The question now is whether these “good words” will translate into effective action with real and sustainable results.

The different parties have already put forward some suggestions and resolutions, including the need for independent safety and fire inspectors, the requirement that factories are certified by a group of engineers, and the establishment of a “Corrective Action Plan” (CAP) which the manufacturer will have to fulfill, among others. Nobel Peace Laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus also suggested in an op-ed in the Dhaka Tribune on May 9, the establishment of a Garment Workers Welfare Trust and of a “good compliance label” that consumers could reference as a guarantee for labor compliance. On Monday, Bangladesh’s cabinet approved changes to the nation’s labor laws that are expected to increase the benefits for garment workers and make it easier to form trade unions.

Another recommendation is to draw from the experience of Better Factories Cambodia, a program managed by the International Labour Organization, in close collaboration with the Royal Government of Cambodia (RGC), the Garment Manufacturers Association in Cambodia (GMAC) and the country’s trade unions. The program aims to improve working conditions in Cambodia’s export garment factories and combines independent monitoring with finding solutions, through suggestions to management, training, advice, and information. In Bangladesh, the implementation of such a program would require four key elements:

• that international buyers join forces with the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) to advocate for the immediate passage of labour law amendments to lay the basis for the establishment of such a program;

• that Bangladesh’s government shows a strong political will to enforce the labour laws and a strong commitment to international labour compliance;

• that workers are more organized (which implies greater freedom of association), better informed and included in the design and implementation of the program, and;

• that the BGMEA, the government, civil society, and labour groups coordinate efforts with each other and with the international community.

Only a large mobilization of all parties can help ensure that tragedies of this kind don’t happen again. All parties need to send a clear message to factory owners that decent working conditions is a prerequisite for sourcing products from Bangladesh, or from any other country in the world. In the near future, consumers need to buy “made in Bangladesh” clothes, not “despite” the bad working conditions of some of its factories, but “because” of a clear commitment of its whole industry to meet international standards.

Sadly, it is too late for the hundreds of workers who perished in the tragedy of Savar, but what better testimony to their memory than to learn from this tragedy and use it to drive safety standards and changes in attitude that will lead to a safer, more just garment industry.

Véronique Salze-Lozac’h is The Asia Foundation’s director for Economic Development Programs based in Bangkok. She can be reached at veronique.salze-lozach@asiafoundation.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

These were the elections which many did not expect to see in Pakistan. Despite persistent and widespread rumors right up until the actual day of elections that they would be cancelled or postponed, Pakistan’s General Elections took place as scheduled on May 11. Around 50 million citizens took part in this historical event: the first time (with the new federal government expected to assume office at the beginning of June) that a successful transition from one democratically elected government to another has taken place. The turnout was the highest since 1970, as millions defied terrorist threats of polling day violence, already the bloodiest election campaign in the country’s history, and bravely waited in line to vote. Violence did disrupt elections in a few parts of the country, notably in Karachi, and contests in some polling stations will be re-run. But in the great majority of constituencies, polling took place peacefully.

According to early figures, almost 60 percent of the 86 million registered voters cast their votes in the 2013 elections, and while detailed gender disaggregated data are not yet available, female participation in the electoral process is reportedly higher than in the past. Photo/DFID

According to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), almost 60 percent of the 86 million registered voters cast their votes in the 2013 General Elections, and while detailed gender disaggregated data are not yet available, female participation in the electoral process, both as candidates and voters, is reportedly higher than in the past. Overall, the elections attracted double the number of candidates compared to 2008, and although pre-poll violence targeted some parties more than others, hampering their campaigning and throwing the “level playing field” into doubt, the issues at stake in today’s Pakistan clearly galvanized an unexpectedly large number of citizens to cast their votes. Civil society organizations supplemented official efforts to register voters, particularly women, and spearheaded voter education.

A young Pakistani voter displays the distinct ink-mark that signifies she voted.

But the greater engagement of the electorate in the polls, the large participation of younger and other first-time voters, the official recognition, among the most marginalized of groups, of transgender voters and the many debates and discussions among friends, workmates and even family members, attest to the increasing interest among the citizens of Pakistan in the political process and to more serious efforts by the political parties to reach out to them. Of course, there are still improvements that can be made to ensure that future elections are run more smoothly and engage an even greater range and diversity of Pakistan’s population. For example, more needs to be done to enable and encourage women to vote – there are still polling stations where no female votes were recorded, reports that women were actively barred in a few areas, and the number of successful female candidates remains very small.

