They were referencing pregnancy resource centers. And for a fee, they were willing to teach me how to hunt them down.

Clearly, Catholics for Choice (CFC) has a new target, and for once, it’s not the bishops. They are now targeting the women sitting in a waiting room with a positive test and no idea what to do next. Their latest product is a workshop with a title that gives the game away: “Fake Clinics: Catholicism’s Role and How to Spot Them.” Pregnancy resource centers, they tell their partners, are not ministries. They are “anti-abortion propaganda machines of the religious right.” Learn to spot them. Learn to fight them.

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That is a new low, even for them, and proves that CFC is about as Catholic as a pot roast dinner on Good Friday.

Pregnancy Resource Centers exist to reach a woman before the abortion industry does. They offer a free test, a free ultrasound, a coat, a crib, a class, a person who will still take her call after the baby is born. Catholics for Choice wants the public to treat that work as a fraud. They have spent fifty years borrowing the Catholic name to bless the taking of unborn life. Now they are using it to smear the one place in town that will not charge her and will not kill her child.

These gals at CFC aren’t a movement that grew from the pews at Catholic churches. No, no. This group was created in 1973 (right after Roe) by abortion zealots who needed a Catholic letterhead. Early money did not come from second collections during Mass. It came from the same world that built the abortion clinics. They crowned a “pope” on the steps of St. Patrick’s and called it witness. The American bishops have said, more than once and in public, that the group is not a Catholic organization, does not speak for the Church, and exists to reject the teaching on innocent human life. That should have been the end of the argument. It was not, because the name was too useful to retire.

Frances Kissling made the name a brand. She only lasted six months in a convent. But she lasted a career in the abortion business. She ran a clinic in Pelham, NY. She helped found the National Abortion Federation. By her own account, she went to Italy and Mexico in the 1970s to help set up illegal abortion clinics. Then she took the presidency of Catholics for a Free Choice and held it for a quarter century. That is not a reformer wrestling with her Church. That is an abortion operator who found a Catholic costume useful.

Under that leadership, the group learned a particular craft: take what is holy and point it at the thing the Church forbids. They printed prayer cards asking Our Lady of Guadalupe, the pregnant Virgin, Patroness of the Unborn, the mother who appeared to a poor man on Tepeyac, to “savor this moment of freedom” and bless those who “accompanied me in embracing my God-given right to decide.”

Kissling reserved a special contempt for the Holy See. In 1999 she launched See Change, a campaign to knock the Vatican out of its Permanent Observer seat at the United Nations and reduce the Church’s government to the status of a sidewalk NGO. The coalition was Planned Parenthood, NARAL, Marie Stopes, humanists, and atheists. The banners said Vatican statehood was “dangerous to women’s health.” The campaign failed. They never stopped trying. Year after year at the Commission on the Status of Women, they stand up as “Catholics” and tell delegates the bishops do not speak for Catholics. Anyone who has sat in those rooms, as I have, has watched the move. It is not theology. It is kabuki theater.

Here’s a short list of their greatest hits:

Crown a mock pope on the cathedral steps.

Place a New York Times ad declaring direct abortion “a moral choice,” and dare religious sisters to sign it.

Ask Our Lady of Guadalupe to protect an abortion.

Sell St. Brigid as an abortion saint.

Run “Mary Had a Choice” against the bishops in Baltimore.

Try to strip the Holy See of its voice at the UN.

Tell the world that banning condoms “kills,” that Catholic hospitals are a clinical hazard, and now that pregnancy centers are fake clinics.

Have mercy. Reading that list shows that the attacks on pregnancy resource centers are not a surprise. It’s a natural progression for those who lobby for abortion profits.  If you have already used Mary against her own Child, you will not blush at calling a diaper closet a public danger.

Here is what those centers actually do.

The Charlotte Lozier Institute’s 2025 report, covering 2024, is our best national inventory. The United States had 2,775 pregnancy centers. They saw more than a million new clients, on average, a new person every day in every center. They provided about 700,000 pregnancy tests and 636,000 ultrasounds. Nearly 400,000 people sat through prenatal and parenting education. Eight in ten centers offer free or low-cost medical services, staffed by more than 10,000 medical professionals. The material help is not a talking point. It is inventory: more than six million packs of diapers, nearly five million baby outfits, formula, strollers, car seats, cribs. Lozier puts the 2024 value of medical care, education, and goods at more than $452 million. Client satisfaction, even on their own surveys, came in at 98 percent.

