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The Sulu equation

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Thu, 26 Jan 2012 11:57:00 +0000

by Apple Santiago Oreta

As the plane approaches the island, one word entered my mind: magnificent. Trees peppered the isle, accented with pockets of inlet bodies of water that when viewed from above look like mini swimming pools surrounded by trees. God must have been inspired when the island of Sulu was created. If nature had a contest, I’m sure Sulu would easily quality as among the top contenders. It’s such a pity that such beauty hides a dark and sinister reality.

Sulu has acquired a shady image in the eyes of outsiders. “Be careful” was the common remark I get when friends learned that I was going there.

As soon as the plane landed in the airstrip that looked battered by time and neglected by modernization, we were welcomed by our host accompanied by a security detail. “That’s S.O.P (standard operating procedure) here especially if you’re an outsider” was his explanation. And the guard did not at all look stealthy -- he was in security uniform and had with him an M-16. But his long arm was not what caught my attention -- it was the number of uniformed, armed military men waiting for, obviously, a VIP. I soon learned that the Governor was among the plane passengers, along with some Manila-based well-jeweled visitors. The military was making sure that the Governor got home safe, and the visitors get to do their business without a glitch.

As we traverse the road in Jolo, the capital of Sulu, the scene I saw was all too familiar -- people were going about their daily, everyday routine of finding a living; the town looked like any of the towns I’ve visited. Sure, there were more patrol vans with police in fatigue uniforms with their long firearms, but other than that, the town looked ordinary. I wondered aloud -- “it looks safe, why do outsiders think it’s violent here?”

“The real test of safety is when the local government officials can walk around town without their bodyguards,” my host lectured. I learned that several attempts of assassination had been carried out against local officials.

I was in Jolo for a workshop with researchers; the main goal was to understand the conflict dynamics and how people mitigated violence in selected barangays in Sulu. Six cases were selected, each with varying levels of conflict.

“The basic issue in this barangay is family feud due to land conflict. In the next barangay, the land dispute is complicated by political contestation.” The six cases have almost similar themes -- family feud over land ownership carried over through generations, complicated by the wide proliferation of firearms, and spilling over into political contests. The barangay captain position becomes hotly contested due to its control of the IRA (internal revenue allocation) as well as other goods and resources in the community. The barangay is the tier of government that is most relevant to the people, and the unit that receives the government’s IRA intended for, supposedly, community development. In barangays where the officials are involved, they sometimes sustain the conflict, the IRA remains with the barangay captain, and the people suffer a triple whammy -- a prolonged conflict, no IRA being used for community development, but instead used to secure more guns and sustain the armed groups involved in the conflict.

These conflict-ridden communities are the most difficult to reach and hence very limited local government services are poured in. People in these communities are trapped not just in violence, but more insidiously, trapped in the mindset that they need to take sides between the two warring factions. The sad part is, most often, these warring groups are part of the same, extended family clan.

It is in these communities where lawless groups proliferate, get support, and get recruits as the seeming hopelessness of the situation leaves people with no option. The cycle of violence, victimization, and radicalization of dissent is carried over for generations.

But there are silver linings also. Some communities have initiated a consensus-building process where covenants are signed and sworn-in by conflicting clans. Relative peace is enjoyed by these communities and manifestations of respite are palpable: ordinances banning public display of firearms are observed; close collaboration between the barangay and the village elders is reestablished; schools operate; and local government services begin to flow in. Lawless groups cannot recruit in these communities as the people themselves dissuade them from entering their village. It was indeed heartwarming to listen to these inspiring examples. Although I also know that this relative peace cannot hold if the other barangays remain enmeshed in violence; the spilling-over effect of violence from one place to another has been proven historically. Nevertheless, I prayed that perhaps this time around, it is the relative-peace enjoyed by the people that would spill over in conflict-ridden barangays.

“Sulu used to be rich. In the ’70s and ’80s, traders from Manila come here to get imported goods -- legally -- to be sold in Manila,” said one government official. It is the insecurity over land, complicated by greed for money, power, and position by political players that have brought Sulu to its knees.

As the boat leaves the island, I looked back and marvel at the untouched shores of Patikul. The placidness of the scene saddens me -- just a few weeks ago, a bridge that connected Patikul with the other Barangays was bombed. I whispered a short prayer for the people, and wondered how Sulu can again regain its glory.

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The author is the convener of the ADMU Political Science Department-Working Group on Security Sector Reform (WG-SSR), a group of faculty, staff, and students involved in research and projects on SSR. Comments are welcome appleoreta@gmail.com

KIDMADI Bishops Reject the Tampakan Mining Project

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Tue, 10 Jan 2012 03:30:00 +0000

The Dioceses of Kidapawan, Marbel and Digos (KIDMADI) reiterate their opposition against the Tampakan Copper and Gold Project by the London based XSTRATA/SMI. As pastors of the flock, they are deeply troubled and concerned on the irreversible damage to the environment particularly to the biodiversity and the last remaining forest, livelihood, food security, health and of the poor communities both of the IPs and the down-stream communities. It is the biggest direct foreign investment to the country at present which amounting to $5.6B, but will it augment its critical damage to agriculture and livelihood of the stakeholders and the country's economy.

Bishop Romulo dela Cruz, D.D., the ordinary of the diocese of Kidapawan in his letter addressed to the SMI said, " I have serious reservations about the humongous scale of the project." And after thorough evaluation and assessment of the EIS he further noted that, "it fails to convince me that the good which can be expected of the project will outweigh the harm that it brings to man and nature alike. As it stands, I cannot support the project."

The present mining policies of the Philippines such as Mining Act of 1995 (RA 7942), EO 270 (Revitalization of the Philippine Mining industry) and other statutes are all for the extraction of the countries natural resources. These exploitative and destructive mining activities do not promote neither guarantee Sustainable Development in those communities. Our National Patrimony, our mineral reserves are exploited aggressively favoring the foreign investors, and what would be left to the Filipino people? Hazardous Waste? The 2% excise tax and other local taxes in which the mining companies are boasting are all fictitious because of its very minimal contribution of the mining industry to the Gross National Product (GNP).

The countries metallic minerals will be all gone and our laws only provide pitiful taxes will be provided for but its destruction of the watershed, protected areas and agricultural zones are irreversible. This economic condition pushes the poor to be marginalized. The poor will be the most vulnerable sector. ALL OUR PRECIOUS METALS ARE GONE FOR FREE. The Mining Act of 1995 and the EO 270 are inconsistent to the newly approved National Climate Change Adaptation Plan (NCCAP) 2011-2028 signed by President Benigno C. Aquino III last November 22, 2011. The Tampakan Copper and Gold Project will go against P'noys' seven (7) strategic priorities to combat climate change: 1) food security, 2) water sufficiency, 3) ecosystem and environmental stability, 4) human security, 5) climate smart industries and services, 6) sustainable energy, and 7) knowledge and capacity development.

Above all, it goes against the Philippine Constitution which declares as a state policy "to promote healthy and balanced ecology." (Art 2, Sect. 16). One serious emerging condition of the IP communities defending for their ancestral land is the escalation of violence. According to Fr. Rey Ondap, CP of the Catholic Mission on Indigenous Peoples, "because of strong opposition, tension are prevalent." There was an alleged harassment of the military in the IP communities. Bishop Dinualdo of Marbel has urged the concerned parties that "we must avoid the escalation of violence."

After 17 to 20 years SMI/XSTRATA will approximately mine 6.375 million tonnes of copper (375, 000 tonnes per annum) and 6.120 million ounces of gold (360, 000 ounces per annum of gold) in concentrate, who will manage those huge infrastructures? We call for a moratorium to seriously adhere to the voice of the communities.

Bishop Jimmy Afable of Digos shows similar concern since the facilities like fresh water dam and tailings dam will be constracted at the Mal River Catchment, but these huge storage facilities are directly under criss-crossing faultlines. This apprehension was seconded by the reviewer of the EIS of the company that "The Tampakan mine has a high potential for loss of life and high environmental damage if a failure of Dams or Rock Storage facilities occurs." Even if the company argues that putting this huge structures under international standard.

The $76M Environmental Impact Assessment cost of the XSTRATA/SMI is not enough study the impact of mining on this one of the most bio-diverse area comprehensively. It still leaves five general impacts that are not adequately answered: 1) the displacement and resettlement of onsite households, 2) the loss of onsite forest lands and biodiversity resources, 3) the diversion of surface and groundwater for the use of the mine and the displacement of existing in-stream and off stream users, 4) the acid drainage, spillage, leakages, overflows and the pollution of natural water source; 5) the risks of a tailings dam failure or collapse.

The letter of request for a meeting with the president sent by the 3 bishops, Bp. Dinualdo D. Guttierrez, Bp. Jimmy Afable and Bp. Romulo dela Cruz was received in Malacañang last Nov. 9, 2011 tend to discuss with the president some serious concern on XSTRATA/SMI Copper and Gold Project. It pertains to the open pit mining that is very destructive and the location of the mine is in the heart of Quezon Mountain Range and at the same time, at the heart of our forest and watershed. Up to the present no reply was heard concerning the request.

The three (3) dioceses of the Roman Catholic Church gathered the strong 108, 424 signatures that signify the validity of the issues and will be submitted to Malacañang on Dec. 14, 2011 through the National Social Action Secretariat (NASSA-CBCP).

PROTECT THE INTEGRITY OF GOD'S CREATION!
PROMOTE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN THE COMMUNITIES!
THE GOVERNMENT SHOULD PROTECT AND PROMOTE THE INTEREST OF HER PEOPLE!
RESPECT THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLE'S RIGHT TO SELF DETERMINATION!

KIDMADI BISHOPS

(Sgd) Most. Rev. Romulo dela Cruz, D.D.
(Diocese of Kidapawan)

(Sgd) Most Rev. Dinualdo D. Gutierrez, D.D.
(Diocese of Marbel)

(Sgd) Most Rev. Jimmy Affable, D.D.
(Diocese of Digos)

AMURT extend aid to 400 families in Cagayan De Oro City

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Sun, 25 Dec 2011 11:27:00 +0000

On December 24th, 2011 -- AMURT Philippines Team in Cagayan de Oro distributed 400 packs of assorted goods consisting of rice, milk powder, sugar, noodles, sardines and drinking water to 400 families at Lower Balulang, Cagayan de Oro City.

AMURT (Ananda Marga Universal Relief Team) is one of the few private international voluntary organizations founded in India. Since its inception in 1965 its original objective was to help meet the needs of the affected population after disasters that regularly hit the Indian sub-continent. Over the years AMURT has established teams in thirty-four countries, to create a network that can meet disaster and development needs almost anywhere in the world. In 1985 we broadened our goals to include long-term development. We feel that we can play a useful role in helping vulnerable communities break the cycle of poverty and gain greater control over their lives. For us, development is human exchange: people sharing wisdom, knowledge and experience to build a better world.