Allegations of poll rigging have been made, and at the time of writing, a large number of cases are before the ECP. It may take time to resolve these, but the evidence of the 41,000 observers deployed throughout the country by member organizations of the Free & Fair Elections Network (FAFEN), currently being sifted and collated, will be crucial in determining just how free and fair the elections have been. But as voters proudly display the indelible ink-mark on their thumbs which prove that they have voted, and many have their individual stories to tell about how they came to vote as they did, one voice lingers vividly in the mind:  “Today I am a proud Pakistani –in spite of all the difficulties, these elections did take place, and that gives ground for hope.”

Gareth Aicken is The Asia Foundation’s country representative in Pakistan and Ameena Ilahi is the deputy country representative there. They can be reached at gaicken@asiafound.org and ailahi@asiafound.org, respectively. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

In the lead up to the Philippine midterm elections on May 13, the Philippine National Police (PNP) identified 15 provinces as priority areas where there was a risk of election violence. These areas have a history of intense political contestations and recorded election-related violent incidents, which are further exacerbated by the presence of private armed groups, loose firearms, organized crime, and other threat groups. During the campaign period until the day of the elections, recorded incidents of election violence totaled 81, which involved shootings (67 of the 81 cases), explosions, ambush, grenade throwing, strafing, and harassment.

A police officer distributes pieces of paper containing verified names of voters at the Pagagawan Elementary School in Datu Montawal town, Maguindano Province on election day. MindaNews Photo by Ruby Thursday More

The PNP and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) heightened their presence in advance of elections, and also on the day of elections at polling stations and across towns in these areas to ensure peaceful, orderly, safe, and fair elections. They formed a Joint Security Coordinating Center to coordinate activities for the Secure and Fair Elections (SAFE) 2013 program. They sustained their campaign against private armed groups, intensified checkpoint operations, and strictly implemented the gun ban.

The PNP also conducted several peace caravans, a unity walk, media activities, and an information drive. Upon the orders of PNP Chief Director General, Alan Purisima, the PNP initiated peace covenants between rival parties. The Asia Foundation’s local partners were instrumental in facilitating peace covenants in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.

To help strengthen the partnership between PNP and the local civil society groups in the ARMM ahead of the elections, The Asia Foundation convened top-level PNP officers with Mindanao-based NGOs in a conference to address election violence in Cotabato City in January 2013. The event was hailed as a milestone because it was the first time that civil society-PNP engagement had been this extensive in strategizing to prevent election violence in advance. Aside from a series of peace covenant signings, the PNP and civil society groups were able to identify and jointly implement feasible interventions in anticipation of election-related violence that may occur in their respective areas. Through the Foundation’s support, PNP-civil society engagements included the conduct of regional and provincial peace summits on election monitoring as well as trainings on early warning and early response which led to the formation of several ad hoc groups that were tasked to conduct preliminary and responsive actions to avert and reduce the incidents of election-related violence in close coordination with other deputized agencies of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) whose duties are to guarantee the security of the whole election proceedings.

This was followed by a Strategic Communication Workshop in February 2013 to assist the police force at the national and regional offices on how to effectively communicate the critical facets of SAFE 2013 and generate public support in safeguarding the electoral process.

Despite prevailing efforts, several issues created anxiety among both the PNP and the local partners as they worked together during the critical pre-election period. In addition to the problems related to the delay in the delivery or possible malfunctions of Precinct Count Optical Scan machines, other practical issues were cited to provoke violence during electoral contests. These included the limited capacity of the PNP to secure some areas where management of security is highly contested; technical problems in the polling process where some allies and supporters of families with rido (clan violence) meet each other in one polling precinct; and the tendency for criminality and lawlessness to ride on election hype that could eventually sabotage the election processes. The complexity of these localized conflicts combined with limited capacity in the state security apparatus accounts for the unpredictability of election-related violence incidence in ARMM, which may then be the reason for the discrepancy in the list of election hotspots provided by COMELEC during elections.