Catholics for Choice calls this coercion. No, ladies, it isn’t. It’s help! Because help is what a mother receives when someone hands her a car seat instead of a pill.

The other clinics, the ones CFC calls “real,” have a different record. A long list of dead women. These women did not die because a pregnancy center gave them a free ultrasound. They died after they walked into an abortion clinic, or after they took what the abortion industry sold them, and the procedure went the way the brochures never mention.

Tonya Reaves was 24. In July 2012, she went to Planned Parenthood on the South Side of Chicago. The abortion was incomplete. Her uterus was perforated. She was left in a recovery area for hours before anyone got her to a hospital. She died.

Lakisha Wilson was 22. In March 2014 she had an abortion at Preterm in Cleveland. She hemorrhaged. The medical examiner ruled that abortion complications killed her.

Keisha Marie Atkins was 23. In February 2017 she had a late-term abortion at Southwestern Women’s Options in Albuquerque. She developed a catastrophic infection. She died of sepsis. Her family later received a settlement over the referral that sent her there.

Jamie Lee Morales was 30. In 2016 an abortionist in the Bronx perforated her uterus, tore her cervix, and slashed a uterine artery. She bled to death.

Jennifer Morbelli was 29, a schoolteacher, 33 weeks pregnant with a child who had a poor diagnosis. In February 2013 she had a late-term abortion at Germantown Reproductive Health Services in Maryland. She hemorrhaged. She died.

Alexis “Lexi” Arguello was 18. In February 2025 she had a second-trimester surgical abortion at Planned Parenthood in Fort Collins, Colorado. She went into a clotting catastrophe in the waiting room. The coroner documented disseminated intravascular coagulation. She died. Her family said the clinic waited too long to call for help.

I am certain, as certain as a man can be about another family’s grief, that those mothers and fathers and grandparents would have given anything if, on that morning, their daughter had driven to a pregnancy resource center instead. She would have been given a test. She would have been given a sonogram. She would have been given time. She would still be here. So would her child.

Catholics for Choice wants you to learn how to “spot” the place that might have saved them. They want you to call that place fake. There is nothing fake about a crib. There is nothing fake about a nurse who will show a woman her baby. There is nothing Catholic about asking Guadalupe to bless the poisoning and dismemberment of an unborn child.

LifeNews.com Note: Raimundo Rojas is the Outreach Director for the National Right to Life Committee. He is a former president of Florida Right to Life and has presented the pro-life message to millions in Spanish-language media outlets. He represents NRLC at the United Nations as an NGO. Rojas was born in Santiago de las Vegas, Havana, Cuba and he and his family escaped to the United States in 1968.

The post Catholics for “Choice” is Anti-Choice on Abortion. Here’s How appeared first on LifeNews.com.

The child died by euthanasia at the end of 2025, which was revealed by a letter to the Dutch parliament from Health Minister Sophie Hermans in June. Infant euthanasia has been practised in the Netherlands for many years, as before a recent law change, only newborns and children over twelve could die by euthanasia. However, this was the first time that a non-infant child under the age of 12 had died by euthanasia in the country.

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Before the child’s life was ended, the doctor consulted independent doctors from outside his region of practice.

These other doctors concluded that “the child was not continuously suffering unbearably”, according to the Review Committee on Late-term Abortions and Termination of Life of Neonates and Children aged under 12.

The Review Committee revealed that the other doctors believed “there were still reasonable alternatives, such as palliative options and other medications that could possibly result in better control of the epileptic seizures”.

Despite this, the child was later euthanised after the doctor sought a further second opinion from another doctor, who concluded that the requirements for ending the child’s life through euthanasia had been met.

The Review Committee later found that the doctor had complied with the applicable due-care requirements.

Two-year-old suffered from cerebral palsy and epilepsy 

New information, reported by the NL Times, has revealed that the child had been born prematurely, at only 26 weeks gestation, and had cerebral palsy and a visual impairment resulting from a brain injury. The child also had epilepsy, which largely did not respond to medication, and mucus in their lungs, which made breathing and swallowing difficult.

The euthanising doctor believed that this meant the child would not live into adulthood, and that their suffering could not be alleviated through medical treatment.