Website: http://www.amurt.net

Panaghugpong Mindanaw invites training on Managing Change

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Sun, 25 Sep 2011 03:09:00 +0000

At its most basic level, change is a movement out of a current state (how things are today), through a transition state and to a future state (how things will be done). Change happens all around us - at home, in our community and at work. Changes can be internally motivated or externally motivated. The change can be a dramatic departure from what we know, or it can be minor. Changes can be anticipated or unexpected. But in all cases, the fundamental nature of change is a movement from the current state through a transition state to a future state.

This training course has been developed to help individuals and organizations manage change as they seek to become more sustainable through resource efficiency, and as they take corporate social responsibility for the effects of the business on the wider community to fight the current problem on poverty issues.

The PROUT Study Initiative (PSI) seminar workshop on “Managing Change: A Journey to Empowerment from Within” – is a learning program that explains change as a social phenomenon in its various manifestations. Particular focus is placed on the impact of change forces on an individual, organization and community, the pitfalls of resisting change, and the rewards for adapting to them and making them serve the benefits of an endeavor.

The PSI works to develop and promote progressive theories, policies, and practices that empower citizens and communities to envision and implement sustainable and equitable solutions to social, economic, and ecological problems--and realize their potentialities in the process.

The 2-day seminar-workshop which is schedule on October 21 to 22, 2011 is a capacity development programme of PSI-PANAGHUGPONG MINDANAW in partnership with Ang KaSaMa, Inc. to be held at General Santos City.

Only twenty (20) participants will be accepted for this training course.

A registration fee of PhP 600.00 will be collected during registration at 8:00AM of October 21, 2011. The seminar-workshop will start officially at 8:30 AM of the same day.

Applicants are expected to submit their application form on or before the cut-off date: October 14, 2011 to panaghugpongmindanaw@gmail.com. Early confirmations will be highly appreciated for early reservations and arrangements.

<<< CLICK THIS TEXT TO DOWNLOAD THE APPLICATION FORM >>>

Aquino: Doing What is Right is Personal

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Mon, 25 Jul 2011 13:01:00 +0000

Philippine President Benigno Aquino III gestures as he delivers his State of the Nation Address during the 15th Congress at the House of Representatives in suburban Quezon City, north of Manila, Philippines on Monday, July. 25, 2011. (AP Photo/Aaron Favila)

State of the Nation Address
of
His Excellency Benigno S. Aquino III
President of the Philippines

To the Congress of the Philippines

[English translation of the State of the Nation Address delivered at the Session Hall of the House of Representatives, Batasan Pambansa Complex, Quezon City on July 25, 2011]

Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile; Speaker Feliciano Belmonte Jr.; Vice President Jejomar Binay; former Presidents Fidel Valdez Ramos and Joseph Ejercito Estrada; Chief Justice Renato Corona and the honorable Justices of the Supreme Court; honorable members of the diplomatic corps; members of the House of Representatives and the Senate; Local Government Officials; members of our Cabinet; members of the Armed Forces and the Philippine National Police; to my fellow servants of the Filipino people;

And to my beloved countrymen, my Bosses:

I stood before you during my inauguration and promised: we would do away with the use of the wang-wang. This one gesture has become the symbol of change, not just in our streets, but even in our collective attitude.

Over the years, the wang-wang had come to symbolize abuse of authority. It was routinely used by public officials to violate traffic laws, inconveniencing ordinary motorists—as if only the time of the powerful few, and no one else’s, mattered. Instead of behaving like public servants, they acted like kings. This privilege was extended to their cronies and patrons, who moved along the streets as if they were aristocracy, indifferent to those who were forced to give way and were left behind. Abusing privilege despite promising to serve—this is the wang-wang mindset; this is the mindset of entitlement.

They had no right to do this. The law authorizes only the President, the Vice President, the Senate President, the Speaker, the Chief Justice, and police vehicles, fire trucks, and ambulances to use sirens in the fulfillment of their official duties—no one else. Yet the flagrant abuse we bore witness to prompts us to ask: if they felt it their privilege to flout the simplest traffic laws, how could we expect them not to help themselves to a share of projects funded by the Filipino people?

Do you want the corrupt held accountable? So do I. Do you want to see the end of wang-wang, both on the streets and in the sense of entitlement that has led to the abuse that we have lived with for so long? So do I. Do you want to give everyone a fair chance to improve their lot in life? So do I.

We have fought against the wang-wang, and our efforts have yielded results. Just this year, the number of Filipinos who experienced hunger has come down. Self-rated hunger has gone down from 20.5% in March to 15.1% this June—equivalent to a million Filipino families who used to go hungry, but who now say they eat properly every day.

As for business, who would have thought that the stock market would reach seven record highs in the past year? At one time, we thought that for the PSE Index to reach 4,000 points would be, at best, a fluke. We now routinely exceed this threshold.

Our once low credit ratings have now been upgraded by Moody’s, Standard and Poors, Fitch, and Japan Credit Ratings Agency—in recognition of our prudent use of funds and creative financial management. These improved credit ratings mean lower interest on our debts. Our innovative fiscal approach has saved taxpayers 23 billion pesos in the first four months of this year. This is enough to cover the 2.3 million conditional cash transfer beneficiaries for the entire year.

Let me remind you: in the nine and a half years before we were elected into office, our credit ratings were upgraded once, and downgraded six times by the different credit ratings agencies. Compare this to the four upgrades we have achieved in the single year we have been in office. This was no small feat, considering that the upgrades came after ratings agencies have grown considerably more conservative in their assessments, especially in the wake of criticism they received after the recent American financial crisis. But while they have downgraded the ratings of other countries, they have upgraded ours, so that we are now just one notch below investment grade. Our economic team is hard at work to sustain the momentum.

And allow me to share more good news from the Department of Energy: having rid the DOE of wang-wang, we have revived the confidence of investors in our energy sector. 140 companies, all ready to participate in the exploration and strengthening of our oil and natural gas resources, can attest to this. Compare this to the last energy contracting round in 2006, which saw the participation of only 35 companies. Just last Friday, a new contract was signed for a power plant to be constructed in the Luzon grid, so that by 2014, our country will have a cheaper, more reliable source of energy.

There is confidence and there is hope; the government is now fulfilling its promises. And I cannot help but remember a woman I spoke with during one of my first house-to-house campaigns. She lamented: “It won’t matter who wins these elections. Nothing will change. I was poor when our leaders campaigned, I am poor now that they are in office, and I will still be poor when they step down.” This is a grievance echoed by many: “Our leaders didn’t care about us then, our leaders don’t care about us now, and our leaders will not care about us tomorrow.”

Given the persistence of the wang-wang attitude, wasn’t their sentiment justified? This was the attitude that allowed helicopters to be bought as if they were brand new, but had in fact already been extensively used. This was the attitude that allowed GOCC officials, like those in the Philippine National Construction Corporation, to pay themselves millions of pesos in bonuses, even as they failed to render decent service and plunged their respective agencies deeper into debt. Before they stepped down from their positions, the former heads of the PNCC gifted themselves with two hundred and thirty-two million pesos. Their franchise had lapsed in 2007; their collections should have been remitted to the national government. They did not do this, and in fact even took advantage of their positions: the bonuses they allotted to themselves in the first 6 months of 2010 was double the amount of their bonuses from 2005-2009. Yet they had the audacity to award themselves midnight bonuses, when they had already drowned their agencies in debt.

To end the wang-wang culture in government, we employed zero-based budgeting to review programs. For this year and the last, zero-based budgeting has allowed us to end many wasteful programs.

For example, we uncovered and stopped an ill-advised plan to dredge Laguna Lake. We would have borrowed 18.7 billion pesos to remove 12 million cubic meters of silt—which would have re-accumulated within three years, even before the debt could be fully paid. We also uncovered a food-for-school program with no proper targeting of beneficiaries, and other initiatives that were funded without apparent results. All of these were discontinued, and the funds rechanneled to more effective programs.

The budget is the clearest manifestation of the straight path upon which we tread. I say to those who would lead us astray: if you will further disadvantage the poor, do not even think about it. If all you would do is to fill your own pockets, do not even think about it. If it is not for the benefit of the Filipino people, do not even think about it.

I wish we could say that we had completely eliminated the wang-wang attitude, but in some parts of our consciousness, it still persists.

It still exists in the private sector. According to the BIR, we have around 1.7 million self-employed and professional taxpayers: lawyers, doctors, businessmen who paid a total of 9.8 billion pesos in 2010. This means that each of them paid only an average of 5,783 pesos in income tax—and if this is true, then they each must have earned only 8,500 pesos a month, which is below the minimum wage. I find this hard to believe.

Today we can see that our taxes are going where they should, and therefore there is no reason not to pay the proper taxes. I say to you: it’s not just the government, but our fellow citizens, who are cheated out of the benefits that these taxes would have provided.

We are holding accountable—and we will continue to hold accountable—those who practice this culture of entitlement in all government offices, as there are still some who think they can get away with it. A district in Region 4B, for example, began a project worth 300 million pesos, well beyond the 50 million pesos that district engineers can sign off on their own. But they could not leave such a potentially large payday alone.

So they cut the project up into components that would not breach the 50 million peso limit that would have required them to seek clearance from the regional and central offices. They tried to keep this system going. And often, since lump-sum funding was being used for the projects, no questions were asked about the plans or project details. They could have been spinning webs and they would have still been given the funds, so long as they knew someone in power.

Secretary Babes Singson did not let them get away with this. He removed the district engineer from his post, and suspended the awarding of the project in an effort to uncover other anomalies that may have happened. A thorough investigation of all those involved in the case is underway; we will blacklist all contractors proven to have engaged in foul play.

Because the project had to be delayed, Filipinos who would have otherwise benefited from them are still made to face unnecessary inconveniences.

These anomalies are not limited to Region 4B. We are putting an end to them. We are eliminating the patronage politics that had been prevalent in DPWH, and replacing it with a culture in which merit prevails. All projects must have work programs; we will require those involved in projects to submit well thought out plans for consideration, so that each project complements the other. We have also instituted an honest and transparent bidding process to provide equal opportunity to interested contractors.

Because of this, we have already saved 2.5 billion pesos, and expect to save 6 to 7 billion by the end of this year. The most important thing, however, is that now, we can count on well-paved roads—as opposed to the fragile pothole-ridden paths that our people had grown used to. Once, we believed that the system in the DPWH was impossible to fix; but look—it’s possible, and we’re fixing it.

Even in agriculture, the culture of wang-wang once persisted. Before we came into office in 2010, the Philippines imported 2.3 million metric tons of rice, which was already a million metric tons more than the 1.3 million that we needed. We even had to pay extra for warehouses to store the rice acquired through excessive importation.

How many years have we been over-importing rice? Many Filipinos thought that there was nothing we could do about it.

We proved them wrong in the span of a year. What was once an estimated yearly shortage of 1.3 million metric tons is down to 660,000—that’s almost half of the original amount. Even with our buffer of 200,000 metric tons as contingency against natural calamities, it is still significantly less than what was once the norm.

