Naved Ashrafi

पुस्तक समीक्षा: मज़बूती का नाम महात्मा गांधी

2026-05-25T11:40:00.000-05:00

पुस्तक विवरण:

मज़बूती का नाम महात्मा गांधी
पुरुषोत्तम अग्रवाल
राजकमल पेपरबैक्स, रुपये 299/-, 196 पेज

नवेद अशरफ़ी

‘मज़बूती’ या ‘मज़बूत’ शब्द उर्दू ज़बान से लिया गया है। जानकार कहते हैं कि उर्दू में यह शब्द अरबी भाषा से आया है और इसका मूल ‘ज़ब्त’ है। ज़ब्त यानि धीरज, सहनशीलता, बर्दाश्त या संयम। प्रोफ़ेसर पुरुषोत्तम अग्रवाल की नई किताब ‘मज़बूती का नाम महात्मा गांधी’ गांधी जी के व्यक्तित्व के इसी बिन्दु पर केंद्रित है। लेखक अपनी इस रचना में गांधी जी को तपस्वी के रूप में देखते हैं और उनके व्यक्तित्व की अविरल धारा को दो किनारों ‘करुणा’ और ‘संयम’ के बीच बहता हुआ पाते हैं, वह संयम और करुणा में भी ‘संयम’ को वरीयता देते हैं क्योंकि वह मानते हैं कि ‘बिना संयम के सच्ची करुणा संभव नहीं है’। (पृष्ठ 46)

अक्सर किताबों में गांधी जी का सम्बन्ध दो शब्दों से स्थापित किया जाता है: सत्य और अहिंसा। प्रोफ़ेसर अग्रवाल अपनी पुस्तक में इस बात पर विस्तृत चर्चा करते हैं कि गांधी जी के लिए ‘सत्य’ के क्या मायने हैं और ‘ईश्वर सत्य है’ से आरम्भ होने वाली यात्रा कब ‘सत्य ही ईश्वर है’ की मंज़िल पर पहुँच जाती है। जबकि गांधी जी के लिए ‘अहिंसा’ शब्द का सीधा सम्बन्ध ‘संयम’ से है। बक़ौल लेखक, ‘मनुष्य जो कुछ है, उससे आगे कुछ होना चाहता है. मनुष्य केवल प्रकृति नहीं है, बल्कि संस्कृति भी है. हिंसा एक प्राकृतिक तथ्य है लेकिन अहिंसा एक सांस्कृतिक मूल्य होना चाहिए’। अर्थात अहिंसा का वृक्ष संयम के अंकुर से जन्म लेता है। नेशनल फ़्यूल रिसर्च इंस्टिट्यूट, धनबाद के उद्घाटन के समय 22 अप्रैल 1950 को पण्डित जवाहरलाल नेहरु ने भी यही बात संस्कृति के प्रसंग में कही थी, ‘मन और आत्मा का विस्तार ही संस्कृति है’।

लगभग 26 पेजों की भूमिका के अतिरिक्त यह पुस्तक 6 भागों में विभक्त है। लेखक ने भूमिका में ही गांधी जी का परिचय ‘तपस्वी’ के रूप में कराया है। गांधी जी ऐसे तपस्वी थे जो कह पाते थे कि मेरी तपस्या तो वहाँ है, जहां मनुष्य की पीड़ा है, इसलिए मैं हिमालय जाकर क्या करूंगा! दिलचस्प बात यह है कि लेखक ने ‘तपस्वी’ शब्द का इस्तेमाल अंतिम अध्याय के शीर्षक में स्पष्ट रूप से किया है। दरमियानी अध्यायों में सत्य, ईश्वर, आस्था, नैतिकता, निरीश्वरवरवाद, हिन्दू, हिन्दुत्व, सनातन, तर्क, विवेक, चिंतन, कर्म, आधुनिकता, सार्वभौम मानवमूल्य इत्यादि पर केंद्रित विमर्श के ज़रिए गांधी जी की ‘तपस्या’ को समझने और परिभाषित करने का सफल प्रयास किया गया है।

किताब का पहला अध्याय ‘मज़बूती का नाम महात्मा गांधी’ दरअसल लेखक का वह लोकप्रिय व्याख्यान है जो उन्होंने 2 अक्टूबर 2005 को गांधी शांति प्रतिष्ठान में दिया था। व्याख्यान की लोकप्रियता का कारण इसके शीर्षक में लेखक द्वारा ‘मज़बूती’ शब्द का चयन करना था, क्यूंकी कदाचित इस व्याख्यान से पूर्व भारतीय जनमानस ‘मजबूरी’ को ही गांधी जी का दूसरा नाम मानता आया था। 2005 से अब तक यह व्याख्यान विभिन्न वेबपोर्टलों अथवा सोशल मीडिया में बहुत पढ़ा गया है। यह पुस्तक उसी व्याख्यान का विस्तृत संस्करण है।

मौजूद दौर में हिंसा का अभूतपूर्व साधारणीकरण और विकेन्द्रीकरण लेखक के लिए चिंता का विषय है। हिंसा मनुष्य को कमज़ोर बनाती है जबकि अहिंसा उसको धीरज और संयम प्रदान करती है, उसको मज़बूत बनती है। गांधी जी इसीलिए मज़बूत हैं क्योंकि वह अहिंसा के तपस्वी हैं। गांधी जी जिस अहिंसा की बात करते हैं वह उनके निजी नवाचार और अन्वेषण पर आधारित है और प्रोफ़ेसर अग्रवाल के शब्दों में कहें तो गांधीजी का यह कहना कि सत्य और अहिंसा शाश्वत हैं, बिल्कुल सही है; लेकिन गांधीजी की अहिंसा, परम्परा से चली आ रही अहिंसा का विस्तार नहीं है, वो उनकी मौलिक जीवनदृष्टि है। गांधी जी की अहिंसा ने अंग्रेज़ी हुकूमत की हिंसात्मक ‘सजेस्टिव पावर’ अर्थात उसके इक़बाल को चकनाचूर कर दिया था। इसीकारण गांधी जी की अहिंसा प्रासंगिक है और आज भी गांधी जी मज़बूत दिखाई देते हैं।

दूसरे अध्याय में गांधी जी के हवाले से आस्था और विवेक पर सार्थक बहस की गई है। जब विदेश से आए हुए एक पादरी बेसिल मैथ्यूस गांधी जी की आध्यात्मिक साधना में सहायक धर्म ग्रंथों के बारे में पूछते हैं तो गांधी जी गीता, कुरान, बाइबिल का नाम लेते हैं और स्पष्ट करते हैं कि वह इन ग्रंथों के पास ‘आलोचनात्मक मानस’ के साथ नहीं जाते लेकिन यह ज़रूरी नहीं कि वह इन ग्रंथों की हर बात पर राज़ी हो जाएं! ऐसा क्यूँ? आपकी कसौटी क्या है? पादरी ने पूछा। गांधी जी ने कहा, ‘मैं गीता समेत हर धर्म ग्रंथ को अपने विवेक की कसौटी पर आँकता हूँ’।

गांधी जी ईश्वर के अस्तित्व को तर्क से परे मानते थे लेकिन इस के अतिरिक्त हर धार्मिक अनुभव को परखने के लिए वह तीसरी छननी की वकालत करते हैं जो अपने ‘विवेक की कसौटी’ होती है। (जबकि पहली व दूसरी छननी क्रमश: अवतार या पैग़म्बरों की वाणी और विद्वानों की व्याख्या की होती है।) गांधी जी के यहाँ ‘तीसरी छननी’ की बाध्यता दूसरों पर नहीं है। अपने निजी अन्वेषणों मे यक़ीन रखने वाले गांधी जी ने यह छननी अपने लिए ही चुनी थी। दूसरी महत्वपूर्ण बात यह है कि गांधी जी के लिए धर्म नैतिकता को मापने का पैमाना नहीं था। धर्म के झण्डाबरदार बहुत से लोग निजी एवं सामाजिक जीवन में नैतिकता से कोसों दूर होते हैं। ऐसी स्थिति में अमुक व्यक्ति का आचरण, उसकी नैतिकता इस बात की द्योतक होगी कि उसने धर्म के मर्म को कितना आत्मसात किया है। इस अध्याय में गीता के कर्म सिद्धांत, मध्यमार्ग तथा सार्वभौम मानव मूल्यों के ज़रिए नैतिकता और आस्था पर विचारोत्तेजक टिप्पणियाँ की गई हैं, विशेषकर, अहमदिया और नबुव्वत वाले मसले पर संगसारी को लेकर गांधी जी के विचार और लेखक की टिप्पणियाँ पठनीय हैं।

किताब का तीसरा अध्याय ईश्वरविश्वास, निरीश्वरवाद, आस्था और सत्य की परिभाषाओं पर केंद्रित है। लेखक के सुझाए ये दोनों शब्द (ईश्वरविश्वास, निरीश्वरवाद) बहुप्रचालित शब्द ‘आस्तिक’ और ‘नास्तिक’ की जगह प्रयोग किए गए हैं। गांधी जी की अविचल आस्था का ज़िक्र करते लेखक कहते हैं कि तर्क और अनुभव की पूर्ण उपेक्षा कर आस्था का राग अलापना ठीक नहीं है। तर्क आधारित आस्था मनुष्य को हर घड़ी बेहतर बनने की प्रेरणा देती है क्यूंकी उसको यह भ्रम नहीं होता कि वह ही सर्वश्रेष्ठ है और उसके समक्ष सब तुच्छ हैं! यह तर्क आधारित आस्था ही इंसान को हर प्रकार की कूपमंडूकता से दूर रखती है। लेखक के अनुसार कूपमंडूकता की यह प्रवृति, विशेषकर, एकेश्वरवादी धर्मावलंबियों मे अधिक प्रबल होती है क्यूंकी उनके यहाँ शुभ और अशुभ का इकट्ठा रहना मुमकिन ही नहीं है। जबकि गांधी जी अशुभ के बग़ैर शुभ का अस्तित्व ही नहीं मानते हैं। गांधी जी का ईश्वर में विश्वास ‘आस्था की छलांग’ के रूप में फलीभूत होता है; वह ईश्वर को मानव तर्क से परे मानते हैं और उनके नज़दीक यह आस्था की सीमा नहीं है बल्कि ‘तर्क की सीमा’ है।