Netherlands widened rules to allow children aged between one and 12 to die by euthanasia in 2024 

In February 2024, the Netherlands widened its regulations, allowing euthanasia for children of all ages.

Under the widened Dutch rules, doctors can end the lives of terminally ill children aged one to 12 if they are considered to be suffering unbearably with no prospect of improvement and no reasonable alternative to relieve their suffering. The decision is made by a doctor together with the child’s parents and, where possible, in consultation with the child.

For the euthanasia to be legitimate, the doctor is required, on the basis of prevailing medical opinion, to confirm that ending the child’s life is the only reasonable way to end their unbearable suffering, without there being any prospect of improvement.

Prior to the widening of eligibility criteria, euthanasia was already available for Dutch citizens who are not terminally ill but suffering from “normal degenerative conditions that accompany ageing” that can be considered to cause “unbearable suffering with no prospect of improvement”. Euthanasia was also permitted for babies under one year old thought to be suffering unbearably and children aged 12 to 15 with parental consent.

This marks the first death by euthanasia for a non-infant child under the age of 12 following the Netherlands’ widening of these regulations. The country became the second in the world to allow euthanasia for children of all ages, following Belgium, which lifted the age restrictions for euthanasia in 2014.

Law expansion of this kind would have been likely if assisted suicide Bill had passed, critics warn

Reacting to the news that the first non-infant child under 12 had died by euthanasia in the Netherlands following the expansion of the law, commentator Adam James Pollock reflected that it would have been “inevitable” that there would have been campaigns for the assisted suicide law in Britain to expand, too, had MPs not voted to reject the assisted suicide Bill on 11 September.

“Assisted suicide lobby group My Death, My Decision plainly states on its website that those in the organisation ‘do not believe that there is a strong moral case to limit this option solely to those with six months left to live’, arguing that ‘life expectancy in and of itself says nothing’ about the extent of an individual’s suffering”, he said.

Pollock added, “Humanists UK, another prominent lobby group, responded to the introduction of [Kim] Leadbeater’s bill by arguing that an assisted suicide law should also be for ‘those who are suffering intolerably from incurable conditions which may not be terminal’”.

Responding to the Dutch child euthanasia case, prominent opponent of the Westminster legislation, Lord Alton, said, “You start with a little euthanasia and this is where it inevitably leads. Make it legal and it simply becomes another ‘option.’”

Spokesperson for Right To Life UK, Catherine Robinson, said “It is very sad to hear of the tragedy that occurred in the Netherlands, whereby a young child had their life ended by euthanasia. A hastened death is not the solution for those suffering from illness, regardless of age”.

“This is precisely the kind of expansion in the law that critics of the assisted suicide Bill for England and Wales warned about. We are grateful to MPs for voting against the assisted suicide Bill and ensuring that tragedies of this nature could not happen here”.

LifeNews Note: Republished with permission from Right to Life UK.

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Rep. Mary Miller (R-Ill.), Senator James Lankford (R-Okla.), and Senator Steve Daines (R.-Mont.) also spoke to show their support. The countries of Mauritania, Argentina, and the Dominican Republic joined the agreement with their respective representatives present.

Earlier this year, Daines shared that he will retire from the Senate and not seek re-election after 14 years of service in Congress. Daines announced at the GCD event for the first time publicly that Lankford will take over for him in spearheading this annual resolution. Daines was presented with the 2026 Distinguished Award of International Honor from the IWH on Tuesday for his longtime support and allyship of the GCD. The senator from Montana was the first member to build support for it in both the Senate and in the House and proposed the bicameral resolution to affirm the declaration.

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The GCD was first enacted in 2020, launched in a joint effort between IWH, the Department of State, and the Department of Health and Human Services. The declaration’s four main principles are “to secure meaningful health and development gains for women; to protect life at all stages; to defend the family as the fundamental unit of society; and to work together across the UN system to realize these values.”

After its adoption in October 2020 under the first Trump administration, the Biden administration withdrew the U.S. from the agreement in January 2021. Just four days after President Donald Trump’s inauguration in January 2025, the State Department announced America would be rejoining the declaration.

Huber recalled to TWS how she recognized the need for the GCD six years ago. “When we saw that women were being held hostage over ideological purposes, we knew that we needed to do something about that, and so President Trump supported us talking to other countries to begin the Geneva Consensus Declaration. I think it’s one of the most meaningful things in the world [relating to] these values.”