Our success in this sector was not brought about by mere luck. This is simply the result of doing things right: using the most effective types of seedlings, and careful and efficient spending on irrigation. In the past year, we irrigated an additional 11,611 hectares of fields, not to mention the near 212,000 hectares of land we were able to rehabilitate. The result: a 15.6 percent increase in rice production.

We envision two things: first, an end to over-importation that only serves to benefit the selfish few. Second: we want rice self-sufficiency—that the rice served on every Filipino’s dinner table is planted here, harvested here, and purchased here.

Let us look back on the situations of many of our policemen a year ago. The average salary of a common PO1 in Metro Manila is around 13,000 pesos. Around 4,000 pesos or abour a third of their salaries goes directly to paying the rent. Another third goes to food, and the final third is all that is left for electricity and water bills, commuting, tuition fees, medicine, and everything else. Ideally, their salaries match their expenses—but this is not always the case. Those whose salaries are not enough would probably resort to taking out some loans. What happens when the interest piles up and they end up having to spend even more of their salaries? Will they still be able to do the right thing when tempted with an opportunity to make a quick buck?

This is why, this July, we have followed through on the housing promise we made in February. We were able to award 4,000 Certificates of Entitlement to Lot Allocation. This is only the first batch of the 21,800 houses we will have constructed by the end of the year. Awarding our men in uniform these houses will turn their 4,000 peso rent expense into an initial 200 peso per month payment for a house that is all theirs. The cash they once paid for rent can now be used for other needs.

I hear that there are still more than a thousand houses left, so for our policemen and our soldiers who have not yet submitted their papers, this is the last call for this batch of houses. But do not worry, because this housing program will continue next year, covering even more people and more regions. The NHA is already preparing the sites for housing projects in Visayas and Mindanao, with an expanded list of beneficiaries that will also include employees of the Bureau of Jail Management and Penology and of the Bureau of Fire Protection.

Speaking of security, does enhanced security not also enhance our national pride? There was a time when we couldn’t appropriately respond to threats in our own backyard. Now, our message to the world is clear: What is ours is ours; setting foot on Recto Bank is no different from setting foot on Recto Avenue.

At times I wonder if the stories about some of our past stand-offs are true—that when cannons were aimed at our marines, they could only reciprocate by cutting down a coconut tree, painting it black, and aiming it back. True or not, that time is over. Soon, we will be seeing capability upgrades and the modernization of the equipment of our armed forces. At this very moment, our very first Hamilton Class Cutter is on its way to our shores. We may acquire more vessels in the future—these, in addition to helicopters and patrol crafts, and the weapons that the AFP, PNP, and DOJ will buy in bulk to get a significant discount. This goes to show how far we can go with good governance; we can buy equipment at good prices, without having to place envelopes in anyone’s pockets.

We do not wish to increase tensions with anyone, but we must let the world know that we are ready to protect what is ours. We are also studying the possibility of elevating the case on the West Philippine Sea to the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, to make certain that all involved nations approach the dispute with calm and forbearance.

Our efforts to enhance the capabilities of our men and women in uniform are already succeeding. In the first six months of 2010, we had 1,010 cases of car and motorcycle theft. Compare that to the 460 cases in the first six months of 2011. Unfortunately, it is the one or two high-profile cases that make the headlines, and not the bigger picture—the fact that there is a large drop in car and motorcycle thefts, and that we have returned a higher percentage of stolen cars to their rightful owners.

And here is another example of positive change in law enforcement. The Anti-Trafficking in Persons Act was signed in 2003. Unfortunately, because the government did not properly implement it, only 29 individuals were convicted in a period of seven years. In just one year, we have breached that amount, convicting 31 human traffickers. Perhaps, this is the “sea change” that US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton was referring to; and because of this change, the Philippines has been taken off the Tier 2 Watchlist of their Trafficking in Persons Report. If we had not been removed from this watchlist, the assistance we have been receiving from the Millennium Challenge Corporation, among others, would have been jeopardized.

Allow me to talk about jobs now. Our foremost pledge to the Filipino people was to create more jobs, and we have delivered. In April 2010, the unemployment rate was at 8%; in April 2011, it was at 7.2%.

To put things into perspective: We must all remember that the ranks of the unemployed represent a moving target. Every year, thousands of fresh graduates join the ranks of job hunters. Last year, the number of unemployed Filipinos in our labor force grew after many of our countrymen who earned a temporary living from election-related jobs—the people assigned to hanging buntings, the people tasked with clearing a path for politicians in crowds of people, the drivers, and other campaign staff—were laid off. But, despite all this, our results make our success evident: one million and four hundred thousand jobs were created last year.

Before, our foremost ambition was to work in another country. Now, the Filipino can take his pick. As long as he pursues his dreams with determination and diligence, he can realize them.

The number of jobs generated in our country can only grow from here. According to the Philjobnet website, every month there are 50,000 jobs that are not filled because the knowledge and skills of job seekers do not match the needs of the companies. We will not allow this opportunity to go to waste; at this very moment, DOLE, CHED, TESDA, and DepEd are working together to address this issue. Curricula will be reviewed and analyzed to better direct them to industries that are in need of workers, and students will be guided so that they may choose courses that will arm them with the skills apt for vacant jobs.

Despite the demand for these jobs, there are still people who are being left behind. What do we do with them? First, we identified the poorest of the poor, and invested in them, because people are our greatest resource. Of the two million families registered with the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program, 1.6 million are already receiving their conditional cash transfers. Through the initiative and leadership of Secretary Dinky Soliman, we have been able to give much needed assistance to an average of more than 100,000 families per month. I am optimistic that we will reach our target of 1.3 million additional beneficiaries this year. With a compliance rate of 92%, millions of mothers are already getting regular check-ups at public health centers, millions of babies are being vaccinated against common diseases, and millions of school-aged children are now attending classes.

With these significant early results, I am counting on the support of the Filipino people and Congress to expand our Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program. Before the end of 2012, we want to invest in the future of 3 million poor families.

We are giving these poor families a chance to improve their lives, because their progress will be the country’s progress. How can they buy products and services from businesses if they do not have a proper income? When a poor father turns to crime in order to feed his family, who would he victimize, if not us? When people cannot properly take care of themselves and fall ill, do we not run the risk of getting sick as well?

We are laying down the foundations for a brighter future for the poor. For example, in the health sector: PhilHealth beneficiaries increased during elections, as the agency was used as a tool for dispensing political patronage. Today, we identify beneficiaries through the National Household Targeting System, to make sure that the 5.2 million Filipino families who benefit from PhilHealth are those who really need it.

Let us turn our attention to the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. The politics there have been dominated by horse-trading and transactional politics. During national elections, whoever is in power in ARMM is free to manipulate the electoral machinery in his region, ensuring that non-allies do not get votes. That Mayor or Governor then demands payment for his services come the ARMM election, and it is the administration’s turn to manipulate the electoral machinery to secure the win of their candidate.

According to the Commission on Audit, in the office of the regional governor of ARMM, eighty percent of the funds disbursed were for cash advances that cannot be justified. If those funds had not gone to waste, a child could have gone to school. Instead, we built ghost bridges to reach ghost schools where only ghost teachers went to work.

We want ARMM to experience the benefits of good governance. And so, the solution: Synchronization—candidates in ARMM will run at the same time as candidates in other parts of the country. There would be less opportunity for them to employ command votes for political patrons. The result would be fairer elections. Thank you to Congress for passing the law synchronizing ARMM with the national elections.

And why do we need to postpone the elections? Because, in their desire to return to or retain power, many are prepared to engage in corrupt practices just to win again. Imagine if we had listened to the critics, and allowed the election to proceed under these circumstances. We would have perpetuated the endless cycle of electoral fraud and official abuse that has led ARMM to become one of the poorest regions in the country.

I do not doubt that the reforms we are putting in place will yield concrete results. When we talk about the straight and righteous path, we talk about that new road that was built in Barangay Bagumbayan in Sta. Maria, Laguna. When we say clean government, we are talking about the clean water that residents in Barangay Poblacion in Ferrol, Romblon now enjoy. When we refer to the light of change, we also refer to the electricity that now powers light bulbs in Barangay San Marcos in Bunawan, Agusan del Sur. This is happening in many other places, and we will make it happen everywhere in our country.

Government agencies are now focused on realizing this; they are working together to creatively solve the problems that have long plagued our country.

Have we not had flooding problems, which we know are caused by the incessant and illegal cutting down of trees? The old solution: A tree-planting photo opportunity, whose sole beneficiaries are politicians who want to look good. They plant trees, but they do not ensure that the trees would remain standing after they leave.

One of the possible solutions we are studying is to make the stewardship of these trees beneficial to communities. They will be given coffee and cacao seeds to plant. While they wait for harvest, they will receive stipends for safeguarding the trees planted to mitigate flooding. We are looking at informal settlers, who are currently crammed into our cities, as possible beneficiaries of this program. We will be investing in the people, even as we invest in the environment.

Who could have thought that little over a year ago, we could accomplish this? Today, we dream; one day soon, these dreams will be a reality.

This same creativity is in display with the innovations that are already being implemented. We have developed low-cost traps that kill mosquito larvae, probably contributing to the nearly fourteen percent decrease in dengue incidents; coconut coir fibers that are normally just disposed of have been used as a cost-effective way to strengthen our roads; we have landslide sensors that warn when soil erosion has reached dangerous levels; we have developed early flood warning systems for riverside communities. All of these are products of Filipino creativity.

DOST and UP have even teamed up to develop a prototype monorail system, which could potentially provide a home grown mass transport solution that would cost us as little as 100 million pesos per kilometer, much cheaper than the current cost of similar mass transit systems. The potential savings could result in more kilometers of cheap transport, decongesting our urban centers and allowing rural communities easier access to centers of commerce and industry.

Let me reiterate: These proposals were developed by Filipinos for Filipinos. Do you remember the time when we were unable to even dream of these kinds of projects? I am telling you now: We can dream about them, we are capable of achieving them, and we will achieve them. Isn’t it great to be a Filipino living in these times?

All of these things we are doing will be wasted if we do not do something to end the culture of corruption.

To my colleagues in public service, from those at the top and to every corner of the bureaucracy: Do we not feel the pride that working in government now brings? That, now, we are proud to be identified as workers in government? Will we waste this honor?

I call on our Local Government Units: Those of you who are in the best position to understand the needs of your constituents can expect greater freedom and empowerment. But we trust that in providing for your communities, you will remain committed to the straight path, and will not lose sight of the interest of the whole nation.

For instance, there are some municipalities that want to tax the electricity transmission lines that run through their jurisdictions. Although this will augment local coffers, the rest of the Filipino people will have to deal with higher electricity rates. Let us try to balance the interests of our constituencies with that of the nation as a whole.

It is imperative that our programs remain in sync, because the progress of the entire country will also redound to progress for your communities. Let us do away with forward planning that only looks as far as the next election, and think of the long-term national good.