गांधी जी विवेक की छलनी से ही ‘ईश्वर सत्य है’ के बोध को ‘सत्य ही ईश्वर है’ के उत्कर्ष तक ले जाते हैं। यह तर्कशील आस्था के ज़रिए ही सम्भव हो पाता है क्यूंकी तर्क के मंच पर ही द्विपक्षीय वार्ता से इतर तीसरे विकल्प की संभावना तलाश करना सुगम हो सकता है और लेखक ने इस बात को गांधी-गोरा संवाद से स्थापित किया है। गोरा (गोपराज रामचन्द्र राव) एक तेलुगु भाषी निरीश्वरवादी थे जो गांधी जी के संरचनात्मक कार्यक्रम से प्रभावित थे और इस दिशा में लंबे समय से ज़मीनी काम कर रहे थे। उनकी प्रबल इच्छा थी कि वह ईश्वर के अस्तित्व पर गांधी जी से सार्थक विमर्श करें, लेकिन गांधी जी ने व्यस्तताओं के कारण इसका कभी समय नहीं दिया। जब विमर्श की घड़ी आई तो गोरा ने कहा मेरे संरचनात्मक कार्यों का आधार तो निरीश्वरवाद ही है क्यूंकी इससे मैं किसी के बीच भेदभाव करने के खतरों से दूर हो जाता हूँ। इस पर गांधी जी ने कहा, ‘क्या ज़रूरत है ईश्वर के अस्तित्व को नकारने की?... मैं यह नहीं कहता कि मेरा ईश्वरवाद सही है और तुम्हारा निरीश्वरवाद ग़लत। हम दोनों सत्य के खोजी हैं। हो सकता है भविष्य में तुम मेरे रास्ते पर चलने लगो या मुझे तुम्हारी शैली पसंद आ जाए; या फिर हम कोई तीसरा मार्ग ही खोज लें”। सत्य (अर्थात ईश्वर) के अस्तित्व पर गांधी जी का यह कर्मोन्मुख संवाद उनकी विशालता को दर्शाता है जिसकी प्रतिध्वनि गांधी जी के देहांत के बरसों बाद भी उनके शिष्य पण्डित नेहरु की जिह्वा पर होती है:

“सत्य पर किसी का एकाधिकार नहीं है। सत्य इतना विशाल, व्यापक और अथाह है कि उसको किसी किताब, धर्म, अथवा मस्तिष्क तक सीमित नहीं किया जा सकता है”। (भारतीय विज्ञान कांग्रेस, 14 जनवरी 1957, कलकत्ता)

अब सवाल उठता है कि मौजूदा समय में प्रोफ़ेसर पुरुषोत्तम अग्रवाल की यह पुस्तक कितनी प्रासंगिक है और इसे क्यूँ पढ़ा जाना चाहिए। जवाब किताब के अंतिम हिस्से में हैं जहां हमें सावरकर और गांधी में एक को चुनना है। सावरकर के यहाँ राष्ट्र का सिद्धांत यूरोपीय परंपरा से प्रेरित है, वहाँ एक धर्म, एक संस्कृति, एक भाषा, एक नस्ल का बोलबाला है। उनके यहाँ बलात्कार जैसे जघन्य अपराध को भी राजनीतिक उपकरण माना जाता है। हमें गांधी या सावरकर में किस को चुनना है, यह लेखक की इस टिप्पणी से स्पष्ट हो जाता है:

“गांधी जी द्वारा प्रेरित ‘मानवनिष्ठ भारतीयता’ में नैतिक आयाम अनिवार्यत: निहित है।… सावरकर का राष्ट्रवाद एकेश्वरवादी संस्कार में पनपी एकता के नाम पर जीवन की विविधता को बलपूर्वक नकारने वाली यूरोपीय राष्ट्रभावन से प्रेरित था। गांधी जी सारी दुनिया की हवा के लिए खिड़कियां खुली रखते हुए अपनी ज़मीन पर पैर जमाए हुए थे। सावरकर अपनी ज़मीन की पहचान ही नहीं कर पाए”।

गांधी जी का दर्शन और उनकी ‘मानवनिष्ठ भारतीयता’ दरअसल ऋगवेद के ‘"आ नो भद्राः क्रतवो यन्तु विश्वतः" के आदर्श का ही विस्तार है। देखिए, हम इस आदर्श को और कितना विस्तार दे पाते हैं, गांधी जी की तपस्या को कितना समझ पाते हैं, और धर्म, जाति, रंग, भाषा, लिंग इत्यादि के चश्मों से हटकर प्राणी मात्र की पीड़ा को हम कितना समझ पाते हैं, यह तो समय के गर्भ में ही है।

डॉ० नवेद अशरफ़ी मौलाना आज़ाद नेशनल उर्दू यूनिवर्सिटी, हैदराबाद, तेलंगाना में असिस्टेंट प्रोफ़ेसर (पब्लिक ऐड्मिनिस्ट्रैशन) हैं।

फ़ेक न्यूज़: सियासत और साम्प्रदायिकता की ‘नई’ तकनीक

2021-08-20T10:47:00.025-05:00

मानव इतिहास के विभिन्न युगों में लोकतंत्र अथवा जनतंत्र की भिन्न भिन्न व्याख्याएँ की गई हैं। इस को सकारात्मक एवम् नकारात्मक दोनों ही दृष्टिकोणों से परखा जा चुका है। एक ओर पुरातन में यूनानी दार्शनिक जनतंत्रीय प्रणाली को विकारी शासन व्यवस्था मानते थे तो दूसरी ओर आज के आधुनिक युग में इसकी अत्यंत सकारात्मक छवि हमारे चिंतन, मनन और संवाद में मौजूद है।

अब्राहम लिंकन के गैटिसबर्ग व्याख्यान के बाद यह स्पष्ट तौर पर स्थापित हो चुका है कि जनता किसी भी जनतंत्रीय शासन प्रणाली का अक्ष अथवा धुरी होती है। जनतंत्रीय प्रणाली में ‘जन-प्रतिनिधित्व’ तथा ‘जन-भागीदारी’ के अतिरिक्त ‘सूचना प्रवाह’ तीसरा मुख्य कारक है जो जनतंत्र की कार्यप्रणाली का आधार होता है। जनता निर्वाचन प्रक्रिया द्वारा अपने प्रतिनिधियों का चुनाव करती है जो उनको मूलभूत सुविधाएं मुहैया कराने के लिए संसद अथवा विधान सभाओं में विभिन्न अधिनियम, योजनाएं तथा नीतियाँ बनाते हैं। जब कार्यपालिका द्वारा इन अधिनियमों, योजनाओं तथा नीतियों को लागू किया जाता है तो इनकी कामयाबी के लिए यह आवश्यक होता है कि उसमें जनता की भागीदारी को सुनिश्चित किया जाए। जनता के प्रतिभाग के बिना किसी भी प्रयोजन का सफल होना मुश्किल होता है।

प्रतिनिधित्व तथा प्रतिभाग के बाद जनतंत्र में सूचना के प्रवाह की बड़ी महत्ता है। जनतंत्रीय प्रणाली जवाबदेही के उसूल पर आधारित होती है जिसके तहत चुने हुए जनप्रतिनिधि अपने कार्यों तथा नीतियों के लिए जनता के समक्ष जवाबदेह होते हैं। इस जवाबदेही को और अधिक मज़बूत बनाने के लिए यह लाज़मी है कि सरकारी दफ्तरों के काम काज, उनकी कार्यशैली, उनके साधन व ध्येय इत्यादि की जानकारी जनता को हासिल हो और सूचनाओं का सतत प्रवाह जनता के हितार्थ सुनिश्चित किया जाए। इसी पृष्ठभूमि में हम समझ पाते हैं कि ‘सूचना का अधिकार अधिनियम 2005’ भारतीय लोकतंत्र की अभूतपूर्व उपलब्धि है।