Rep. Chris Smith (R-N.J.) addressed the crowd about the severe public health threat posed by chemical abortion. “I do believe that the mifepristone abortion pill poses an existential threat to the lives of our older children in the globe,” the congressman shared. “It starves the baby to death. It is antithetical to a pro-humanitarian, pro-feed-the-future mentality when you starve little children to death. … It also is horribly dangerous to women. One out of every 11 women take the abortion pill.”

One of the core tenets of the Geneva Consensus Declaration is its affirmation of the value of life. “There is no international right to abortion, nor any international obligation on the part of the States to finance or facilitate abortion” the official document states.

Bethany Kozma, director of Global Affairs for the Department of Health and Human Services and the U.S. Secretariat for the Geneva Consensus Declaration, encouraged the coalition to continue to expand its reach. “Today is not only about celebrating what we have accomplished over the last six years,” she said. “It’s about what we do next.”

“We want to continue growing this coalition and welcoming new countries from every region of the world, but numbers alone are not enough,” Kozma emphasized. “We also want a coalition that is better coordinated, more impacted, and more effective — one where member nations support one another and work together to advance our shared principles internationally.”

Vince Haley, director of the Domestic Policy Council for the Trump administration, said that it is the responsibility of every country in the world to defend life. He additionally delivered a message on behalf of Trump: “My administration will always stand for the dignity of human life, the health and well-being of women, the strength of the family, and the right to defend these values and traditions.”

LifeNews Note: Quinn Delamater is a reporter for The Washington Stand.

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These victories are proof that there is not overwhelming support for the concepts surrounding medical homicide (euthanasia and assisted suicide). Nonetheless these victories also uncover significant cultural challenges, especially in the UK.

One of the major reasons that these assisted suicide bills were defeated was that the language of these bills lacked effective definition and adequate protections for people at a vulnerable time of their life. Would a bill with clear language and proper oversight have passed?

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The problems with the language and definitions within the UK assisted suicide bills are the same problems that we have experienced in Canada with the lack of oversight and expansions of medical homicide based on undefined language in the law.

As bad as the language of the law is, we oppose killing people.

During the assisted suicide debates in the UK and Scotland, those who opposed and supported the assisted suicide bills recognized that it was necessary to improve end-of-life care.

LifeNews.com Note: Alex Schadenberg is the executive director of the Euthanasia Prevention Coalition and you can read his blog here.

The post Oppose Killing People in Euthanasia or Assisted Suicide, Support Better Care Instead appeared first on LifeNews.com.

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The settlement, signed by a federal district court judge, ends a three-year legal battle over a state rule that requires adoptive parents to support a child’s “sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression” essentially lying to children that people can switch genders.

The settlement, which bars the state from enforcing the rule against Bates only, stipulates the state may not exclude her from adoption consideration because of her sincerely held religious beliefs. In the court order, the state also agreed that Bates is the “prevailing party” and entitled to attorney’s fees and costs.

In 2023, Bates sued the Oregon Department of Human Services on First Amendment grounds after she was disqualified from adopting for refusing to say she would use opposite-sex pronouns, take children to “pride” parades, or give them puberty blockers or cross-sex hormones.

“As a widowed mom of five, I was surprised to feel God nudging me to adopt. I never dreamt it would lead to a years-long lawsuit when Oregon excluded me just because of my religious convictions about gender,” said Bates.

Initially, a federal district judge ruled against Bates in favor of the state’s adoption policy by admitting that the rule does compel speech but does so to protect a child’s rights. However, in July 2025 the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals overturned that decision in a 2-1 ruling that handed down a preliminary injunction blocking the state from applying the rule to Bates. The appeals court ruled Bates proved a “likelihood of success on the merits” of her free speech and religious freedom claims.

The Ninth Circuit majority emphasized that constitutional protections do not disappear during adoption.

“Adoption is not a constitutional law dead zone,” the 2025 ruling reads. “And a state’s general conception of the child’s best interest does not create a force field against the valid operation of other constitutional rights.”

The appeals court specifically identified free speech and religious liberty as “vital” constitutional rights in which the state cannot condition their surrender for state benefits.