Ultimately, we have to unite and work together towards this progress. I thank the Congress for passing laws regarding GOCC Governance, ARMM Synchronization, Lifeline Electricity Rates Extension, Joint Congressional Power Commission Extension, Children and Infants’ Mandatory Immunization, and Women Night Workers.

Last year, Congress demonstrated their support by approving the budget even before the year ended. The timely passage of the budget allowed projects to be implemented more quickly. Tomorrow we will deliver to Congress our budget proposal for 2012. I look forward once again to its early passage so that we can build on our current momentum.

We have already made progress, but we must remember: This is only the beginning, and there is much left for us to do. Allow me to present to Congress some of the measures that will bring us closer to the fulfillment of our pledge to the nation.

We aim to give due compensation to the victims of Martial Law; to grant our house help the salaries and benefits that they deserve; and to improve the system that awards pensions to our retired soldiers. We likewise support the expansion of the scope of scholarships granted by DOST to outstanding yet underprivileged students; the advancement of universal quality healthcare; the responsible management of the environment; and the formation of facilities that will ensure the safety of our citizens during times of great need and calamity.

Our agenda also includes the development of BuCor, NBI, NEA, and PTV 4, so that, instead of lagging behind the times, they will better fulfill their mandate of public service.

Not everything we want to do will be explained today, but I invite you to read the budget message, which contains a more comprehensive plan for the coming year.

Some of my critics say that I take this campaign against corruption personally. It’s true: doing what’s right is personal. Making people accountable—whoever they may be—is personal. It should be personal for all of us, because we have all been victimized by corruption.

What is wrong remains wrong, regardless of how long it has been allowed to persist. We cannot simply let it pass. If we ignore the crimes of the past, they will continue to haunt us. And if we do not hold people accountable, then they will do it again and again.

The truth is, we have uncovered so many anomalies. In PAGCOR, the previous management apparently spent one billion pesos on coffee alone. At one hundred pesos per cup, that would be ten million cups of coffee over the last several years. Where did all that coffee go? Who drank it? Perhaps we can find the people who consumed all that coffee and ask if they have been able to sleep in the last few years.

When the new Ombudsman, former Supreme Court Justice Conchita Carpio-Morales, takes office, we will have an honest-to-goodness anti-corruption office, not one that condones the corruption and abuses in government. I expect that this year, we will have filed our first major case against the corrupt and their accomplices. And these will be real cases, with strong evidence and clear testimonies, which will lead to the punishment of the guilty.

We are aware that the attainment of true justice does not end in the filing of cases, but in the conviction of criminals. I have utmost confidence that the DOJ is fulfilling its crucial role in jailing offenders, especially in cases regarding tax evasion, drug trafficking, human trafficking, smuggling, graft and corruption, and extrajudicial killings.

We are not leaving anything to chance; good governance yields positive results. Think about it: We have realized our promise of providing the public with the services that it needs and implementing programs to help the poor without having to raise our taxes.

This has always been the plan: to level the playing field; to stop the abuse of authority; and to ensure that the benefits of growth are available to the greatest number.

We have put an end to the culture of entitlement, to wang-wang: along our roads, in government, in our society as a whole. This will bring confidence that will attract business; this will also ensure that the people’s money is put in its rightful place: Funding for infrastructure that will secure the sustained growth of the economy, which will then give rise to jobs, and public service that guarantees that no one will be left behind. More opportunities for livelihood will be opened by tourism; the strengthening of our agriculture sector will ensure that every Filipino will have food on his table. We will invest on those who were once neglected. All this will create a cycle wherein all available jobs are filled, and where businesses flourish through the empowerment of their consumers.

I am aware that, until now, there are still a few who complain about our style of governance. But you have seen our style, and its ensuing results. You have seen their style, and, especially, where that took us. Anyone with their eyes open can clearly see which is right.

We are steering our government in a clear direction. A country where opportunity is available; where those in need are helped; where everyone’s sacrifices are rewarded; and where those who do wrong are held accountable.

I remember a woman warning me during the campaign: “Noy, be careful, you will be stepping on many toes.”

Sometimes, I do worry about what I am doing. But I am heartened because you are with me, and we stand on the side of what is right.

I thank the priests and bishops who have continued to dialogue with us, like Cardinals Rosales and Vidal. Cardinal Rosales and I may not be the closest of friends, but I believe that he did all that he could to reduce the tensions between the church and the government. The election of Archbishop Palma, defender of human rights and of the environment, as head of the CBCP only bolsters my confidence that the state and the clergy will be able to engage each other in a positive manner. I likewise thank my Cabinet, who have sacrificed their personal comfort to fulfill the national agenda. I give special mention to PAGASA, who now truly delivers reliable advice and warnings during times of calamity.

And to those who may resist the change we are trying to bring about, this I say to you: I know what I must do, and my personal interests are nothing when compared to the interests of the nation. There are many of us who want what is right for this country; and there are more of us than you. To those of you who would turn back the tide of reform: you will not succeed.

To those who have chosen to tread the straight and righteous path alongside us: it is you who created this change, and it is you who will bequeath our success to your children. To the jeepney driver plying his route; to the teachers and students coming home from class; to the artists whose work inspires our sense of nationhood; to our policemen, our soldiers, our street sweepers, and our firemen; to you who work with honor, in the Philippines, in the oceans, or in other countries; our colleagues in government who stand steadfast with us, whatever province you come from, whatever party you belong to; every Filipino listening to me now—you made this happen.

You created a government that truly works for you. We still have five years left to ensure that we will not return to what once was. We will not be derailed, especially now that what we have begun has yielded so many positive results.

If you see a loophole in the system, do not take advantage of it. Let us not acquire through patronage what we can acquire through hard work. No more cheating, no more taking advantage of others, no more one-upmanship—because in the end we will all realize our shared aspirations.

Let us end the culture of negativism; let us uplift our fellow Filipinos at every opportunity. Why are there people who enjoy finding fault in our country, who find it so hard—as though it were a sin—to say something nice? Can we even remember the last time we praised a fellow Filipino?

Let us stop pulling our fellow man down. Let us put an end to our crab mentality. Let us make the effort to recognize the good that is being done.

If you see something right, do not think twice—praise it. If you see a policeman directing traffic, coatless beneath the rain—go to him and say, “Thank you.”

If you fall sick, and you see your nurse caring for you, when she could easily be treating foreigners for a higher salary—say, “Thank you.”

Before you leave school for home, approach your teacher who chose to invest in your future—say, “Thank you.”

If you chance upon your local leader on a road that was once riddled with holes, but is now smooth and sturdy—go to him and say, “Thank you, for the change you have brought.”

And so, to the Filipino nation, my Bosses who have steered us toward this day: Thank you very much for the change that is now upon us.

The Philippines and the Filipino people are, finally, truly alive.

Soliman remarks at the AFRIM new book launching

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Fri, 15 Jul 2011 14:17:00 +0000

by SOLIMAN M. SANTOS, JR.

Daghang salamat to Alternate Forum for Research in Mindanao, Inc. (AFRIM) and Mindanao Peoples' Caucus (MFC) for organizing this book launch cum discussion forum. Daghang salamat to all of you who have come notwithstanding another possible raining hard with its new threat of previously unseen flooding in this most livable of Philippine cities. I should be saying a bit more about this also in a while. If Pareng Bert Alejo were here, I must confess to him, "Bless me, father, for I have sinned. It has been more than one year since my last"... visit to Mindanao. That is largely due to my paradigm shift from a Manila-based civil society peace advocate and human rights lawyer to the very establishment and conservative job as a municipal judge in several rural towns in Bicol. Let me say that I have benefited in my new job from my peace advocacy experience, like its framework of peace and justice, as well as its mode of mediation of disputes. But my new job has also given me new perspectives for the big peace processes like those of Mindanao.

ABOUT THE BOOK: “In Defense of and Thinking Beyond the GRP-MILF MOA-AD”

The title given to my part of the program now is understandably the same as that of my new AFRIM book being launched today. I would rather not say too much about the book, just a few things. Then, following the theme of the title, I hope to also think beyond the book, and take this rare opportunity, in my new job and geographical circumstances, to say at this Mindanao forum what has not yet been said in the book.

As indicated in my Introduction in the book, which is a compilation rather than one whole written piece, the dates of each article — the first date being 5 August 2008 (the scheduled but aborted signing date of the MOA-AD) and the last date being 2 November 2010 (at about four months into the new Aquino administration) -- are important for the reader to note for the time context in which they were written. One might see in the original chronological progression of the articles something like the five stages that dying patients experience when informed of their terminal prognosis: [and these are] denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance.

Judge SOLIMAN M. SANTOS, JR. delivered his remarks during the book launching.

These are not to be confused with the four stages of intoxication: [namely] jocose, bellicose, morose, and comatose. Actually, one often sees all these four stages of intoxication in the peace negotiations. But going back to the five stages of grief over death or dying, after the fifth stage which is acceptance, there could or should still be other stages like moving on or beyond a death. Thus, after the abortion or still-born death of the MOA-AD, I articulated in one of my post-MOA-AD thought papers published in the book a proposal to leap-frog over the MOA-AD and proceed straight to negotiations for a Comprehensive Compact. That wasn't really my original idea, I first heard it from either their OP APP head Gen. Hermogenes Esperon or then GRP panel chair Gen. Rodolfo Garcia. You see, there is such a thing as military intelligence, after all. My tribute to the sacked Garcia panel is published as the last epilogue piece in the book.

The Garcia panel and the MOA-AD itself showed that at least some Filipino and Moro patriots on both sides can compromise or find a middle ground between the existing constitutionally-mandated Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) and an independent Islamic state. And that is a continuing source of hope. I wrote then that I think it will be hard to find another good panel like this. Well, we now have the Leonen panel which is perhaps the best ever GRP panel in terms of academic and practical credentials and grounding in the legal, political, economic, social, cultural, and religious aspects of the negotiations. This, aside from being able to learn from and build on particularly the work of the predecessor Afable, Garcia and Seguis panels, as well as the best and latest international experiences and developments. Of course, the proof (or, given the leading Professors in that panel, I should perhaps say the "Prof") of the pudding is in the eating. The awaited initial serving of that pudding is the expected but deferred GPH counter-proposal to the MILF Draft Comprehensive Compact.

Judge SOLIMAN M. SANTOS, JR. with Prof. MIRIAM CORONEL FERRER (GPH Panel Manager) during the book launching and forum in Davao City.