सूचना का अधिकार अधिनियम केवल राजनैतिक तथा प्रशासनिक परिक्षेत्र में ही सूचनाओं के प्रवाह से सम्बन्ध रखता है। हम यह जानते हैं कि किसी भी जनतंत्रीय प्रणाली में जनता सूचनाएं हासिल करने के लिए केवल सरकारी अथवा प्रशासनिक तंत्र पर ही निर्भर नहीं होती है बल्कि उसके लिए सूचना के अन्य सामाजिक स्रोत भी होते हैं जिससे उसके समाज का वृहत चिंतन तथा प्राथमिकताएं तय होती हैं। लोगों के आपसी मेल-जोल और संवाद से भी सूचनाओं का प्रवाह समाज में होता है। इसके अतिरिक्त जन-संचार के साधनों जैसे रेडियो, टेलीविज़न, प्रेस, एलेक्ट्रॉनिक मीडिया तथा सोशल मीडिया इत्यादि भी सूचनाओं के नए एवम आधुनिक स्रोत हैं। समाज के संतुलन तथा प्रगति के लिए यह अत्यंत आवश्यक है कि समाज के हर सदस्य को हर समय सही सूनचाएं प्राप्त हों; उनको संवाद अथवा समाचारों के रूप में झूठ, प्रपंच, प्रॉपगंडा तथा संवेदनशील सूचनाएं न परोसी जाएं। लेकिन इन अपेक्षाओं और आकांक्षाओं के विपरीत, पिछले दशक से वैश्विक स्तर पर झूठ, प्रपंच, प्रॉपगंडा तथा आवेशित करने वाली सामग्री का दंश बढ़ता ही जा रहा है। 2011 की मिस्र क्रांति कदाचित वह पहली और अंतिम घटना थी जिस में सोशल मीडिया ने सकारात्मक किरदार निभाया था, उसके बाद सोशल मीडिया, प्रेस व एलेक्ट्रॉनिक मीडिया में जिस तरह सूचनाओं एवम तथ्यों को तबाह किया गया उसने दुनिया भर के जनतंत्रों को संभवत: क्रूरता और तानाशाही में परिवर्तित कर दिया है। 21वीं सदी में उत्तर सत्य (पोस्ट-ट्रुथ) और फ़ेक न्यूज़ का यह दौर मानव जाति के समक्ष सब से बड़ी चुनौती है। इस ने न केवल इंसान की समझ को दूषित और उथला किया है बल्कि इसने लोकतंत्र की आत्मा एवम उसके गुणात्मक मर्म को भी भ्रष्ट किया है और लोकतंत्र को महज़ वोटों की गिनती और बहुसंख्यकवाद तक सीमित कर दिया है। दुनिया भर में लोकतान्त्रिक व्यवस्थाओं के गुणात्मकता से संख्यात्मकता की ओर दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण पलायन की इस स्थिति में अल्लामा इक़बाल के ये शब्द जीवंत एवम सार्थक लगते हैं:

जुम्हूरियत इक तर्ज़-ए-हुकूमत है कि जिसमें

बन्दों को गिना करते हैं, तौला नहीं करते।

फ़ेक न्यूज़ क्या है?

फ़ेक न्यूज़ एक प्रकार का प्रॉपगंडा अथवा पीत-पत्रकारिता (yellow journalism) है जिसका उद्देश्य श्रोताओं एवम दर्शकों को तथ्यों तथा वास्तविकता से भ्रमित करना है। आज के डिजिटल युग में फ़ेक न्यूज़ हमारे सूचना पारिस्थितिकी तंत्र (information ecosystem) में कई रूपों में पैर पसार सकती है। यह लेख, रिपोर्ट, विडिओ, चित्र, मीम (meme), ऑडिओ इत्यादि के रूप में अक्सर पाई जाती है। अत: फ़ेक न्यूज़ की एक समावेशी परिभाषा के रूप में यह कहा जा सकता है कि फ़ेक न्यूज़ एक ऐसी सूचना होती है जो किसी भी प्लेटफार्म पर किसी भी रूप में साझा की जाए किन्तु वह तथ्यों और वास्तविकता से आंशिक रूप अथवा पूरी तरह से खारिज हो। फ़ेक न्यूज़ अथवा प्रॉपगंडा केवल आधुनिक युग की वास्तविकता नहीं है बल्कि इतिहास में भी इसके साक्ष्य मौजूद हैं। ऑक्टेवियन और एंथनी के बीच सत्ता प्रतिस्पर्धा फ़ेक न्यूज़ एवम झूठे प्रचार से प्रेरित थी, भारत के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में मौलवी मुहम्मद बाक़र को अंग्रेजों के प्रॉपगंडा के कारण ही फांसी लगाकर शहीद किया गया। अंतर केवल इतना है कि प्राचीन काल की अपेक्षा वर्तमान काल में डिजिटल तथा एलेक्ट्रॉनिक माध्यमों से फ़ेक न्यूज़ और प्रॉपगंडा का प्रसार अत्यंत तीव्र तथा द्रुतगामी है।

मिसिन्फर्मेशन और डिसिन्फर्मेशन

‘फर्स्ट ड्राफ़्ट न्यूज़’ की क्लेयर वार्डल फ़ेक न्यूज़ को दो भागों में विभाजित करती हैं: मिसिन्फर्मेशन (misinformation) और डिसिन्फर्मेशन (disinformation)। डिसिन्फर्मेशन ऐसी फ़ेक न्यूज़ होती हैं जो जान बूझ कर प्रसारित की जाती हैं जबकि ऐसी खबरें अथवा सूचनाएं जो हम से अनजाने में प्रसारित हो जाती हैं उनको मिसिन्फर्मेशन कहा जा सकता है। डिसिन्फर्मेशन की सब से बहतरीन मिसाल वह लघुकथा है जिस में एक चरवाहा रोज़ अपनी बकरियाँ जंगल में चराने के लिए ले जाता था और जानबूझकर खेत में काम कर रहे किसानों को धोखा देने के लिए ज़ोर ज़ोर से चिल्लाया करता था, ‘बचाओ, बचाओ, बाघ मेरी बकरियों को खा जाएगा’। जब किसान उसकी आवाज़ सुनकर उस की तरफ आते थे तो वह रोज़ हँसकर बोल देता था कि मैं तो मज़ाक़ कर रहा था। अंतत: एक दिन बाघ हक़ीक़त में उसकी बकरियाँ खा जाता जाता है और वह चीखता रहता है, लेकिन कोई उसकी मदद को नहीं आता है!

मिसिन्फर्मेशन की मिसाल वह लघुकथा है जिसका शीर्षक है, ‘आसमान गिर रहा है’। इस कहानी में एक खरगोश किसी पेड़ के नीचे सो रहा था। अचानक उसे किसी ज़ोरदार धमाके की आवाज़ सुनाई देती है और वह घबराकर यह चीखता हुआ भागना शुरू कर देता है, ‘आसमान गिर रहा है, भागों!, आसमान गिर रहा है, भागो!’ खरगोश की बात सुनकर जंगल के सभी जानवर उसके साथ भागने लगते हैं। अंत में जब वे जंगल के राजा शेर के पास जाते हैं तो शेर पूरे मामले को सुनता है और सभी जानवरों के साथ उस पेड़ के पास जाता है जहाँ खरगोश सोया हुआ था। वहाँ जाकर ज्ञात होता है कि ज़ोरदार आवाज़ किसी धमाके की नहीं थी बल्कि बेल के पेड़ से बेल का भारी फल नीचे गिरा था जिस से सोता हुआ खरगोश डर गया था और अनजाने में मिसिन्फर्मेशन का हिस्सा बन गया था।

फ़ेक न्यूज़: वैश्विक परिदृश्य

ऑनलाइन व डिजिटल मंचों पर फ़ेक न्यूज़ का प्रसार बहुत तेज़ होता है। विभिन्न शोधपत्रों में यह दावा किया गया है कि ऐसा ‘फ़िल्टर बबल’ की वजह से होता है। फ़िल्टर बबल डिजिटल मंचों की ऐसी तकनीकी प्रक्रिया है जिस में किसी व्यक्ति की सर्च हिस्ट्री और उसके ऑनलाइन व्यवहार के अनुरूप ऑनलाइन व डिजिटल मंचों पर उसको खबरें अथवा सूचनाएं स्वत: उपलब्ध कराई जाती हैं। इन मंचों पर किसी व्यक्ति का व्यवहार उसकी विचारधारा या विशेष हितों के अनुसार तय होता है। यदि कोई व्यक्ति सोशल मीडिया पर साम्प्रदायिक अथवा ध्रुवीकरण से संबंधित सामग्री देख, पढ़ या सुन रहा है तो उसको आगे भी इसी प्रकार की सामग्री उपलब्ध कराई जाती है। इसी कारण अमुक व्यक्ति अपनी विशेष सोच में क़ैद हो जाता है जहाँ उसको अपने मन्तव्य अथवा पक्ष के अलावा किसी दूसरे व्यक्ति का पक्ष सुनना गवारा नहीं होता है। इस स्थिति को ‘एको चेंबर्स (echo-chambers)’ अवस्था कहा जाता है जिसमें मनुष्य अपने पूर्वाग्रहों में क़ैद हो जाता है।

शोध द्वारा ज्ञात हुआ है कि विश्व स्तर पर फ़ेक न्यूज़ एवम प्रॉपगंडा का इस्तेमाल सर्वाधिक राजनीतिक हितों को साधने और ऑनलाइन सामग्री द्वारा धनोपार्जन में किया जाता है। 2016 में अमेरिकी तथा यूरोपीय मीडिया में यह ख़बर प्रकाशित हुई थी कि पॉप फ्रांसिस ने दुनिया को चौंकाया और अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति पद के लिए डोनाल्ड ट्रम्प का समर्थन किया। इससे पहले कि यह साबित हो पाता कि यह ख़बर फ़ेक न्यूज़ का हिस्सा थी, इस को सिर्फ़ फ़ेसबुक पर ही लगभग 10 लाख बार साझा किया जा चुका था। अमेरिका में राष्ट्रपति चुनाव से पहले ही नए स्थापित हुए वैकल्पिक मीडिया में ट्रम्प के समर्थन में एक सुनियोजित प्रॉपगंडा चलाया गया था। Chris Layton के अनुसार अमेरिका में राष्ट्रपति चुनाव के दौरान किए गए प्रॉपगंडा में राजनीतिक हितों के साथ साथ आर्थिक लाभ भी प्राप्त किए गए। डोनाल्ड ट्रम्प के साथ साथ हिलेरी क्लिंटन के पक्ष में भी असंख्य झूठी खबरे प्रकाशित की गयीं। ट्रम्प के समर्थन में प्रकाशित की गई 115 खबरें फ़ेसबुक पर लगभग 3 करोड़ बार शेयर की गयीं जबकि क्लिंटन के पक्ष में प्रकाशित होने वाली खबरों की संख्या 41 थी जिन को फ़ेसबुक पर 76 लाख शेयर हासिल हुए। फ़ेक न्यूज़ के कारोबार में ऑनलाइन मोनेटाइज़्द आमदनी का अंदाज़ा मेसीडोनिया के एक युवा की आमदनी से हो जाता है। इस युवा ने छह महीने में लगभग 60 हजार डॉलर की आमदनी की जो उसके माता-पिता दोनों की सकल आय से बहुत ज़्यादा थी। विदित रहे कि इस युवा के कस्बे में 2016 में प्रति व्यक्ति औसत वार्षिक आय केवल 4800 डॉलर ही थी।