In Lanao del Sur province, for instance, where most towns are included in the list of election areas of concern due to rido, election watchdogs and security forces considered the May 13 Election Day as the most peaceful so far in the history of the province with only seven casualties involved, one of which resulted in death. It is important to recognize that while this particular achievement can be attributed to the strong presence of the civil society, security forces of the 103rd Philippine Army Brigade covering around 40 towns in the province had also acknowledged the contribution of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in the success. Lanao del Sur has several areas – prominent is the Camp Bushra in Butig – that are dominated by MILF. The signing of the guidelines for mutual understanding for ceasefire-related functions on May 13 between the government and MILF peace panels held in April 2013 have certainly defined the ground movement and behavior of each parties at the onset of Election Day, especially in extreme locations where lines between civilians and combatants can seem blurred.

The leadership of the PNP and AFP are one in saying that the midterm elections were generally peaceful. Civil society groups echo similar assessment. However, we do not want to be caught off guard. As much us we Filipinos value our right of suffrage, we put greater premium on the lives of people who have every right to live in peaceful communities. With the counting of final electoral results still underway and the election period still not over until June 12, 2013, the PNP and AFP, together with civil society, remain vigilant.

Nadine Ragonjan is a program officer and Haironesah Domado is an assistant program officer for The Asia Foundation in the Philippines. They can be reached at nragonjan@asiafound.org and hyro@asiafound.org, respectively. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Last Wednesday night, in a ballroom packed with a who’s who of west coast movers and shakers at the Beverly Wilshire Hotel, the Pacific Council on International Policy (PCIP) presented its inaugural Warren Christopher Public Service Award to Hillary Rodham Clinton. Warren Christopher’s family, who helped established the award, filled the table next to the one where I was seated, the Women’s Initiative Table, which is part of the Pacific Council’s effort to encourage women’s participation in foreign policy.

Hillary Clinton speaks at the Pacific Council on International Policy (PCIP) as the inaugural Warren Christopher Public Service Award recipient. Photo/Ken Pagliaro

The award honors the lifetime achievements of Warren Christopher, the longtime chair of the non-partisan Pacific Council’s Board of Directors, who died in 2011. Christopher’s life was devoted to public service, from a young naval officer to secretary of state to a counselor to presidents, and the head of the Christopher Commission in the wake of the Rodney King incident. As deputy secretary of state, he was awarded the Medal of Freedom by President Jimmy Carter in 1981 for his role in negotiating the release of American hostages held in Iran for 444 days. The criteria for the Christopher Award include: commitment to international affairs, to the highest ethical standards, to promotion of the common good, to equality and fairness, and to government service as a noble pursuit.

Hillary Rodham Clinton served as the 67th Secretary of State of the United States from January 2009 until February 2013, after four decades in public service as an advocate, attorney, first lady, and senator. As first lady, Hillary Clinton traveled to more than 80 countries to represent the U.S., including her trip to the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, in September 1995, where she said, “However different we may be, there is far more that unites us than divides us. We share a common future. And we are here to find common ground so that we may help bring new dignity and respect to women and girls all over the world. There are some who question the reason for this conference. There are some who wonder whether the lives of women and girls matter to economic and political progress around the globe. Let them look at the women gathered here … It is conferences like this that compel governments and people everywhere to listen, look, and face the world’s most pressing problems.”

In 2000, she made history as the first first lady elected to the United States Senate. In 2007 and 2008, Clinton made her historic campaign for president. In her four years as secretary of state, Clinton presided over President Obama’s “pivot to Asia” in his Administration’s foreign policy.  And on Wednesday night she reminded the audience that: “Asia is home to half the world’s population. Future growth,” she said, “and our hopes for a less bloody century, depends on the Asia Pacific. The U.S. is an Asia Pacific power, and our alliances there are strong.” Clinton noted that Christopher “understood, profoundly, the growing importance of Asia,” and credited him with putting the U.S. alliance with Japan “back on firm footing,” bolstering South Korea in the face of provocations from North Korea, and putting the U.S.-China relationship “on a positive trajectory.”

Clinton told the story of how Warren “Chris” Christopher, as secretary of state, was one of the first diplomats to ever make it a priority to attend ASEAN meetings; one of the requirements was that he participate in a skit after the business meetings were adjourned. “Chris” dressed up famously as the Statue of Liberty and sang “Home on the Range.” Clinton said it was a gesture that went a very long way in demonstrating U.S. commitment to ASEAN, and to Asia, more broadly.