Let us be patient about this, as former GRP panel vice-chair and Mindanao historian Prof. Rudy Rodil counsels colleagues among civil society organizations (CSOs) and peace advocates, based on his experience in two protracted negotiations, first with the MNLF and then with the MILF. The initial serving of the GPH pudding is still being cooked and is promised to be ready by the next round of exploratory talks in the first week of August. The MILF may have been frustrated by the deferment of the GPH counter-proposal but understands and accepts why. The only discernable major happening shortly before that week is the President's State of the Nation Address (SONA). Presumably, the SONA and the GPH counter-proposal will be aligned with each other. This can have its merits as well as demerits. Preferring to think positively, we hope that a good SONA policy statement on the Mindanao peace process is matched by a good GPH counter-proposal. It has to be good, to make the short wait worth it. I hope this is not unduly pressuring the GPH panel through its vice-chair Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer (lye, who is a long-time friend and colleague in civil society peace advocacy and the anti-landmines campaign), after having just possibly raised some expectations about the Leonen panel.

Because much is at stake, and it has been a long and winding road to peace, the "big disappointment" of the CSOs and peace advocates with the GPH deferment is natural and understandable, even if some considered it an "over-reaction," of being "holier" even than the MILF which understood and accepted the GPH deferment. But that is part of the necessary role of the CSOs and peace advocates as watchdogs over the state as well as non-state armed groups, to keep them honest and on their toes. The watchdog work is not just bantay ceasefire but also bantay peace talks. The overall experience in the peace process militates in favor of rather than against such a watchdog role, where it is often better to over-act rather than under-act, on the premise also that civil society is as much a stakeholder in this as the parties in armed conflict.

At the Press Conference: STARJOAN VILLANUEVA (AFRIM Executive Director), Judge SOLIMAN M. SANTOS, JR. (Author and Peace Advocate) and Atty. MARY ANN ARNADO (MPC Secretary General).

It is on this stakeholder premise that civil society, which includes the academe, has a further role, more pro-active than reactive watchdog work, that of being advocates and even shapers of alternative policies. One good, bold new example of this thrust is the MPC-initiated Change for Peace Movement (i.e. Charter Amendments for New Governance and Change). This is premised on the real need for charter change for the peace process, particularly that with the MILF. The fundamental national policies are those found in the Constitution, including its provisions on autonomous regions. If there is a need to change the autonomous regions framework to a better and higher level of self-governance, then there is a need for charter change. The problem is that, though this is a real need that both the GPH and the MILF sides realize, they are both hesitant to say it, for their own respective reasons. And so, someone else — like the "usual suspects" of CSOs -- has to say it.

However, the movement and voices for charter change for peace are not as strong or as heard as the movement and voices for reforms in the ARMM. One clear reason for this is that the latter is already government policy in a new law, while the former is not. GPH panel chair Prof. Marvic Leonen has urged the MILF "not to become an obstacle to these reforms" in the ARMM. Perhaps, the MILF panel chair Mohagher Iqbal should in turn urge the GPH not to become an obstacle to charter change for a better and higher level of self-governance than the existing ARMM. But since the MILF or Iqbal cannot seem to say that, then someone else, logically the Change for Peace Movement, should. Actually, the latter and the reform the ARMM movement (another "RAM") are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and can learn from each other. Then one can segue into the other and thus eventually converge, just like the parallel peace tracks with the MNLF and the MILF, if not the two fronts themselves, should. But it should be clear, to the GPH especially, which of these two peace tracks should be treated as primarily and secondarily important for finally achieving a just, comprehensive and lasting solution to the Bangsamoro problem.

The AFRIM Staff with Judge Soliman Santos and Prof. Miriam Coronel Ferrer

The book, following from other writings of mine since 1999, has grappled much with the particular Moro Islamic challenge of doing constitutional rethinking for the Mindanao peace process. More and more have not only seen the need for this but have also done constitutional rethinking. But rethinking is one thing, perhaps the easy part; the harder part is the process of getting a critical mass of public or political acceptance for the necessary charter change so as to make it happen. Much more work, including strategizing, on this harder part has to be done. I now take this opportunity to address the Mindanao CSOs represented here and also the GPH panel represented here with some "thinking out of the book" - thus less on the constitutional and legal aspects and more on the political and cultural aspects of what has to be done.

Speaking again of "major, major" policy statements, especially by the President, whether at the SONA or some other timely important occasion, at some point he must decisively and boldly address the Mindanao peace process and the Bangsamoro problem. This kind of breakthrough message would address mainly the Filipino Christian majority especially in the North: for their understanding of the Bangsamoro problem; what it is all about, including some necessary correction of the national narrative, no less than a new look at Philippine history; some acknowledgment, if not apology for the central government's past wrongs and injustices against the Moros; explaining why the bother in negotiating with Moro rebels; and why the need for constitutional structural reform as an indispensable part of a comprehensive negotiated solution to the problem. This breakthrough presidential message can in turn be the signal for a GPH "all-out peace" effort on the Mindanao front, to be followed through with massive information-education campaigns, including on a corrected national narrative. This powerful symbolic and substantive message could be just as important or crucial as the Comprehensive Compact or constitutional amendment itself. And the academe, among the civil society sectors, has a definite contribution to make in terms of the necessary historical research, teaching and over-all consciousness-raising. This is crucial for a national political consensus in support of a negotiated political-constitutional settlement.

I cannot avoid mentioning here that in a year 2000 MILF position paper for the peace talks during the height of President Estrada's "all-out war" again them, they then recommended a political solution that included this last of six items: "Pronouncement of a public apology by the GRP to the Bangsamoro people for the crimes and harm caused by their subjugation, oppression, and exploitation." Something like this, it has been noted, would be an extremely important symbolic gesture towards the Moro minority, showing that the government cares, aside from its being an important message for the rest of the country. I don't know if the latest MILF Draft Comprehensive Compact contains something along this line. But, given that this is the Philippines, let us hope that this does not end up in the reverse as a public apology by the Bangsamoro people to the Philippine republic for causing a Bangsamoro problem to the latter.

When the GPH finally submits in a few weeks time its counter-proposal to the MILF Draft Comprehensive Compact, it is said that the issues will have been joined and that the real hard work of negotiation then begins. In my view, the Mindanao CSOs and peace advocates should not feel bound by the issues thus joined. They should broaden and improve on the peace agenda as they see fit. I understand that the various consultations so far, including several forums with the MILF peace panel conducted in Imperial Manila, notably with no less than the Makati Business Club, have been very salutary and good getting-to-know-you as well as learning experiences for all concerned, but have barely scratched the surface on substantive agenda issues. With the joinder of issues, there should be no more excuse for this more substantive agenda discussion which, I repeat, need not be limited to the official agenda.

Just to illustrate a few agenda issues "less travelled by," first, the recent developments of unprecedented flooding in Cotabato and then Davao, on top of the Northeastern Japan three-in-one earthquake-tsunami-nuclear plant disaster, underscores that climate change and other environmental concerns should already be included in the peace agenda. It is good that some earlier GPH draft peace agreements are said to contain provisions on sustainable development and environmental conservation, and not just on wealth sharing, economic cooperation, and taxation. I confess that I initially questioned that attention given to sustainable development and environmental conservation, but the recent events have validated their validity as agenda issues.

Second, another confession or self-criticism I must make, this about my book at hand, is its defeaning silence on the role of women in the peace process. I make this self-criticism in front of lye, Mary Ann of MPC, and my wife Doods who happens to be now doing research on gender and sexuality in the GPH-MILF peace process and particularly in non-state armed groups like the MILF. It is serendipity that these very days, Moro women have been meeting to discuss their role in this.

Third and last for now, for a broader peace agenda, has to do with the peace of the heart and soul, the moral and ethical dimensions. Of particular concern here are non-state armed groups that may come to power through a negotiated political settlement. What are the assurances, to paraphrase Rizal, that the slaves of today do not become the tyrants of tomorrow? What are the assurances that the leadership that comes to power in a new Bangsamoro self-governing entity will not be corrupt or corrupted like some Moro leaders before them in the ARMM? Are there relevant lessons for moral and ethical renewal and leadership from the recent Arab Spring in North Africa and the Middle East? How about from the referendum-triggered newly independent Republic of South Sudan under the leadership of the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA)? And how about from the now apparently renewed rejormasi movement in neighboring Malaysia, the third-party facilitator of the GPH-MILF peace talks?

As I said, we have only scratched the surface of some important possible substantive agenda issues. The* Mindanao CSOs and peace advocates should take the lead in surfacing and deepening these issues. But reach out still to more people, including to members of the judiciary, especially the Supreme Court - which is the juridical entity that actually commonly worries both the GPH and MILF peace panels. The more people engaged, the merrier. With more than enough issues on hand to deal with and to divide the work on those issues among the various civil society stakeholders, there should hopefully also be more than enough basis for reunifying the civil society peace advocates who were divided on the MOA-AD issue. While the MOA-AD can still be defended, it is definitely better now to think and move beyond it. The Comprehensive Compact, if it is to be true to that name, must be comprehensive in at least two senses: in terms of subject matter and in terms of stakeholders. Ultimately, it is these two aspects that will determine what suitable charter change for peace in needed and whether this change will be acceptable to both the Bangsamoro people and the Filipino people.

In ending, perhaps there should also be a pudding test for the Mindanao CSOs and peace advocates. One proof of the CSO pudding is being able to come up with its own draft comprehensive compact. One international experience model for this is what was known as the "Geneva accord" drafted by the "Geneva Initiative" composed of Israeli opposition politicians and prominent Palestinians, with detailed proposals to resolve the thorniest issues in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. An alternative draft can be useful, among others, in case of a stalemate between the GPH and the MILF on their respective drafts. Oh my God, I'm sorry, I should catch myself. I had remarked earlier about preferring to think positively, but now it seems that I am already anticipating a stalemate. What I really mean is the familiar expression "hope for the best but prepare for the worst."

Daghang salamat. Padayon. Kalinaw.

**********

SOLIMAN M. SANTOS, JR. has been a long-time Bicolano human rights and IHL lawyer; legislative consultant and legal scholar with degrees in history and law; peace advocate, researcher and writer esp. for and on the Mindanao peace process, with several books on this, inc. The Moro Islamic Challenge: Constitutional Rethinking for the Mindanao Peace Process (UP Press, 2001; 2nd printing, 2009); Referendum on Political Options for the Bangsamoro: Study Papers on the Legal and Historical Basis (Mindanao Peoples’ Peace Movement, 2010); and In Defense of and Thinking Beyond the GRP-MILF MOA-AD (Alternate Forum for Research in Mindanao, Inc., 2011). He is now Presiding Judge of the 9th Municipal Circuit Trial Court (MCTC) of Nabua-Bato, Camarines Sur, and Acting Presiding Judge of the Municipal Trial Court (MTC) of Balatan, Camarines Sur.

BFI – AMURT Quick Relief Services

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Thu, 30 Jun 2011 05:19:00 +0000

MASS FEEDING IN MATINA PANGI - The Babas Foundation, Inc. (BFI) in coordination with Ananda Marga Universal Relief Team (AMURT) provided quick relief services to the victims of flash flood at Matina Pangi in Davao City. | Photograph by Mark Tamalon

Cotabato City Flood

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Tue, 28 Jun 2011 04:56:00 +0000

photos taken by Ric Dumalay

VIDEO COVERAGE

Production Video by Jose Laurence Perez Erojo

more story related blog by Ariel Lalisan: Lessons to Learn from the Cotabato Flood

Mangrove Tree Planting Party

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Sat, 25 Jun 2011 04:37:00 +0000

Donna Mae Congson actively participate in the Mangrove Tree Planting Party initiated by SOCCSARGEN Bloggers in partnership with the City Environment and Natural Resources Office (CENRO), General Santos Cty. | Photography by Brian Dan Congson

More story related visit Sheila Marie Dumalay blog.