एशिया में भी फ़ेक न्यूज़ और प्रॉपगंडा के प्रसार ने राजनीतिक अस्थिरता को प्रेरित किया है। बीबीसी के अनुसार 2015 में चीन में लगभग 200 लोगों को हिरासत में लिया गया। ये लोग कथित तौर पर यह अफवाह फैला रहे थे कि तिअंजिन में एक भयंकर विस्फोट हुआ है और चीन की स्टॉक मार्केट शोचनीय अवस्था में है! इसी तरह 2016 में जकार्ता पोस्ट में प्रकाशित ख़बर के मुताबिक जकार्ता पूर्व गवर्नर बासुकी पुरनामा के खिलाफ़ प्रॉपगंडा के तहत एक डॉक्टर्ड विडिओ आम किया गया जिस ने उनकी छवि को काफ़ी प्रभावित किया। यह विडिओ नस्लवादी और साम्प्रदायिक था। इसके अलावा ऐसा माना जाता है कि फिलीपींस में Rodrigo Duterte राष्ट्रपति पद फ़ेक न्यूज़ और प्रॉपगंडा के बाद ही हासिल हुआ।

भारतीय परिदृश्य

1947 में अंग्रेज़ी शासन से आज़ादी मिलने के बाद से ही भारत के लिए लोकतंत्र की राह आसान नहीं रही है और यह स्थिति आज भी ज्यों की त्यों है। आज़ादी के बाद से आज तक भारत लोकतंत्रीय शासन प्रणाली की प्रयोगशाला के रूप में सक्रिय है और दशक दर दशक अपने अनुभवों से सीख रहा है। पण्डित जवाहर लाल नेहरू के दौर में ग़रीबी, भुखमरी के साथ भारत ने पाकिस्तान और चीन से दो युद्ध देखे हैं, उसके बाद आपातकाल के दौर से गुज़रते हुए भारत ने निजीकरण, उदारवाद व वैश्वीकरण की ‘दुनिया’ में क़दम रखा। 21वीं सदी की शुरुआत में ही भारत मुस्लिम विरोधी गोधरा नरसंहार का गवाह बना और इस नरसंहार से देश में सांप्रदायिकता को एक नई संजीवनी सी मिल गई। पहले दशक के उत्तरार्ध तथा दूसरे दशक में डिजिटल मंचों द्वारा इस सांप्रदायिकता को और अधिक बल मिला।

डिजिटल मंचों पर प्रसारित की जाने वाली फ़ेक न्यूज़ तथा प्रॉपगंडा ने भारतीय लोकतंत्र के समक्ष एक नई चुनौती खड़ी कर दी है। इन मंचों पर बहने वाली मुस्लिम विरोधी बयार ने राजनीति का स्वरूप और कलेवर दोनों बदल दिया है, सामाजिक मूल्यों और समरसता की परम्परा को खण्डित किया है, तर्क और विज्ञान पर आधारित लोकतान्त्रिक व्यवस्था को आवेश और ध्रुवीकरण से प्रेरित बहुसंख्यकवादी व्यवस्था में तब्दील कर दिया है। ऐसा नहीं है कि फ़ेक न्यूज़ ने हमारे जीवन के अन्य क्षेत्रों को प्रभावित नहीं किया है; हमारे मनौविज्ञान से लेकर आध्यात्मिकता तक इससे प्रभावित हुए हैं, सत्य को वनवास मिल चुका है, मूल्यों का अवमूल्यन हो चुका है, समाज में संवाद और वाद-विवाद की परम्परा खत्म हो रही है, छल, कपट और भ्रष्टाचार बढ़ा है! इन तमाम बातों के बावजूद भारत में फ़ेक न्यूज़ की सबसे बड़ी चुनौती सांप्रदयिकता है।

सितम्बर 2017 से 2020 तक ‘दि वायर उर्दू’ पोर्टल पर प्रकाशित हुए हमारे साप्ताहिक फ़ेक न्यूज़ स्तम्भ में हमने पाया कि सोशल मीडिया में फ़ेक न्यूज़ और प्रॉपगंडा से सम्बन्धित खबरों, चित्रों, ऑडियो, विडिओ इत्यादि का प्रसार विभिन्न राज्यों में चुनावों के अनुरूप ही रहा है। देश के नौ राज्यों त्रिपुरा, मेघालय, नागालैंड, कर्नाटक, छत्तीसगढ़, मध्यप्रदेश, मिज़ोरम, राजस्थान और तेलंगाना में अलग अलग समय पर विधानसभा चुनाव और समयानुसार ही सोशल मीडिया माध्यमों पर फ़ेक न्यूज़ और प्रॉपगंडा कि सामग्री अथवा विषयवस्तु में परिवर्तन दर्ज किया गया। इस दौरान फ़ेक न्यूज़ की शैली से ऐसा मालूम होता है कि फ़ेक न्यूज़ फैलाने वालों का एक बड़ा समूह पूरी तरह से समर्पित और लामबंद होकर राजनीतिक हिट साधने के लिए यह कार्य अंजाम देता है। चुनाव के दौरान अधिकतर फ़ेक न्यूज़ प्रतिद्वंदी पार्टी और उसके नेताओं को निशाना बनाने के लिए और वोटों एवं चुनावी मुद्दों को साम्प्रदायिक रंग देने के उद्देश्य शेयर की गई। इस अवधि में तक़रीबन 150 खबरों का अध्ययन किया गया जिसमें हमने पाया कि इन खबरों का एक बड़ा हिस्सा (लगभग 21 खबरें) सत्तारूढ़ दलों के नेताओं ने विभिन्न रैलियों, लोकसभा, राज्यसभा, विधानसभा, तथा निजी सोशल मीडिया मंचों पर प्रसारित किया। दक्षिणपंथी संगठनों तथा सोशल मीडिया ने सर्वाधिक 52 खबरें प्रसारित की जिनके ज़रिए उन्होंने ने अल्पसंख्यकों (विशेषकर मुसलमानों), दलितों, कॉंग्रेस पार्टी, राहुल गांधी तथा फिल्मी हस्तियों को निशाना बनाया। आश्चर्यजनक बात है कि मुख्यधारा मीडिया के कई संस्थान फ़ेक न्यूज़ प्रसारित करते हुए पाए गए। इन सस्थानों ने तक़रीबन 30 फ़ेक न्यूज़ प्रसारित की। इनके अलावा सरकारी संस्थानों (06), ग़ैर-सत्तारूढ़ नेताओं (07), कार्यकर्ताओं/ कलाकारों/ शिक्षाविदों(14), ग़ैर दक्षिणपंथी मंचों(13) तथा सामान्य सोशल मीडिया यूज़र्स(29) भी इस कृत्य में लिप्त पाए गए। दक्षिणपंथी मंचों के अलावा फ़ेक न्यूज़ के प्रचार-प्रसार में मुख्यधारा मीडिया की भूमिका चिंताजनक है और इसका साम्प्रदायिक स्वरूप उस वक़्त खुलकर सामने आता है जब यह तथ्यों के विरुद्ध जाकर किसी प्रॉपगंडा के तहत कोरोना महामारी के दौरान मुसलमानों को निशाना बनाती है।

आलिया यूनिवर्सिटी, कोलकाता के शोधकर्ता कैफ़िया लश्कर और मुहम्मद रियाज़ ने 1 मार्च 2020 से 31 अगस्त 2020 के दौरान फ़ेक न्यूज़ निरोधी वेबसाइटों ऑल्ट न्यूज़ तथा बूम लाइव पर प्रकाशित सामग्री की विवेचना की। इस विवेचना में 289 फैक्ट चेक को शामिल किया गया जिस में ऑल्ट न्यूज़ तथा बूम लाइव ने क्रमश: 162 तथा 127 फैक्ट चेक प्रकाशित किए थे। इस अवधि के दौरान प्रकाशित किए गए सभी फैक्ट चेक को दस कूटों (codes) में विभाजित किया गया: (1) साम्प्रदायिक (2) तालाबंदी (3) उपचार (4) राजनीति (5) अर्थव्यवस्था (6) स्वास्थ्य (7) अनुमान (8) जैव-हथियार (9) अंतर्राष्ट्रीय (10) विविध।

क्रम	विषयवस्तु	संख्या	प्रतिशत
1.	साम्प्रदायिक (Communal)	81	28.02
2.	तालाबंदी (Lockdown)	33	11.41
3.	उपचार (Treatment)	30	10.38
4.	राजनीति (Politics)	21	7.20
5.	अर्थव्यवस्था (Economy)	10	3.46
6.	स्वास्थ्य (Health)	38	13.14
7.	अनुमान (Prediction)	7	2.42
8.	जैव-हथियार (Bioweapon)	5	1.73
9.	अंतर्राष्ट्रीय (International)	54	28.07
10.	विविध (Miscellaneous)	10	3.46