Amy Ovalle is The Asia Foundation’s senior director for Global Communications, based in San Francisco. She is also a member of the Pacific Council on International Policy. She can be reached at aovalle@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen announced in late March that the nation was on target to move from the status of a low-income to a lower-middle-income nation by the end of 2013, ranking it the 15th country that obtained high economic growth in the world in the last 10 years.

An owner of a small sundries shop in Kampong Chhnang in Central Cambodia. Small businesses like this one serve as the backbone of the country’s sustainable economy. Photo/Karl Grobl

However, the global economic crisis has had an adverse impact on the Cambodian economy since the end of 2008. In 2009, Cambodia’s growth hit the lowest level (2%) experienced in the last 15 years. The real GDP growth has started to pick up since 2010 and 2011, with 3.0 percent and 7.0 percent, respectively. According to the Ministry of Industry, Mine, and Energy, the industrial sector, which includes the agricultural, tourism, garment, and mineral industries, shared 30 percent of the GDP, up 6 percent from the past 18 years.

Historically, however, Cambodia has relied on the role of small- and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) as the backbone of a sustainable economy. Generally in Cambodia when we talk about SME economic activities, we are in fact talking about micro-small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), as out of the more than 500,000 economic establishments or enterprises counted in the 2011 Cambodia Economic Census, some 493,000 of them employ only one to 10 employees.

Prime Minister Hun Sen said in June 2010 when he announced the Rectangular Strategy Phase II, Cambodia’s main socio-economic policy agenda for the Fourth Legislature of the National Assembly (2008-2013), that SMEs are one of the angles of the strategy which government is committed to promoting.

Growth in the number of MSMEs could help expand the economy, create more jobs, facilitate Foreign Direct Investment, and enlarge the tax collection base. The 2011 census shows that more than 500,000 economic establishments were engaged in economic activities, employing more than 1.6 million laborers or approximately 20 percent of the total Cambodian labor force.

The best way to boost MSMEs is to encourage private sector development and support their expansion. Micro enterprises, mainly in the provinces, have the potential to grow to become small- medium-sized enterprise. However, this growth may not be realized if there are too many constraints.

For almost 10 years, The Asia Foundation has been working with MSMEs in Cambodia to help create a more productive, enabling environment at the provincial level; advocating for an improved business environment; improving the ability of Cambodia’s provincial MSMEs to compete in regional and world markets; and increasing the understanding of the benefits of MSME development in the local economy. Through different program activities such as subnational dialogues between public and private actors, surveys, and researches on impediments to growth, we found that constraints include lack of access to information, unclear and burdensome regulations, poor relationships with public authorities, lack of technological capacity in production, and most importantly, limited access to financing for business expansion. Despite these challenges, there have been a large number of new enterprises that opened their doors for business recently. Findings show that from 2009 to 2011, 34 percent of all total establishments had just started their business in those two years.

According to the National Institute of Statistics (NIS), around 72 percent of Cambodian enterprises are family-run businesses with one to three employees (2009). Out of 505,134 enterprises, only 3.5 percent were registered at the Ministry of Commerce in 2011. This means that the majority of enterprises are in the informal sector, effectively preventing them from accessing finance because banks and monetary financial institutions require SMEs to have legal status to be eligible to apply for a loan. As a result, SMEs rely on personal savings and informal sources for starting up or expanding their businesses. The primary reason for SMEs maintaining their informal status is the perception that standard accounting practices are complicated and unnecessary. Additionally, some SMEs prefer to keep informal financial records because it allows them to conceal their real profits and revenues from tax authorities.

Although there are policies in place, implementation still has a long way to go. Cambodia’s government should play an active role in connecting SMEs to the export sector by providing incentives to export firms to find local partners; benchmarking certain standards or priority areas for export growth; providing market, management and technical consultancy; and enhancing awareness of local SMEs to suppliers through tour organizing, workshops, or seminars. To reach its lower-middle income status and beyond, Cambodia’s small businesses must be given a fair environment to reach their full potential and grow.

The Asia Foundation’s work with SMEs in Cambodia is supported by the U.S. Agency for International Development, Australian Agency for International Development, New Zealand Aid Programme, and the Danish International Development Agency.