FREEDOM CLIMB 2011

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Mon, 13 Jun 2011 02:57:00 +0000

In celebration of the Independence Day (Philippines), the Earth Guardians Organization actively participate in the FREEDOM CLIMB 2011 and successfully arrived at the Tampad Peak in Barangay Linan, Tupi Municipality, South Cotabato Province | Photo by Rey Remegio

KASABAY 1st Anniversary celebration

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Fri, 25 Feb 2011 02:03:00 +0000

KASABAY First Annual General Assembly and First Year Anniversary. KASABAY (acronym for Kababaihang Sandigan ng Bayan) was formally organized on February 14, 2010. The General Assembly and Anniversary celebration was held February 26, 2011, at the Baba's Foundation Conference Room.

The KASABAY Core Group....the big four...From left to Right: Bes Marivette Echavez (heading the HOPE Comm), Bes Virgie Quinanola (heading the SHARE Comm); Bes Tara Epal (heading the LOVE Comm), and Bes Emely Comaling (heading the CARE Comm)

Lamlifew Elementary School

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Sat, 05 Feb 2011 03:54:00 +0000

MALUNGON, Sarangani – Pupils get ready to welcome visitors at the school entrance with a bamboo-made man bridge. Local officials, education and language experts led the launching of Lamlifew Elementary School as pilot mother tongue- based multi-lingual education (MTB-MLE) of the province Friday (February 4). | Photograph by Cocoy Sexcion / SARANGANI INFORMATION OFFICE

PROUT Study aid CSIBOL Cooperative

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Mon, 23 Aug 2010 03:31:00 +0000

The Mindanao PROUT Study provided technical assistance on capacity development to CSBOL Cooperative in Barangay Fatima. This activity is a series training programme and orientation on the importance of building socio-economic (Samaj) movements in the community. Key officers of the CSIBOL cooperative and some government officials of Barangay Fatima attended the first orientation on PROUT.

website: mindanao.proutstudy.org/

MAHARLIKA SUNRISE FESTIVAL 2010

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Wed, 18 Aug 2010 02:40:00 +0000

The annual, roving arts festival dubbed as the Maharlika Sunrise Festival is now on its 7th incarnation, known as "YlocoSining, Hidden Treasures of the North" – this year’s festival will be held in the Sunshine City of Laoag, Ilocos Norte on November 24 to 28, 2010.

The Sunrise Festival is a celebration of arts for service and blessedness held annually in the different regions of Maharlika (Philippines). This socio-cultural festivity is a collaborative effort among professional and upcoming artists in the country, it is a national event spearheaded by the Maharlika Artists and Writers Federation (MAWF). The festival is a continuing national cultural movement to develop a high value and a total integration of all aspects of arts in the country: music, theatre, literary, dance, senses, emotions and intuition and spirit.

The festival is a roaming event participated by artists with the sole purpose of uplifting humanity through arts. The event discusses and shares how artists and art communities contribute into medium of social and cultural transformation.

Sunrise Festival artist-participants advocate the improvement of local culture and the uplifting of the human spirit. If you are interested to participate and wish to donate some of your time and energy in making this festival a success, please contact the person below and state your contribution (perform, exhibit, speak at workshop, share poetry, sell crafts).

The Contact Person:

DEO PALMA
angkasama[at]yahoo[dot]com
Facebook Profile: http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=570792458

SHERMON CRUZ
cruzshermon[at]gmail[dot]com
Facebook Profile: http://www.facebook.com/cruzshermon

Join us in this Facebook Page and receive updates on the MAWF's preparations for YlocoSining. Expect some announcements on arts-related events like workshops, exhibits and shows to be held prior to the Sunrise Festival. Learn more about the history of the arts and culture of the Ilocos region by following our wall posts and notes.

Farmers in Davao del Norte reap earnings from vegetables

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Mon, 16 Aug 2010 14:19:00 +0000

DAVAO CITY -- Vegetable farmers in nearby Panabo City who had refused to lease their land to banana plantation operators a decade or two ago are now reaping the rewards of their decision.

While her neighbors jumped at the offer of sweet-talking representatives of the banana companies years ago, 55-year-old Anita A. Monsanto stuck to her farm. "Now, we earn about P3,000 per harvest for one week, or P12,000 a month," she said, referring to a hectare of land that her family could have leased out years ago.

A hectare of land planted to banana in Panabo started at a lease of P7,000 annually about a decade ago. The rate has since increased to P15,000 per hectare annually, tantamount to just P1,250 per hectare a month. Each farmer holds one to five hectares.

Panabo is known as the "banana capital" of Davao del Norte. Based on its own Web site, the city has dedicated nearly half of its agricultural land, or around 10,000 hectares, for export-quality bananas.

The Vegetable Industry Council of Southern Mindanao concedes that vegetable growing is not among the major sub-sectoral contributors to the country’s agricultural sector.
Davao Region produces 3,000 kilograms of assorted vegetables per day. During the dry spell that struck in the first half this year, output was even cut to a mere 300 kg/day, industry leaders claimed.

But the demand for vegetables from Davao Region’s consumers is always present. It also helps that Panabo City is just 30 kilometers away from Davao City, whose population is now about 1.5 million.

Ms. Monsanto is one of 13 women of Sitio Tagurot, San Nicolas village who formed their own cooperative, Tagurot Center 1, to also serve as bagsakan center for the vegetable produce of adjacent villages.

The cooperative is helped by the Baba Foundation, Inc., a nongovernment organization formed by the Ananda Marga group in October 1987.

Starting as a social service group with a capital outlay of P200,000, Baba Foundation has ventured into microfinancing and now has a loan exposure of P20 million.

Emely S. Comaling, technical support officer of Baba Foundation, said her group now offers small "Alalayan sa Kabuhayan" loans ranging from P3,000-P30,000. (reported by Joel B. Escovilla – BusinessWorld)

Group demands clear explanation of NGCP’s power rates hike petition

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Sat, 14 Aug 2010 02:18:00 +0000

ILIGAN CITY (MindaNews/09 July) — A consumers group here said the National Grid Corporation of the Philippines (NGCP) should explain clearly the basis of its petition seeking another round of power rates increase.

“We asked the Energy Regulatory Commission copies of all document related to this petition so that we will be able to understand fully why they wanted an increase,” said Norberto Oller, of Lanao Power Consumers Federation (Lapocof).

The NGCP and the Power Sector Assets and Liabilities Management (PSALM) Corp. have only presented a computation which is too complex for the ordinary layman to understand, he said.

NGCP raised power rates early this year citing insufficient generation capacity which it blamed on critically low water levels in Lake Lanao and Pulangi River caused by the El Nino phenomenon.

Power rates have not gone down even with the onset of the rainy season and the NGCP announced instead it wanted another round of increase — 18.97 centavos per kilowatt-hour (kWh) in Luzon; 38.16 centavos in the Visayas, and 47.16 centavos in Mindanao, under the 17th installment of the Generation Rate Adjustment Mechanism (GRAM).

NGCP also bared an additional 3.83 centavos/kWh in Mindanao for Incremental Currency Exchange Rate Adjustment (Icera) which aims to recover foreign-exchange related expenses.

Oller said the whole country can expect a series of power rates increases as part of these applications.

“They are in fact applying regularly for power rate increases every year,” he said.
Oller refuted NGCP’s claims that Lake Lanao’s low water level caused the power shortages.

He pointed out that the power firm made use of expensive power barges, geothermal and coal plants to compensate for inadequate power from hydroelectric sources.
“That El niño phenomenon is a regular cycle of our climate and is foreseeable and predictable. They did not prepare for that,” he said.

“It is the Napocor’s incompetence that has caused these power shortages. They failed to answer us when asked if there will be no more blackouts when the lake’s normal water level is restored. They can’t truly answer us on that point because we found out that the Agus complexes can only actually produce 780 MW and yet they contracted to produce power supply amounting to 1,363 MW with and for big industries,” he said.

“Good that these industries do not operate simultaneously because if they do, they cannot supply what is needed [by these industries] and the larger sector of the society will suffer continuous blackouts,” he added.
He said Lapocof is supporting the bill that will stop the outright sale of hydro complexes in Mindanao.

Lapocof also said it supports workers at the NPC whose rights would be affected by “the Asian Development Bank (ADB)’s power sector restructuring and privatization project.”

The residual NPC has been subjected to an Operation and Maintenance Agreement (OMA) with the PSALM Corp. as part of the privatization process.

NGCP is formerly the National Transmission Corporation or Transco, one of the two firms that emerged from the split of the National Power Corporation into the transmission and generation groups at the onset of the privatization program. (Violeta M. Gloria/MindaNews)

PETITION AGAINST THE PRIVATIZATION AND SALE OF AGUS-PULANGUI HYDRO ELECTRIC COMPLEXES

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Fri, 13 Aug 2010 14:35:00 +0000

By June 2011, the Agus-Pulangui Hydro Electric Complexes will be up for sale and privatization. We believe that opening the complexes for privatization will be most disadvantageous to the people of Mindanao.

But these benefits could be gone soon should the Agus-Pulangui Hydro Electric Complexes be privatized as mandated by the following provisions under the Electric Power Industry Reform Act (EPIRA) of 2001.

WHY ARE WE OPPOSED TO THE SALE OF THE AGUS AND PULANGUI COMPLEXES?

1. This will definitely lead to an increase in already exorbitant electricity rates.

2. The low cost of electricity in Mindanao is due to the existence of the Agus -Pulangui Hydro Complexes. We cannot afford to lose this one competitive edge, which could be the only major come-on for investors to put up their businesses in Mindanao.

3. There is a high Return On Rate Base (RORB). For 2008, the rate base current audited value of all NPC-Agus –Pulangui Hydro Complexes is PhP 14,327 billion. The net revenue is PhP 4,927 billion which gives an RORB of 39.66 per cent. At nearly 40 per cent, the rate of return is tremendous.

4. We are afraid that, with the privatization and sale of the Agus-Pulangui complexes, the patrimony of Mindanao will be sold at a giveaway price to exploitative local conglomerates with foreign partners.

5. Security of supply will be put at risk. NPC has been able to address quickly the sabotages and other security risks that are integral to the operation and maintenance of our power plants. On the other hand, NGCP, the concessionaire of our transmission lines, was unable to resolve the same problems quickly in 2008, conducting repairs only in 2009, compromising the supply to Davao and General Santos City, which experienced daily brownouts. Likewise, if the Agus-Pulangui complexes are privatized, crippling strikes may ensue. The employees have existing justified grievances.