शोध में ज्ञात हुआ कि 289 फैक्ट चेक में 81 फैक्ट चेक सांप्रदायिक फ़ेक न्यूज़ से संबंधित थे। शोधकर्ताओं का मानना है कि कोरोना महामारी के दौरान भारत में मुसलमानों को खासतौर पर चिह्नित किया गया और फ़ेक न्यूज़ व प्रॉपगंडा के तहत उनको ‘कोरोना विलन’, ‘कोरोना सुपर-स्प्रेडर’ जैसे नामों से बदनाम किया गया। इसकी शुरुआत अप्रैल 2020 में तबलीगी जमात मरकज़ मामले के बाद हुई और भारतीय मुसलमानों को कोरोना फैलाने वाले वेक्टर के रूप में पेश किया गया। सोशल मीडिया पर एक विडिओ वायरल किया गया जिस पर यह दावा किया जा रहा था कि इस विडिओ में इंडोनेशिया के कुछ मुसलमान तमिलनाडु की एक मस्जिद में बर्तनों पर अपनी लार लगा रहे हैं ताकि भारत में कोरोना को फैलाया जा सके। जबकि विडिओ का सच यह था कि इसमें दाऊदी वोहरा मुसलमान एक मान्यता के अनुसार बर्तनों से अन्न का एक एक दाना साफ करके खुद खा रहे हैं ताकि अन्न को बेकार होने से बचाया जा सके। इस तरह की बहुत मुस्लिम-विरोधी फ़ेक न्यूज़ को कोरोना की पहली लहर में सोशल मीडिया पर प्रसारित किया गया। इस प्रॉपगंडा में मुख्य धारा मीडिया भी सोशल मीडिया के ढब का अनुसरण करता नज़र आया।

शोधकर्ता कैफ़िया लश्कर और मुहम्मद रियाज़ का मानना है कि ऐसा नहीं है कोरोना काल में ही साम्प्रदायिक प्रवृति की फ़ेक न्यूज़ को सोशल मीडिया मंचों पर प्रकाशित करना शुरू किया गया है बल्कि इससे पहले भी नागरिकता क़ानून विरोधी आंदोलन की छवि धूमिल करने के लिए भी पहले से ही सोशल मीडिया पर साम्प्रदायिक खबरों को आम किया जा रहा है। हमारे अपने अध्ययन में भी इस बात की पुष्टि होती है कि सितम्बर 2017 से ही विभिन्न विधान सभा चुनावों के दौरान साम्प्रदायिक प्रवृति की फ़ेक न्यूज़ उबाल सा आ जाता है। देश में मुसलमानों की अधिकतर लिनचिंग अफवाहों के बाद ही की गई हैं जिसमें सबसे पहले दादरी के मुहम्मद अखलाक़ को गोमांस की अफवाह के बाद मारा गया था। सोशल मीडिया पर समाज का साम्प्रदायिक ध्रुवीकरण तेज़ी से हो रहा है जिसका शिकार मुख्य तौर पर भारतीय मुसलमान हैं। वक़्त के साथ बहुत सी फ़ेक न्यूज़ निरोधी वेबसाईट अपनी जिम्मेदारियों को निभा रही हैं लेकिन यह दंश निरंतर बढ़ता ही जा रहा है। इससे स्पष्ट है कि फ़ेक न्यूज़ की यह महामारी केवल निजी प्रयासों से खत्म नहीं हो सकती है, इसके लिए कानून को सख्ती से निपटना होगा और इसके लिए देश की विधायिका व कार्यपालिका फिलहाल तो इच्छाशक्ति जुटाने में असमर्थ हैं। लोकतंत्र को बचाने के लिए न्यायालय, देश और समाज क्या करेंगे, यह तो समय के गर्भ में ही मौजूद है। विचारों और अभिव्यति की आज़ादी लोकतंत्र का अभिन्न स्तम्भ है किन्तु यदि यह ‘आज़ादी’ नैतिकता से ही आज़ाद हो और विकारी चिंतन पर आधारित हो तो यह किसी दैत्य से कम नहीं। अल्लामा इक़बाल के अनुसार:

हो फ़िक्र अगर ख़ाम तो आज़ादी ए अफ़कार

इन्सान को हैवान बनाने का तरीक़ा !

विमर्श अगस्त 2021 अंक में प्रकाशित।

A meeting with farmers that changed Nehru

2021-02-22T13:56:00.009-06:00

Published by Mainstream

More than two years back exactly from these days when farmers have now inched their way towards the national capital of India vociferously protesting against new farm laws, Prime Minister Narendra Modi while campaigning for the upcoming assembly elections in Rajasthan in 2018, said that a Congress leader used to wear a rose on his jacket but had no knowledge of farming. Modi didn’t name Jawaharlal Nehru. He has always been quick at peremptorily hurling political jibes targeting the prominent freedom fighter and India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, and the Congress party; and he do so more unhesitatingly in election rallies and electoral campaigns in a flamboyant panache.

Modi’s peculiar remark was about a person who started his own kind of political journey of ‘democratic socialism’ only after he felt traumatised and stunned by the awful condition of peasants in British India when he met a group of peasants in Allahabad in 1920; and about a person who wished after his death his ashes be scattered from aeroplanes over the agricultural fields in India!

Nehru passed through a continuum of socio-political life. He spent a ‘sheltered and uneventful’ childhood who was never made to visit a kindergarten and whose primary education was outsourced to governesses or private teachers. Latter would visit Motilal’s house every day to make the little Nehru learn.

In his childhood, he remained ‘filled with resentment’ on the misbehaviour meted out to his countrymen at the hands of the British in public places; and would be more than happy whenever an Indian hit back!

Nehru would feel ‘lonely and homesick’ initially at Harrow but later developed an interest in reading books and newspapers. He was attracted by General Election in England and now used to talk about politics. Also, at Harrow, stories of early growth of aviation and that of Wright Brothers fascinated him greatly.

Later, when he moved to Cambridge, he was equally mindful about what was transpiring in India on the political horizon. Though he proudly called himself a Tilakite, he was still filled with ‘shyness and diffidence’ to speak in the sessions of Majlis—the debating society of Indians at the Cambridge. Nehru used to criticise the ‘moderate politics’ of his father and wrote him ‘an impertinent letter’ that earned him the ire of Motilal Nehru.

Initially in England Nehru was influenced by Fabian ideas up to some extent which remained only an intellectual business with no operative ground. When Nehru returned to India in 1912, a feeling of nationalism overwhelmed him. Politics, to Nehru, was ‘aggressive nationalist activity’ against the British rule and Nehru was in a state which he called ‘all nationalism and patriotism’. ‘… I was a pure nationalist and my vague socialist ideas of college days having sunk in to the background’, wrote Nehru in Autobiography.

When Russia witnessed the Kerensky Revolution and the Bolshevik Revolution, he felt happy and lend his sympathies and solidarity with Russian revolutionaries. By then Nehru had not read anything about Marxism. Nehru’s real encounter with socialism was in the wake of his meeting with farmers in Allahabad in June 1920, and unlike the European experience it was on operative ground. Nehru met an opportunity which can be better expressed by a couplet from Allama Iqbal’s poem Tālib e Ilm (The Student),

Khuda Tujhe Kisi Toofań Se Aashna Kar De
Ke Tere Beher Ki Maujoń Meń Iztarāb Nahiń

(Tr.- God bring you acquainted with some storm!, No billow in your sea break in foam.)

A storm had now devastated Nehru which was brought about by vagaries and vicissitudes of semi-naked sons and daughters of India, their indigence, their privations and their penury. As a tālib e ilm, who recently encountered a turbulence, Nehru was to embark upon the promising journey of socialism.

Before meeting the farmers Nehru had a bourgeoisie outlook and so was his politics. It is evident from his observation in Autobiography,

“My politics had been those of my class, the bourgeoisie… In 1920 I was totally ignorant of labour conditions in factories or fields and my political outlook was entirely bourgeois…”

In May 1920, Nehru visited Mussoorie with his mother and wife who were ill and needed a rejuvenation. He stayed at Savoy Hotel where an Afgan delegation was already present for some negotiations with the British. Nehru was served a letter by the Superintendent of Police advising him not to meet any member of Afghan delegation. Nehru defied and was served an externment order. He left Dehradun district and returned to Allahabad where he stayed for two weeks. Nehru recollects,

“… a new interest developed in my life which was to play an important part in later years. I was thrown almost without any will of my own, in to contact with the peasantry… As a result of externment order from Mussoorie, I spent about two weeks in Allahabad, and it was during this period that I got entangled in the Kisan movement. That entanglement grew in later years and influenced my mental outlook greatly.”

In June 1920 hundreds of farmers marched from Pratabgarh to Allahabad city to make urban leadership acquainted with their miseries and woebegone conditions. They demanded the leaders from Allahabad city to accompany them to the countryside and take a stock of agrarian distress. On their insistence, Nehru accompanied them and spent three days in villages. This visit proved to be a ‘revelation’ to Nehru as he earnestly confessed in Autobiography.

Nehru observed that villagers were in tatters but their eyes were brimmed with hope and expectations as if Nehru and his colleagues would end all of their miseries. He was welcomed as a bearer of good tidings for farmers and their faith in these ‘casual visitors from the distant city’ filled Nehru with a sense of responsibility that frightened Nehru.