Khut Inserey is The Asia Foundation’s senior program officer in Cambodia. He can be reached at ikhut@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Against a backdrop of heightened insecurity and increasing violence in the lead-up to Pakistan’s general elections, slated for this Saturday, more than 43,000 trained, non-partisan volunteers are gearing up to observe approximately 70,000 polling stations in all 272 constituencies across Pakistan. If general elections take place according to schedule, May 11 will prove to be one of the most significant events in Pakistan’s history, and would mark the first time in the country’s 66 years that a legitimate and democratic transition of power took place.

With the completion of the government’s five-year term, Pakistanis have a renewed sense of optimism and longing for change. In the face of serious threats, citizens, civil society groups, international bodies, and political parties have continued with election preparations, resolute that a true democratic system can transpire in Pakistan through open and fair elections. At the opposite end of the spectrum, though, is a powerful and abiding force of terror, the ultra-conservative militants, determined not only to disrupt elections, but to derail the path to democracy, which they have come to associate with all things un-Islamic.

Election observation is a critical prerequisite of the democratic process, ensuring that elections are held in a free, transparent, and non-violent environment, guaranteeing the rule of law, and more importantly, building confidence among citizens in the electoral process itself. The last is particularly vital given Pakistan’s volatile political history, where democracy has been repeatedly undermined by rampant corruption, feudalism, military dictatorship, and more recently, ongoing violence and terrorism targeting secular parties, ethnic and religious minorities, and political opponents, particularly PPP, ANP, and MQM, who have lately been under attack.

Within this political context, safeguarding the rights of voters during elections is an imperative. The Asia Foundation and our local partner, the Free and Fair Elections Network (FAFEN), are preparing election observers and monitors, and have developed a comprehensive, systematic electoral process, from pre-election monitoring to Election Day observation and post-election results tabulation. Election observation is based on historical trends and lessons learned from 2008 election monitoring, such as information on voter turn-out rates, constituencies with low female participation, and areas of high security risk. The Foundation has worked to strengthen the capacity of long-term observers to assure quality of pre and post-election observations, initiate voter mobilization campaigns in polling areas across the country where female voter turnout was negligent in previous elections, and monitor short-term observers.

Women engage in an election awareness campaign at Jamshoro Sindh. 43,000 election observers will be deployed across Pakistan on Election Day.

Observers, accredited by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP), will work alongside international observation missions to determine the extent to which the election processes comply with Pakistani and international standards, including the International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights, ratified by Pakistan in 2010. These short-term volunteers will actively observe polling stations using standardized checklists to document non-compliance of electoral laws, rules, and regulations. This Election Day is expected to have the largest number of observers ever deployed in Pakistan’s election history.

To say that the future of Pakistan rests on these elections is no understatement. Yet the ongoing violence, which has certainly challenged the country’s already fragile democratic institutions, presents a very real threat to voters and election officials despite enhanced security vigilance and planning. Only a strong, defiant voting population committed to asserting its democratic rights can offset these challenges, because ironically, the most effective tool in combating terrorism is a robust and flourishing democratic platform in which citizens are empowered through active engagement and participation, and guaranteed equal rights under the law. Here’s hoping May 11 will begin with fair voting and culminate in strengthened, transparent, and accountable governance in Pakistan.

Ameena Ilahi is The Asia Foundation’s deputy country representative in Pakistan and Ali Imran is a senior program officer there. They can be reached at ailahi@asiafound.org and aimran@asiafound.org, respectively. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual authors and not those of The Asia Foundation.

Late last month, gunmen opened fire on a mayor of a town campaigning for local elections, killing 12 people including his daughter, in what has been the bloodiest attack ever in the Philippines ahead of midterm elections which are scheduled for May 13. Local officials declared the attack to have been motivated by rido, clan violence that continues to plague the southern region of Mindanao, and typically worsens during election periods.