“Fundamental as basic freedoms, these rights spring from a common constitutional principle: that the government may not insist upon our adherence to state-favored orthodoxies, whether of a religious or political variety,” states the ruling.  Oregon’s policy “is not neutral” toward religion, the court concluded.

The settlement makes the Ninth Circuit’s preliminary ruling freeing Bates to pursue adoption permanent.

Liberty Counsel Founder and Chairman Mat Staver said, “The settlement based on the Ninth Circuit’s decision acknowledges that the government cannot require citizens to abandon their sincerely held religious beliefs as the price to adopting children in need. A state forcing parents to embrace radical gender ideology in order to adopt children is offensive to the First Amendment. Gender rules cannot override the First Amendment guarantees of free speech and religious exercise. Since the settlement and the Ninth Circuit decision are narrow applying only to Jessica Bates, Oregon and every state must work to make these protections in foster and adoption services statewide.”

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Emotional trauma results from a deeply painful experience that overwhelms a person’s normal coping skills, such as a serious injury or accident, war, or physical and sexual abuse. These painful events are accompanied by feelings of fear, helplessness and horror. Women and men may experience flashbacks and nightmares rooted in their traumatic experiences, and the avoidance of sights, sounds, smells or feelings associated with the trauma.

Susan had an abortion procedure that used a vacuum source to remove the fetus through her cervix:

“I had nightmares after the abortion. I avoided driving near the abortion center. When I ran the vacuum in my apartment soon after the procedure, I was hit with a wave of panic and anxiety – it reminded me of the suction machine.”

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To cope with these painful feelings and memories, women and men often turn to drugs and alcohol in a desperate attempt to find relief, and restore a sense of internal peace and safety. Research has confirmed an increase in substance abuse after abortion.

Men can also experience their involvement with an abortion as a traumatic event. Jason tried desperately to convince his live-in partner to continue with her pregnancy, and assured her of his loving support:

“She had gone to the clinic and had the abortion while I was at work. Her sister paid for the procedure and was the one who told me that it was done. The last thing I remember after hearing the news was lying in the parking lot of a bar screaming at the top of my lungs.”

The deep emotional pain that followed the abortion brought Jason to the brink of self-destruction.  Thankfully, he learned of an abortion healing program to help him work through his pain, grieve his loss, and reconnect in love with his child, entrusted to the Lord.

Self-destructive behaviors and relationships can also serve as an outlet for the complex emotions that often accompany this loss, leading to repeat abortions. Joanne shares her story:

“I had my abortion freshman year of college. I became the party girl and starting drinking a lot and sleeping around…something I never did prior to this loss. Sadly, this led to another unplanned pregnancy and abortion before I got a hold of my drinking and became less promiscuous.”

The Abortion Pill

Nearly 7 out of 10 abortions in the United States are chemical abortions, and this number will likely continue to rise.

Couples are tempted to see chemical abortion as an easier solution than a surgical procedure at an abortion center. However, can the actual experience of the abortion pill be a uniquely traumatic event?

A woman shares her experience:

“I was six weeks pregnant and after an extended period of severe cramping, the child was delivered in our bathroom. My partner had to fish the tiny child out of the toilet.”

Cullen Herout has served for a number of years as a counselor for women and men suffering after pregnancy loss. He writes that chemical termination, far from being a simple solution, presents some unique complications.  Chemical abortion changes the locus of the trauma from a surgical center, to what should be a place of emotional and physical safety – the home.

Herout shares:

“It is no longer possible to take a different route home from work to avoid reminders of the trauma…Now these triggers and reminders wait for the woman [or man] at home, and there is nowhere to flee.”

With the increase in telehealth abortions, and distribution of the pills by mail, there is often little to no medical oversight. Given the psychological as well as the physical complications common after the experience, it makes sense to pause, and re-examine the personal and financial costs before further expanding easy access to these drugs.

Given the prevalence of surgical and chemical abortion in our communities, it is past time for our public officials, religious leaders, and medical and counseling professionals to recognize that abortion trauma is real, and presents a public health crisis.

The good news is we have the information and resources for raising awareness, as well as safe and effective emotional and spiritual healing programs for women and men in your community.

LifeNews Note: Theresa Burke, Ph.D., and Kevin Burke, MSS, are the founders of Rachel’s Vineyard and pastoral associates of Priests for Life.

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