Jawaharlal Nehru was ashamed and shaken to the core! Ashamed of spending an easy-going and comfortable life and of petty politics of city that ignored countryside India living in rags and shreds. Nehru recounts,

“I listened to their innumerable tales of sorrow, their crushing and ever-growing burden of rent, illegal exactions, ejectments from land and mud hut, beatings; surrounded on all sides by vultures who prayed on them—zamindar’s agents, money-lenders, police; toiling all day to find that what they produced was not theirs and their reward was kicks and curses and a hungry stomach.”

After the Pratabgarh visit, Nehru’s outlook was completely changed and these hungry and naked masses always remained in his mental picture of India. The picture that Nehru saw stayed indelibly on his mind.

Nehru became bold and his shyness and diffidence was purged of. He started addressing public gatherings earning a great appeal and command. People started listening to him, following him. To end the sufferings of masses, Nehru devised a technique of socialism which was unique to Indian settings. He was not inspired by Marx but by the indigent masses of India. Perhaps, this was the reason why Mahatma Gandhi—champion of village-based swaraj—had said that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal would be his successor and that when he (Gandhi) was gone, Nehru would speak his language.

Jawaharlal Nehru was a true connoisseur of beauty. He was an eternal learner and never claimed to be an expert on anything under the sky. Graduated with second class honours in Natural Science tripos with Chemistry, Geology, and Botany, he believed that to appreciate an article of beauty one needn’t be an expert on it.

In the inaugural meeting of the Indian Institute of Public Administration (IIPA), Nehru exhorted the expert audience and civil servants that there was a need to develop ‘human element’ in the public administration which was inherited from the colonial era. He alarmed about the prospective danger that experts who were good at many things might become rather inexpert in understanding even a single human being. ‘It is just like a botanist good at his science but have no pleasure in flowers’, said Nehru. To Nehru, entertaining and admiring an article of beauty (like a flower) was a human trait, and it did not command expertise, vocational finesse or professionalism on the part of the beholder. Wearing a rose on jacket, thus, seems to be a ‘human act’ of admiring the beauty.

'The Wire Urdu' articles on Fake News in India

2020-09-29T05:07:00.324-05:00

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The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, June 02, 2019

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The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, March 10, 2019

http://thewireurdu.com/55534

ونگ کمانڈر ابھی نندن کی رہائی پر عام کی گئی فیک نیوز کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, March 03, 2019

http://thewireurdu.com/54773

پرکاش راج اور نریندرمودی کی تصویریں اور راہل گاندھی کے دعوے کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, February 10, 2019

http://thewireurdu.com/52368

انکم ٹیکس رعایت،رام مندراورممبئی-گوواہائی وےکاسچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, February 03, 2019

http://thewireurdu.com/51611

امت شاہ کے دعوے، دہشت گردانہ حملے اور بی جے پی کی تصویروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, January 27, 2019

http://thewireurdu.com/50976

راہل گاندھی کے متعلق گلف نیوز کی خبر، بی جے پی کے دعوے اور ثانیہ مرزا کے برقعے کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, January 20, 2019

http://thewireurdu.com/50371

کیجریوال کے ویڈیو، راہل گاندھی کی تصویروں اور اویسی کے بیان کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, January 13, 2019

http://thewireurdu.com/49876

میڈیا اداروں کے زوال اور فرقہ وارانہ سوچ کے عروج کا سال رہا 2018

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, December 30, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/48650

اے ایم یو میں کشمیریوں کی حمایت میں احتجاج، مودی کی ارتھی اور آدم خور روہنگیاؤں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, December 23, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/48256

نیو یارک ٹائمز کا مضمون، طارق فتح کا ویڈیو، اور ارنب گوسوامی کے خط کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, December 16, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/47656

سدرشن نیوز ایڈیٹر اور بی جے پی صدر امت شاہ کے دعووں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, December 09, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/47054

وویک اگنی ہوتری کا ٹوئٹ، پاکستانی پرچم اور کشمیر کے گھروں میں آگ لگنے کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, November 25, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/45896

محمد عظیم کی موت، ششی تھرور کا بیان اورآسام کی تصویروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, November 04, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/44550

سیتا رام یچوری اوروزیر اعظم کی تصاویر،راہل گاندھی کے ٹوئٹ کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, October 28, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/44107

پریاگ راج کے نام پر41 ہزار کروڑ روپے کا خرچ اور مودی کے ساتھ گمنام عورت کی تصویر کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, October 21, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/43594

راہل گاندھی کی ریلی، ہند و پاک سرحد اور پٹرول بل کی تصویروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, October 14, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/43221

کرانتی مارچ کی تصویروں اور اڑیسہ کے پٹرول پمپ کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, October 07, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/42689

رافیل ڈیل پر بی جے پی کےدعوے اورامت شاہ کے متعلق انڈین ایکسپریس کی خبر کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, September 30, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/42272

براک اوبامہ کی نوکری،پرنب مکھرجی فاؤنڈیشن اور گنیش چترتھی کی خبروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, September 16, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/41439

بی جے پی کے 25کروڑ، اسپورٹس منسٹر راج وردھن راٹھور اور راہل گاندھی سے متعلق خبروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, September 02, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/40419

کیرالہ میں سیلاب کے بعد وائرل ہوئی خبروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, August 26, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/40004

سابق وزیر اعظم اٹل بہاری واجپائی کے انتقال کے بعدوائرل ہوئی جھوٹی خبروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, August 19, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/39836

کیکی چیلنج کاویڈیو،راہل گاندھی کے ہاتھ میں نیم برہنہ لڑکی کی تصویر اور خنزیر کے بچوں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, August 05, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/38953

مودی اور ہٹلر کی تصویر،سدرشن نیوزکےدعوے اورفری سائیکل اسکیم کاسچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, July 29, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/38478

سورابھاسکر کا ٹوئٹ،فیفا میں ہندوستانی گانے اور وجے مالیہ کے چیک کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, July 22, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/37782

ایئر پورٹ پر سیلاب، مندسور میں کسانوں پر ظلم اور برطانیہ رائل ایئر فورس کے جہازوں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, July 15, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/37237

کرن ری جیجو کا ٹوئٹ ، مہیش ہیگڑے کا دعویٰ، ارندھتی رائےاوراجیت ڈوبھال کے خطوط کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, July 08, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/36679

پرنب مکھرجی کی بیان بازی اور برقع نہیں پہننے کی سزا کا س

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, July 01, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/36026

مدرسے میں مذہب کا موازنہ،یوگا کی تصویریں اور پولیس کے ظلم کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, June 24, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/35371

بنگال میں عید کی چھٹی، راہل گاندھی اور دگ وجے سنگھ کے دعووں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, June 17, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/34752

پرنب مکھرجی کی تصویر اور بیان،میزورم کا ویڈیو اور اتر پردیش میں 6 فیصد جی ایس ٹی کے دعوے کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, June 10, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/34228

تبسم حسن کی ہندو دشمنی، رویش کا بیان، اور مدھو کشور کے دعوے کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, June 03, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/33625

پریش راول کا ٹوئٹ،ایماندار لیڈروں کی عالمی فہرست اور جیٹ ایئرویز کے فری ٹکٹ کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, May 27, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/33003

نارائن مورتی کا بیان ،عیسائیوں پر حملہ اور لنگایت چرچ کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, May 20, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/32211

کرناٹک انتخابات کے دعووں اور’آئی ٹی سیل‘ کا کھیل

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, May 13, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/31634

اے ایم یو میں آزادی کے نعروں ، کرناٹک میں مودی میجک اور ہندوؤں کے قتل کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, May 06, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/31133

کٹھو عہ گینگ ریپ کے بعد سوشل میڈیا پر وائرل ویڈیوز کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, April 22, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/29917

جگنیش کی گرفتاری،ٹائمز ناؤ کی بریکنگ نیوز اور مودی کے دعووں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, April 15, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/29167

فری لانس احتجاج، بنگال کی برہنہ تصویریں اور پاکستانی پرائم منسٹر کی برہنگی کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, April 08, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/28558

سوامی مہاویر کی تصویر، حیدرآباد کی مسجد اور سولر پینل کو نقصان پہنچانے کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, April 01, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/27926

انڈیا ٹوڈے گروپ کی لائیو رپورٹنگ،جین سادھو کی پٹائی اور فیس بک پر بی ایف ایف کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, March 25, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/27231

ہرش وردھن کے دعوے ، رگھو رام راجن کا بیان ، فاکس نیوز کی خبر اور یونیسکو کے سرٹیفکیٹ کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, March 18, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/26499

سیریا کی تصویریں،نجیب کی گمشدگی اور کانگریس کی ہائی لیول میٹنگ کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, March 04, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/25021

مودی کے عرب ممالک کے دورےکے بعد آئی فیک نیوز اورانڈیا ٹوڈے گروپ کا گولڈن جرنلزم

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, February 18, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/24079

مودی اور امت شاہ کے دعووں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, February 11, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/23661

فلمی ستاروں سے منسوب بیانات، روہت سردانا کی کاس گنج رپورٹ اور کیرل پولیس کی اسلامی وردی کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, February 04, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/23323

مدھو کشور کے ٹویٹ، راہل گاندھی کے دعوے اور انڈیا ٹوڈے کی بارڈر سے گراؤنڈ رپورٹ کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, January 28, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/22982

انج لویا کی پریس کانفرنس اور اسمرتی ایرانی کے ڈانس کی خبروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, January 21, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/22724