6. The Agus-Pulangui hydro systems are integral to the third agenda item in the GRP-MILF peace talks on ancestral domain. Control of territory and natural resources are vital elements in the negotiation. Privatization will stand in the way of a peaceful political settlement.

More details and explanation in our petition letter. Please click the link, read, and sign your support to our campaign. http://www.petitiononline.com/pulangui/petition.html

The challenges in Mindanao are the challenges of the entire country. Ang sakit ng kalingkingan, ay sakit ng buong katawan.

Musikalilangan celebrates Earth Day Music Fest in General Santos City

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Thu, 22 Apr 2010 16:34:00 +0000

Earth Day (April 22) is a day designed to inspire ecological awareness and to celebrate appreciation for the environment. The first Earth Day was organized in 1970 to promote the ideas of ecology, encourage respect for life on earth, and highlight growing concern over pollution of the soil, air, and water. Earth Day is now observed in 140 nations with outdoor performances, exhibits, street fairs, and television programs that focus on environmental issues.

Tugon sa Pagbabago ng Kalikasan
April 22, 2010 / 04:00 PM
Oval Plaza Grand, General Santos City

Panaghugpong Mindanaw accelerated the Samaj movements

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Mon, 08 Mar 2010 06:57:00 +0000

“Accelerating Mindanao Samaj through Cadre Formation,” – is the conference theme of the Panaghugpong Mindanaw 2nd Leadership Assembly, recently conducted on March 5-7, 2010 at Koronadal Proper, Polomolok, South Cotabato.

The PANAGHUGPONG MINDANAW is a regional federation of Samaj movements in southern Maharlika (Philippines) with members coming from multi-sector groupings, such as the Kultura sa Nagkahiusang Tingog Alang sa Kalambuan sa Mindanao (KUNTAK Mindanaw), Kahugpungan Uban sa Mindanaw (KAUBAN Mindanaw), Kalihukan Alang sa Tanang Igsoon sa Mindanaw (KATIG Mindanaw), Maharlika Student Organization (MASO), Kultura ng Malayang Maharlika (KULMAMA), and the Kababaihan Sandigan ng Bayan (KASABAY).

Chicken a la Carte: A Winning Film

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Tue, 05 May 2009 14:26:00 +0000

Director: Ferdinand Dimadura | Genre: Drama | Produced In: 2005

Synopsis: This film is about the hunger and poverty brought about by Globalization. There are 10,000 people dying everyday due to hunger and malnutrition. This short film shows a forgotten portion of the society. The people who live on the refuse of men to survive. What is inspiring is the hope and spirituality that never left this people.

View this movie at cultureunplugged.com

BISAG UNSA: Identity politics and the struggle for peace in Mindanao

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Sat, 25 Apr 2009 14:22:00 +0000

by Macario D. Tiu / MindaNews

(Translation of a paper read in Cebuano at the 2009 International Conference, Philippine Political Science Association, with theme: “Reimagining the Nation-State: Consensus and Conflict on Sovereignty and Autonomy,” General Santos City, April 3-4 2009)

While in Manila for a conference two years ago, my writer friends and I talked about sundry things when the Mindanao issue cropped up. At that time, the terms Bangsamoro Juridical Entity (BJE) and Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD) were just being floated around. But my Ilocano writer friend already had a definite position on it.

Said he: “For the first time in my life, I’m going to volunteer to serve our country. I’ve never done this before. Not even during the Second World War. But now, I’m going to do it.”

“Volunteer to do what?” I asked.

He said he was going to volunteer to become a soldier and defend the Republic of the Philippines. The Moros, he said, want to dismember the country, and he will never allow it.

I asked: “Why, what’s your interest in Mindanao? Do you have relatives there? Are you doing any business there?”

He said: “What do you mean do I have interests in Mindanao. I’m a Filipino. I’m protecting my country.”
“Protect it from whom?” I asked. “Who’s invading us?”

My Zamboangueño writer friend chimed in. He said: “We Zamboangueños have always considered the Moros our enemy. For centuries they’ve been trying to get Zamboanga and for centuries we’ve been fighting them off. Zamboanga is ours. We will never give it to them.”

“How about the Ilocanos? Do you consider any part of Mindanao, yours?” I asked the Ilocano.

“As a Filipino, I do,” he answered without hesitation.

Further questioning showed my Ilocano friend had no personal stake in Mindanao. He had no relatives in Mindanao, he had no business concern in Mindanao, and he had no plans to settle in Mindanao. He was simply operating from the framework of being a Filipino citizen whose duty it is to defend the motherland from any threat.

But the Zamboangueño’s reaction was gut level. Zamboanga was his home and he will not give it to anybody. He felt and knew deep in his bones that as a Zamboangueño, he owns Zamboanga.

So I asked, “What if the Moros don’t include Zamboanga? What if they will claim only those that they own? That is, areas that have an all-Moro population, areas that have no other claimants except the Moros?”

He said that is difficult to determine, almost impossible. I cited Jolo Island, where the native population is Tausug Moro. “They’re not stealing it from anybody, are they?” I asked. “If Zamboanga belongs to you, then Jolo belongs to the Tausugs. Agree or disagree?”

After some thinking, the Zamboangueño writer said: “Well, okay. That I will concede. The Tausugs do own Jolo.”

But he resisted the idea of dividing the big island of Mindanao itself to give way to the Bangsamoro. He said the population is so mixed up it is impossible to separate the different tribes from each other, not to mention the settlers who have penetrated deep into the original tribal territories.

“You mean,” I asked, “there are no areas that have Maguindanao or Maranao majority?”

He conceded that indeed there are still areas in Mindanao where the Moros constitute the absolute majority. But he feared they might demand more territory. What if, I followed up, they only want to get what is theirs? He said delineating the boundaries would be very difficult. To which I agreed. But I said, isn’t it better to break our heads at the negotiating table rather than at the battlefield? And he said,

“Okay, I’m listening.” So, at least he was now open to negotiate what is “theirs” and what is “his.”

The Ilocano writer, meanwhile, merely listened as I probed into the Zamboangueño’s positionality. I wondered what other framework, political theory, or social doctrine my Ilocano friend was going to cite to strengthen his resolve to bear arms and fight the Moros in Mindanao.

The Ilocos is too far away. The Moros are not claiming the Ilocos. But apparently the idea that he was a Filipino and that Mindanao is part of the Philippines was enough to stir up his nationalist sentiments, and so at age eighty or ninety he is ready to go to battle to save the territorial integrity of the country..

Not surprisingly, my students in Discourse Analysis had varied reactions to the text of the MOA-AD. One Davao-born student of mixed Lumad and settler parentage couldn’t imagine dividing the Philippines, certainly not Mindanao! She wouldn’t give an inch of territory to the Moros because, she was very sure, they would demand more. They might include Davao, where the Moros have an infinitesimal presence.

“Kung ayaw nila sa Pilipinas, paalisin sila, paalisin!” she said. When told that the Moros are natives of Mindanao, she seemed surprised. But her bottom line was that any arrangement with the Moros should be within the framework of the Republic of the Philippines, not outside it.

In that class I also had a mainland Chinese student whose position on the Moro issue mirrored his view on Tibet, which matched the view of the Chinese government -- Tibet belongs to China, and the Tibetans are Chinese. I pointed out to him that the Tibetans do not consider themselves Chinese; they dress differently, they have a different language, and a different religion. “No, no,” he said. “They are Chinese.
They are not Han Chinese. They’re a different kind of Chinese. But still Chinese.”

I said, “Okey, the Tibetans say they are Tibetans and not Chinese. And you say, they are Chinese. Who decides their identity?” And my mainland Chinese student said, “Okay, you don’t agree, then fight! Let’s fight.”

He didn’t mean me and him, he meant the opposing parties – the Chinese government and the Tibetans.
“Fighting decides identity issues?” I asked. “Of course,” was his quick reply.

I was rather surprised by his hawkish stance and power talk, but on reflection, it’s actually the same thinking that animates government policy on the Moro issue as expressed in the total war policy, all-out war policy, and what other war policy to defend such noble principles as constitutionality, territorial integrity, national sovereignty, etc. It’s the same stance taken by my Ilocano friend.

But not all of my students had a statist, Filipinist position. Surprisingly a Manileño was all for giving the Moros their own territory. He didn’t worry at all about the constitution and other legal complications, the problematic territorial division, the economic viability of a bangsamoro republic. Or whether the new political entity should be merely autonomous, part of a federation, or completely independent. What he worried about is whether that will buy peace in Mindanao. “If they’re not Filipinos, then they’re not Filipinos,” he said. “And if it’s their territory, then it’s their territory,” he added.

My Manileño student’s attitude reminded me of an interesting incident at an international conference I attended several years ago. A hefty woman in her brilliant sari suddenly stood up when a diminutive man who looked southeast Asian – he could pass for a Filipino, Indonesian, or Thai – introduced himself as a Naga to the entire body.

“What do you mean you are Naga. You are Indian!” the woman boomed indignantly.

“I am not Indian. I am Naga!” the Naga man said defiantly.

This exchange went for about a minute or so, with the tall Indian woman getting more agitated, and the short Naga man standing his ground. “I am Naga. I am not Indian,” he insisted with his chin up.

So we had this curious spectacle of a tall mixed Aryan-Dravidian, typically Bombay-looking woman staring down at a small Tibeto-Burmese Naga man who proudly insisted he was not Indian but Naga.

Finally, the Indian woman said: “Okay, if you are Naga, show me your passport that proves you are Naga. Show me your passport.”

The man, of course, could not show his Naga passport, and so the Indian woman sat down in triumph. But the Naga man said: “With or without a Naga passport, I am Naga.”

Political scientists know the nature of the conflict between the Indian and the Naga. The Indian woman was working within a political framework – the framework of a legal, internationally recognized, citizenship identity as proven by her passport, while the Naga was operating within a social framework -- his ethnic, minority nationality identity that has no legal, national, or state personality under international law.

Like the Nagas of northeastern India, the Moros have no passport to show they are Moros. But they insist they are Moros, not Filipinos. Who decides what their identity should be, and how is it to be decided? Do we insist that they are Filipinos because they live in a territory internationally recognized as part of the Philippine Republic? Do we want to go the way my mainland Chinese student has suggested? “You don’t agree, then fight!”

In fact, our government has followed that route for a long, long time already, following a policy instituted by the Spanish and American colonial governments. For decades now, hundreds of thousands have been killed, and thousands upon thousands more have been displaced in pursuit of that policy, adding to the misery of people already burdened by poverty and underdevelopment.

Government is an impersonal, almost abstract entity, but at bottom it is still composed of people who are supposed to represent the will of the majority. I wonder, does the government position on the Moro demand represent the thinking of the majority of Filipinos? Do majority of the Filipinos insist that Moros are Filipinos?