Rido is a Maranao term that is commonly used in Mindanao to refer to clan feuds. The causes of rido vary from petty offenses to more serious crimes. In most cases, political rivalries matched with proliferation of firearms, weak law enforcement, and an inefficient justice system elicit the prevalence of rido in conflict-affected areas. The viciousness of this conflict is characterized by large-scale family involvement in repetitive killings that may span a long period of time. Rido threatens not only the security of the clans but also the safety of the communities that are trapped within the borders of the conflicting families. For instance, apart from the random killings waged by conflicting parties that can sometimes include innocent civilians as casualties, burning of houses and public properties may also form part in the series of retaliatory acts, causing massive internal displacement.

The Asia Foundation conducted a pioneering study that demystified the pervasiveness and viciousness of rido in the lives of ordinary people in several communities in Mindanao. This study has served over the years as a starting point for a variety of initiatives that facilitated the settlements of more than 200 rido cases all over Mindanao. In Lanao provinces alone, the Foundation has helped to mitigate and/or resolve some 40 rido cases since 2010.

Since 2011, through the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development Program Partnership Arrangement with the Foundation, we have had the opportunity to expand this effort and work directly with security forces to underpin peace in conflict-affected areas in the Southern Philippines. Deep-seated distrust shaped by hostile histories of armed intercessions has fuelled tensions between communities and security forces and induced the risk of violent conflicts at the local level.

In September 2012, the Foundation began supporting Community Relations Training (CRT) in Lanao del Sur province, where much of our success in conflict mitigation and rido resolution efforts have indicated very ripe opportunities for collaborative partnerships among community leaders, civil society, the police, and the Philippine Army to improve local security. The CRT is a localized concept, which was originally developed by the Philippine Marines, civil society, academe, and civilians in Sulu to build and strengthen their relations and work more smoothly together in their peacebuilding efforts. CRT has also been conducted and replicated in Lantawan, Basilan with the Civilian Active Auxilliary of Citizen Armed Force Geographical Unit (CAFGU) as participants together with the junior cadres of the Philippine Army.

Above, security forces and community members participate in a Community Relations Training course, which aims to break the cycle of further alienation in relationships between the two groups in Mindanao.

CRT course topics range from discussing the history of practices or traditions of local people, the principal values on community engagement and collaboration as perceived by the locals, and the perspective of the security forces on community relations. The training is flexible, rather than prescriptive, so it can include other topics that are critical to a particular security setting. Founded on mutual respect and understanding, the underlying concept for this initiative is to restore communication and develop harmonious relationships between community and security forces, so that they can cultivate trust over time.

The focus of the CRT in Lanao is on the Municipality of Piagapo, which was selected due to intermittent documented clashes between the communities and the security forces, particularly with the Philippine Army. Piagapo is also believed to be the hiding place of criminal groups that are involved in robbery, kidnap-for-ransom, and car theft in other areas in the province. This reputation has further isolated the communities in Piagapo, which has made it more difficult for security forces to capture lawless groups.  There are certain protocols that must be followed by the military and police as they try to isolate and interdict criminals that take refuge in or near Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) communities. The Municipality of Piagapo is a recognized territory of the MILF, in which the conduct of military operation associated with internal security are guided by certain set of rules that are have been agreed by the MILF and government within the current peace process.

On April 29, 2013, 60 participants of the CRT, composed of community leaders (some of whom are members or sympathizers of the MILF), Philippine Army, and police officers who are deployed in the Municipality of Piagapo and its neighboring areas, attended the graduation ceremony after completing the five-day training on community relations.  The CRT course was put together by a team of lecturers from the academe, civil society, religious sector, Philippine National Police, Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP), and the MILF to ensure more context-sensitive and people-focused training program. Topics included concepts related to Maranao tradition and culture, Islamic society, community organizing, Maranao traditional conflict resolution processes, the peace process between the Philippine government and the MILF, the new Internal Peace and Security Plan of the AFP, and the Philippine National Police Community Relations Program.

Through continuous and constant dialogues and engagement, the Community Relations Training courses aim to break the cycle of further alienation in relationships between communities and security forces in Mindanao. In anticipation of May 2013 national polls, when Lanao del Sur will be placed on the election “watch list” due to its propensity for election-related violence, CRT provides opportunities for security forces and communities to create a secure environment for a smooth, and hopefully, peaceful election process in the Municipality of Piagapo.

Haironesah Domado is The Asia Foundation’s assistant program officer in the Philippines. She can be reached at hyro@asiafound.org. The views and opinions expressed here are those of the individual author and not those of The Asia Foundation.