اے ایم یو میں دہشت گردی، جگنیش کی پریس کانفرنس اور مسلمانوں کی بڑھتی آبادی کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, January 14, 2018

http://thewireurdu.com/22388

2017کو فیک نیوز کا سال بھی کہا جاسکتا ہے

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, December 31, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/21522

ٹوئٹر پر سارہ علی خان، کرن کھیر، تیجسوی یادو اور ششی تھرور کی تصویروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, December 24, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/21131

مردہ دہشت گرد اور تسلیمہ نسرین کے ٹوئٹ کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, December 10, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/20386

گدھوں کی رہائی،راہل گاندھی کا مذہبی عقیدہ ،’پاکستان زندہ باد‘کے نعرے اور مویشیوں کے ساتھ زیادتی کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, December 03, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/20115

بلیٹ ٹرین،کرنی سینا،ہندوستانی فوج کا خفیہ خط اور کمیونسٹوں کے متعلق ٹائمز آف انڈیا کی خبر کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, November 26, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/19755

سعودی عرب کاروبوٹ، گجرات کی سونا اگلنے والی مشین ، وزارت ٹرانسپورٹ کی تصویروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, November 19, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/19428

ٹرمپ اور پنجاب کی ویڈیو کی حقیقت ؛ جیٹ ایئرویز اور راہل گاندھی کی تصویروں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, November 12, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/19158

ٹوئٹر کی تصویریں ،وویکانند کا مجسمہ اور نریندر مودی کے دعووں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, November 05, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/18857

شیوراج چوہان ،دینک بھارت کی تصویراور ری پبلک ٹی وی کے دعووں کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, October 29, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/18486

دیوالی پر کرن بیدی کا ٹوئٹ ،عمران خان کا تنازعہ اور سپریم کورٹ جج کے متعلق فیک نیوز کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, October 22, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/18088

نوبل اکنامسٹ رچرڈ تھیلر کے ٹوئٹ اور کانگریس سے متعلق فیک نیوز

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, October 15, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/17773

کرنسی نوٹ کے گاندھی، دی ہندو اور سُدرشن ٹی وی کا فیک نیوز

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, October 08, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/17441

بی ایچ یو، روہنگیا اور رویش کمار معاملے میں فیک نیوز کا سچ

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, October 01, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/17182

فیک نیوز : کیسےسمجھیں اس جھوٹ کے سچ کو

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, September 29, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/16840

جمہوریت میں شہریوں کی ترجیحات

The Wire Urdu, New Delhi, September 01, 2017

http://thewireurdu.com/16060

Politics-Administration Dichotomy (PAD)

2020-08-04T07:24:00.040-05:00

Published on Public Administration Network of India

The roots of Politics-Administration Dichotomy lie in the early works of Woodrow Wilson and Frank Goodnow. Wilson wrote an essay The Study of Administration in 1887 and Frank Goodnow wrote a book Politics and Administration in 1900.

Wilson & Goodnow on Dichotomy

The term “Politics-Administration Dichotomy” was neither coined by Woodrow Wilson nor by Frank Goodnow. It is said that Dwight Waldo was the first person who used this term.

Woodrow Wilson’s essay was seminal in the sense that it laid the foundation of Public Administration as a new discipline of academic inquiry. He made significant observations in the context of American public administration that was grappling with serious maladies, corruption being one of them. To Wilson, it was getting harder to run a constitution than to frame one.

Wilson held that American administration lacked economy, efficiency, and effectiveness; and all that was the result of corrupting influence of politics. That is why Wilson wanted the American public administration might get rid of the nudges of politics.

He identified that the politics and the administration were two different spheres of activity with no overlapping. He observed,

“Administration lies outside the proper sphere of politics. Administrative questions are not political questions. Although politics sets the task for administration, it should not be suffered to manipulate its office”.

While the administration had to deal with the “detailed and systematic execution of law”, politics is credited for making the law. He said that politics was the special province of the statesman and administration that of the technical official. Wilson clearly demarcated the boundaries of the two and wanted a generic science of administration.

Similarly, Frank Goodnow held that politics and administration were two different functions of the government. Politics expresses the state's will and frames the policies accordingly; administration, on the other hand, is responsible for the execution of those policies. While the former represents a legislative character, the latter essentially shows the executive character of the government. Goodnow believed that these two different functions could not be assigned to one branch of the government.

Dilemma of Dichotomy

Politics-Administration Dichotomy clearly differentiates between the non-career political executive and non-political career executive. C. E. Merriam advocated that ‘politics’ should supervise and control ‘administration’ but should not extend this control farther than what is necessary for the main purpose.

Putting a line of demarcation between the two vocations is not an easy task for we cannot separate politics from administration and vice-versa. In fact, Woodrow Wilson himself had a predicament about the separability and inseparability of the two. While Frederick C. Mosher was confident that Wilson called for a separation of administration from politics, Fred Riggs, on the other hand, held that Wilson was under no illusion that administrative development could take place in a political vacuum.

Woodrow Wilson’s arguments for inseparability are equally important when he observes in The Study,

“No lines of demarcation, setting apart administrative from non-administrative functions, can be run between this and that department of government without being run uphill and down dale, over dizzy heights of distinction and through dense jungles of statutory enactment, hither and thither around “ifs” and “buts,” “whens” and “howevers,” until they become altogether lost to the common eye…”

In 1891, he said,

“Administration cannot be divorced from its connections with the other branches of public law without being distorted and robbed of its true significance. Its foundations are those deep and permanent principles of politics”.

Demise of Dichotomy

Politics-Administration Dichotomy lost its validity in the wake of New Deal movement and the war efforts. It invited serious criticism from people like Luther Gulick, L. D. White, Paul H. Appleby. Gulick rejected the separation of politics and administration as “impractical, impossible and undesirable”. According to Gulick, Politics-Administration Dichotomy had met a sad demise as it was a fact that administration was necessarily involved in both politics and policy process. In his article Next Steps in Public Administration, he observed,

We need more than the "service of knowledge." We need also the service of appraisal, of foresight, of values; yes, and the service of character as well. Thus the old dichotomy between "politics" and "administration" breaks down, and we need to develop a new doctrine and practice for the fullest possible use of the expert in an appropriate framework of political and professional responsibility.

Paul H. Appleby, who was one of the major proponents of New Deal, rejected the dichotomy claiming that the public administration was policy-making. In Classics of Public Administration, Jay M. Shafritz and Albert C. Hyde observe,

Appleby wrote perhaps the most skillful polemic of the era, which asserted that this theoretical insistence on apolitical governmental processes went against the grain of the U.S. experience. Appleby in Big Democracy compared government to business. In his chapter "Government Is Different", he emphatically shattered public administration’s self-imposed demarcation between politics and administration. He held that it was a myth that politics was separate and could somehow be taken out of administration.

To Appleby, a theory of public administration meant a theory of politics also. Appleby's Big Democracy emerged was an obituary to Politics-Administration Dichotomy. Van Riper thought that there was "no permanent solution, no fixed paradigm to this or any other end-means continuum". He states,

As we all know by now, politics and administration are inextricably intermixed. Both are central to effective action. One problem is to bring them together in a symbiotic association yet keep each in its proper place. The other is understand that the 'proper place' of each will vary through time.

Question of Accountability

Maass and Radway (2001) are of the opinion that there is a close relationship between the formulation of public policy and its execution. They held that public policy was being formed as it was being executed and it was being executed as it was being formed. Bureaucratic feedback acts as an input for the public policy process which is offered by the bureaucracy manned by professionals and experts and not merely clerks. In a representative democracy, accountability plays a vital role in setting government agenda and governmental responses to public aspirations. So, bureaucracy being at the central stage of the policy process is frowned upon on the question of accountability.

Wilson provides a solution that public agencies should be accountable to the legislature which in turn should be made accountable to the people. Wilson provides a hierarchical view of democratic accountability, thus confirming a distinction between politics and administration. This scheme of accountability in the hierarchy seems not very plausible as Friederich held that administrators would "likely to be more attuned to questions of administrative responsibility instead of democratic accountability". Frederick C. Mosher also held that future administrators should be imbued with a sense of democratic responsibility.

Finer and Lowi call for "increased supervision of administrative actions as a means of limiting bureaucratic discretion along with 'representative bureaucracy' and public participation.

Significance of Dichotomy

R. K. Sapru points out that the issue of Politics-Administration Dichotomy is not dead and it still inspires many debates in the discipline of public administration. He gives three reasons:

1. Developing Independent Studies of Institutions

Public administration is an area of action by the public organizations which imparts it an institutional outlook where it functions within certain agencies and not throughout the government. This inferred that a study could be developed independently of both the studies of politics and that of administration.

2. For Operating Public Agencies on Business like Basis

Woodrow Wilson observed that the American administration lacked economy, efficiency and effectiveness. This was due to political interference in the administrative chores. Wilson's conviction stands still relevant to get rid of corruption and inefficiency in the administration.

3. Defining Role in Relationship

It is important to define and understand the relationship (not dichotomy) between politics and administration it goes to the heart of what public administration is all about.

Naved Ashrafi is a Guest Faculty (Public Administration) at Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad.

Re-reading Iqbal: A Religion without ‘Social Justice’ and ‘Equality’ is an Absolute Fantasy

2020-06-22T23:05:00.014-05:00

Published by Daily O

This year, in 2017, Guruparb i.e. birth anniversary of Guru Nanak fell on 4th of November—five days earlier of Allama Iqbal’s birthday (9 November). It is beautiful that today we remember Allama Iqbal through Guru Nanak and vice-versa.