If so, how do we explain the fact that a lot of Filipinos themselves do not want to be Filipinos? Indeed, thousands have resigned as Filipinos or are planning to resign as Filipinos and migrate abroad. Why do they want the Moros to become Filipinos? It seems to me many Moros do not want to be Filipinos, but they do not want to migrate, either. They just want to stay in their own homeland and have control over it.

That Mindanao continues to bleed reflects the fact that all approaches and solutions that have been tried so far have failed to solve the fundamental issue of the Moro’s demand for a homeland of their own. This is a centuries-old dream that refuses to die, and those of us who struggle for peace in Mindanao should confront it squarely if we want peace in our country..

The conference theme counterposing sovereignty and autonomy seems to do just that, but may I add another perspective? The term sovereignty carries with it a concatenation of weighty principles such as constitutionality, inviolability of territorial integrity, nationalism, etc. As we have seen, these principles are upheld not only by government, but also by a host of individuals who will volunteer to defend them.

On the other hand, autonomy is only one option of another fundamental principle: the people’s right to self-determination. The concept of people carries with it a concatenation of weighty principles such as identity, ethnicity, homeland, and nationhood. As we know these principles act as powerful motivators to many people to volunteer to fight, not only in Mindanao, but also all over the world. Furthermore, we know that when conditions are ripe, these people will push the right to self-determination to its logical conclusion: secession and the formation of a new, independent country.

Autonomy can be accommodated within sovereignty. But secession directly challenges an existing sovereignty because it seeks to become another sovereignty. As we know, that is the reason why the map of the world keeps changing. It is identity politics at work.

There are a thousand and one issues that can be discussed and explored about the Mindanao conflict. But I suggest that we should begin with confronting our own individual position on the core issue of the identity assertions of the Moros. The first question is, do you accept that the Moros are not Filipinos, even if they are inhabitants of the Republic of the Philippines? The second question is, if they are not Filipinos, are they entitled to their own homeland?

Obviously a negative answer means maintaining the status quo. In effect, it is taking the position of my mainland Chinese student: fight. And like my Ilocano friend, it means willingness to volunteer to defend the constitution, national sovereignty, and the country’s territorial boundaries. It means war.

I suggest that an affirmative answer, although fraught with many dangers, provides hope for genuine peace. Like my Zamboangueño friend, we must be willing to break our heads at the negotiating table to determine what is “theirs” and what is “mine.” We must be willing to reimagine a new Philippines. And we must be aware how difficult that is. For one, we have to ensure that the rights of the Lumad communities and settler communities in the affected areas are protected. Our Moro brothers must be made aware that if Moros do not want to be Filipinos, many Filipinos, including Lumads, do not want to be Moros too. Or to be precise, they do not want to acquire a Moro citizenship in a Bangsamoro Republic. If we respect each other’s rights, there will be peace in our land and hopefully all of us can attend to the urgent tasks of eradicating poverty and breaking underdevelopment in our respective homelands.

(Ang “Bisag Unsa” regular nga kolum ni Macario D. Tiu para sa MindaViews, ang seksyon sa opinion sa MindaNews. Si Mac usa ka Palanca awardee ug National Book awardee. Usa usab siya ka propesor sa Ateneo de Davao University. Puyde nimo ma-email si Mac sa mac_tiu@yahoo.com.ph.)

Source:
http://www.mindanews.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=6246&Itemid=93

PROUT Global Convention - Denmark

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Wed, 22 Apr 2009 19:02:00 +0000

With special guests and representatives from
PROUT COLLEGE
PROUT INSTITUTE OF VENEZUELA
HAITAN PROUT MOVEMENT
BURKINO FASO COOPERATIVES
ANG KASAMA OF MAHARLIKA
AND OTHERS

Plus…
PROUT workshop/forums
RAWA Cultural Programs
Open Space Technology
And more…

Venue:
ANANDA GAORI is situated in beautiful countryside 50 minutes to the Northwest of Copenhagen. Additional renovations are under way to make it a perfect venue for this convention with beds for everyone. For those who like camping, there is ample space for tents. There is also a beach access campground five minutes drive from MU.

Cost:
In order to give opportunity to the widest possible number of people, the cost of participation will be kept to a minimum. A limited fund will be available, to help defray participation and transportation costs, for people from countries having a disadvantage in exchange rates…

Please register early!

Entire Program:
Danish Kronor 1100
€150 / $200

First three days only:
DKK 550
€75 / $100

To register or for more information:
+45 33256671
proutconvention09@gmail.com

PROUT Global Office
30 Platanvej
Copenhagen, DK

Play in the making makes it

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Tue, 10 Feb 2009 00:32:00 +0000

article by Josefina Pedroza
photo by Marili Fernandez-Ilagan

“WE did not expect it to be a huge production,” said Nikki Torrres of the Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP) Performing Arts Department who spoke in the forum following the 45-minute production of “Uyayi sa Digmaan” by Don Pagusara at the Tanghalang Huseng Batute on December 4, 2008.

And huge it appeared indeed. There was the 18-member troupe that played Moro music on the palabunyibunyian, providing an ominous introduction to a somber unraveling of the Moro war, circa 2008. Recently formed out of a foundation that goes by the uncanny name Serve the Children and Older Persons, its members looked like authentic Moro, which they were not. Fact is, the play itself, written by a non-Moro, was mounted by non-Moros.

In any case, “Uyayi sa Digmaan” at the CCP presented before a limited audience a human dimension of a war that has raged in Mindanao for ages. The war has been there for so long that it no longer offers excitement to newsreaders, except when the body count rises to hundreds and whole villages are plundered.

"Uyayi sa Digmaan," as “play within a play,” is an interchange of the scenes of the drama Norhaina, which Teatro Pagariya rehearses, and the off-scene moments between Raizza and Kurt who are the lead actors in the play. The dramatic and real life, as it were, dialectics on stage is what provides momentum in the action and development of "Uyayi sa Digmaan."
Norhaina, the play within, depicts the long trek of the Moro evacuees of mostly women and children in the wake of the war that breaks out at the Liguasan Marsh between the government troops and the Moro rebels. Raizza, a young Moro member of Pagariya, plays the central character Norhaina. Kurt, a Christian, plays Norhaina’s rebel- leader husband Hassan. Kuya Margo directs the play.

The rendition of the story of Norhaina offers a kind of heroic relief against a backdrop of war. Her heroism is marked from the moment she assumes leadership of the women and the barrio folk of Siarip-Agwak as they all flee across the waters of the Liguasan marsh until they reach the distant banks of Pagalungan. This she does as she carries her infant child. Her will and an abiding faith in Allah and the cause of the Bangsamoro struggle sustain her through the endless nights of their exodus, even as her heart sings constantly the uyayi.

In between the scenes of the Norhaina play, Raizza and Kurt have their own scenes of entanglement. Raizza has staked her personal honor and the pride of her people in her portrayal of Norhaina. But she is confronted with a kind of disquiet gnawing at her heart during the whole season of the rehearsal. Yet, she is enlivened excited by her relationship with Kurt, which, she realizes, has no future. She is a Muslim and Kurt is a Christian.

Norhaina’s ordeal and the trial of a relationship between Raizza and Kurt rise as the play’s songs and music culminates in the premiere of Teatro Pagariya’s production.

The play’s CCP outing was made possible by the Tag-ani Performing Arts Society, in cooperation with the CCP, as part of its Waiting in the Wings program. The program features plays that are “works in progress,” meaning unfinished. Nikki Torres noted that oftentimes, the performances were simply dramatic readings sans a directorial concept or production design. But Tag-ani did excerpts of “Uyayi” with lights and sound and all that. Choreographer-Director Marili Fernandez-Ilagan, a UP student finishing her masters in theatre arts, even made sure that the playwright’s lyrics were set to music and arranged for the CCP performance, and by noted artists such as Cynthia Alexander and Malu Matute. The cast and crew, composed of students from Miriam College, the Polytechnic University of the Philippines and the University of the Philippines, were admirable.

Perhaps, the sentiment that “Uyayi” created among the audience could be captured by the two foreigners who came in earlier than the Pinoys (so what else is new). They said they did not know the language but they nevertheless understood. And that they were touched.

And touch the audience a play ought to do.

Farmers - The jewels of society

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Wed, 21 Jan 2009 17:53:00 +0000

by Dada Vimaleshananda

One time in my childhood my mother encouraged me to do interviews. She gave me a book of Oriana Fallaci who had the venture to interview several state heads including Indira Gandhi, Golda Meir, Muhammar Geddafi, and others. I accepted her advice and I run three interview with sports trainers in my local town. One of these interview got published on the local newspaper.

I believe in the inherent spiritual gift that people living in the countryside have. It is on that strategically superior perception of the relationship between God and creation that I wish to tap into and bring it in political action. And it is through interviewing local farmers that I wish to bring up their consciousness of the spiritual value of farming life in order to give them the strength to remain struggling and fighting against odd legislations, weather conditions, lack of social recognition and generally ... hardship.

Needless to say in the countryside women are leaders. It is just an observation considering the level of involvement in social affairs and the capacity to tackle difficult situations. They are leaders in the school and in the education, they are leaders in the trade, they are leaders in the social service, wherever I go it is women that I found at the helm of responsibility and responsible choices. If I had to interview them I would ask:

* where is your strength?
* can you tell a story about what happened in a specific incident that required your strength to come in full expression?
* how you felt after?
* how you feel know remembering that incident?

The capacity to nurture our positive sides seems to be the winning element on the path of growth, spiritual as well as social. I do believe that in order to increase the strength of human society we have to emphasize the best of its characteristics and distinctive qualities. The process of integration is very different from the process of homogenization. I stand for integration and understanding, not for blending and making a whole gray color out of the beautiful differences in a rainbow.

Kinaiyahan Unahon knowledge center launched

noreply@blogger.com (MINDANAOKINI) — Mon, 19 Jan 2009 18:24:00 +0000

The Kinaiyahan Unahon Library and Social Centre was finally opened last Sunday January 11, 2009. It was successfully done with the help of friends and visitors from around Davao City. Cultural art groups, academic professors, parents and children from the neighbors, and different NGOʼs all participated in the much awaited event that was doggedly prepared for two weeks. Through donations and gifts given by friends and sympathizers, the collective has managed to provide the necessary things to accomplish the activity: paint, wood, kitchen utensils, food etc...

During this event, different programs have been presented by various art collective and performers. Some of which are poetry reading, acoustic music, children dance and fire dancing. The collective have also given the participants the opportunity to raise questions and concerns about the centre and the punk counterculture. Meaningful conversation between the collective and the participants halted the merry celebration for few minutes and ideas for strategies exchanged. In the end, differences in opinions and lifestyle was openly expressed and accepted.

In this wonderful day that all of us have waited for so many months another opportunity has dawned and opened up for us to continue creating meaningful moments for our lives. With this, we would like to give our greatest gratitude to all of the people who helped us in making these things possible. We all want to build and live in a decent, humane, and compassionate world and we are all desperate to make it happen. Nothing can stop us!!!

Kinaiyahan Unahon Collective