In his poem Bolshevik Roos (Bolshevik Russia) from anthology Zarb-e-Kaleem (Rod of Moses), Allama Iqbal (1877-1938) writes:

Yeh Wahi Dehriyat-e-Roos Par Hui Nazil
Ki Tod Daal Kalisaaiyon Ke Laat-o-Manat
यह वही दहरियत-ए-रूस पर हुई नाज़िल
कि तोड़ डाल कलीसाईयों के लात-ओ-मनात
On Non-believers of Russia the divine command descends
Smite all the Baals and Dagons of the Church !

With this couplet, Iqbal made a strong case to expunge all kinds of exploitation that the Church orchestrated in the name of ‘religion’ through self-made concepts like Baals and Dagons—the two idols. And Iqbal calls it a ‘divine duty’ of humankind to demolish such perceptions that had been exploiting humanity since antiquity. It was, according to Iqbal, what ‘God’ commanded to ‘non-believers’ of the communist Russia! Vouching for ‘social justice’ and ‘equality’ is a deed for which the God exhorts even the non-believers !

Similar references were made by Allama Iqbal with respect to the cunning Mullahs and imposter Sufis from among the Muslims. Iqbal’s works are replete with such criticisms. Take one from Iqbal’s Armughan-e-Hijaz:

Nikalkar Khanqahon Se, Ada Kar Rasme Shabbiri
Come out of the monasteries and revive the traditions of Shabbir.

Shabbir i.e. Imam Husain was the grandson of Mohammad who challenged the tyrant Yazeed in the Karbala (Iraq) and was martyred in the battleground. Iqbal wants the Sufi to challenge the tyrants and exploiters of the day instead of sitting idle in the hospices.

For Iqbal, exploitation and deceit in the name of the God is disgrace to the religion; for it relegates the very material purpose of life i.e. social justice and equality. This would be more clear when Iqbal’s poem Nanak from his Bang-e-Daraa is re-read as below:

Qaum Ne Pegham-e-Gautam Ki Zara Parwa Na Ki
Qadr Pehchani Na Apne Gauhar-e-Yak Dana Ki
The nation could not care less about Gautama’s message
It did not know the price of its unique pearl!
Ah! Bad-Qismat Rahe Aawaz-e-Haq Se Be-Khabar
Ghafil Apne Phal Ki Sheerini Se Hota Hai Shajar
Poor wretches! They never heard the voice of truth:
A tree does not know how sweet its fruit is.
Aashakar Usne Kiya Jo Zindagi Ka Raaz Tha
Hind Ko Lekin Khayali Falsafe Par Naaz Tha
What he revealed was the secret of existence,
But India was proud of its fantacies;
Shama-e-Haq Se Jo Munawwar Ho Ye Woh Mehfil Na Thi
Barish-e-Rehmat Huwi Lekin Zameen Qabil Na Thi
It was not an assembly‐hall to be lit up by the lamp of truth;
The rain of mercy fell, but the land was barren.
Aah! Shudar Ke Liye Hindustan Gham Khana Hai
Dard-e-Insani Se Is Basti Ka Dil Begana Gai
Alas, for the shudra India is a house of sorrow,
This land is blind to the sufferings of man.
Barhman Sarshar Hai Ab Tak Mai-e-Pindar Mein
Shama-e-Gautam Jal Rahi Hai Mehfil-e-Aghyar Mein
The Brahmin is still drunk with the wine of pride,
In the assembly‐halls of foreigners burns Gautama’s lamp.
Butkada Phir Baad Muddat Ke Magar Roshan Huwa
Noor-e-Ibraheem Se Azar Ka Ghar Roshan Huwa
But, ages later, the house of idols was lit up again–
Azar’s house was lit up by Abraham!
Phir Uthi Akhir Sada Touheed Ki Punjab Se
Hind Ko Ek Mard-e-Kamil Ne Jagaya Khawab Se
Again from Punjab the call of monotheism arose:
A perfect man roused India from slumber.

Iqbal’s poem is hinged mainly upon four themes namely Gautama Buddha (563BC-483BC) and his teachings, essence of Truth and Monotheism, spirit of social justice and equality, and Guru Nanak (1469-1539). Out of eight couplets in the poem, first six couplets are dedicated to the first three themes; while the last two couplets are dedicated to the Guru Nanak—the founder of Sikhism and the first of the ten gurus in Sikhism.

Iqbal says that Indian nation never valued and cherished Buddha and his teachings. Buddha called for the spiritual augmentation in one’s life by shunning all kinds of obsessions for worldly desires. For Iqbal, Buddha was a ‘gem’ and India could not identify the worth and value of its ‘own gem’; for they were particularly tinkering with the worldly pursuits of prestige, power and property. While Buddha was ferrying them to the spiritual path of salvation but they, owing to their own ignorance, were unaware of this. Alas ! unfortunate Indians were unmindful of the divine Truth revealed by Buddha, in a similar way as a tree remains in oblivion of sweetness of its own fruits !

Buddha’s teachings are premised upon the Four Noble Truths which establish that the sufferings in human life can be quelled by disentanglement from worldly obsessions and desires. These are manifested in the form quest for power, prestige and property. It was the divine Truth of life revealed by Buddha to his people. But Indians had their own fantasy of four social classes devised by them in the name of religion! Discriminating hierarchies and social hiatus prevalent at that time is evocative of reluctance Indians had towards the Truth and divine light. India, then, was a barren land where heavenly rains, in the form of Buddha’s teachings, fell but nothing yielded!

Speaking on the long precedence of subordination and exploitation of Shudra—the lower most caste in India—Iqbal says with anguish, ‘India had always remained an abode of sorrow as the Indian society was devoid of humanitarianism and compassion’. Brahmins in India were intoxicated with the wine of ego and pride by the dint of the self-framed casteist dogmas. While the message of Buddha was embraced by people in foreign lands like China, Japan; India remained un-benefitted with the divine light.

In the last two couplets, Allama Iqbal, the Sufi poet, has talked about Guru Nanak and the faith of Monotheism. ‘The idol workshop, i.e. India, was now illuminated after a long span by the birth of Guru Nanak in Punjab; monotheistic commandments would be rejuvenated in the Punjab’, says Iqbal.

Now, the word monotheism should be analyzed in broad perspective and it needs due consideration in today’s Islamophobic world. Monotheism means believing in and submitting to only One God. It must not be confined to the religion of Iqbal or of any other Muslim. Apart from Islam and Sikhism, Christianity and Judaism are essentially monotheistic in nature. References are also found in Vedas about monotheistic nature of their religion. And it is sine qua non with monotheistic literature of religions that religion must promote firstly the spirit of social justice and equality. For instance, when Moses was issued the Ten Commandments by his Lord, he was directed by his Lord to firstly challenge the Pharaoh. He was not directed, at first, to meet his people and teach them the rituals as to ‘how to offer prayers!’ Rituals were secondary, revolution was the primary task for Moses. Muhammad—the [last] Prophet of Islam—commanded proscription of ‘a man bowing before a man’. For the man is born free and they must not be subjected to any sort of exploitation, submission and oppression by the other man. And it is foremost duty of a monotheist to help masses purge of such submission and exploitation. With such vision, Guru Nanak, the mard-e-kamil (the Perfect Man) of Iqbal started his mission and awakened the slumbering souls of India.

The poem Nanak is of high relevance in contemporary India. When there is an exponential bout in unpleasant rituals and innovations within religions promoting thereby the unhealthy altercation among followers, environmental pollution, ignorance at the cost of rationality and scientific temper, believers must come forward to unravel those tenets of their religion that call for material betterment of humanity.

As per the religious tenets, spiritual augmentation through rituals is a private business of a believer; material betterment and social reconstruction, as one of the religious appurtenances, should be an explicit and perceptible reality in the society. Alas ! we are witnessing the reverse trends now a days. A system promoting casteism, enmity among religions, can be any absurd thing but not the religion. What should be the duties of a believer (a Muslim in Iqbal’s case), Allama Iqbal puts:

Yahi Maqsood-e-Fitrat Hai, Yahi Ramz-e-Musalmani
Akhuwwat Ki Jahangeeri, Muhabbat Ki Faravaani !
This is the destiny of nature, the secret of Being Muslim
World‐wide brotherhood, An abundance of Love !

Author is research fellow at the Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He tweets @NavedAshrafi

Will the ‘self-righteous’ AMU students now disown Sir Syed too?

2019-04-03T09:12:00.088-05:00

Published by Sabrang India & Two Circles

Sir Syed Ahmad Khan—the founder of the Aligarh Muslim University (AMU)—died on 27th March 1898. A day before his death anniversary, a group of AMU students reportedly turned hostile to their own alumna Arfa Khanum Sherwani at the unprecedented Women Leadership Summit 2019 organized by AMU’s Women’s College Students Union (WCSU) during 26-28 March 2019.

Caricature of Sir Syed as Natury Jogi

It was alleged by the protesting students that Sherwani had put some objectionable content on her social media profiles at two different instance that went against the classical pristine ethos of Islam. She allegedly ridiculed the hijab and used Quranic phrase bismillah (in the name of Allah) to justify her ‘un-Islamic’ act of celebrating Holi on social media platforms.

Online hullabaloo and trolling preceded the actual protest when on 20th March the lady journalist from The Wire tweeted her picture with the text holi khelungi keh ke bismilla (I shall celebrate Holi invoking Allah’s name). Though, not put in verbatim, the quoted text was from a master-piece of 17th century Sufi saint Hazrat Syed Abdullah Shah Qadri popularly famed in the sub-continent as Baba Bulleh Shah.

One has all liberty to pursue a critical debate on why bismillah was used by the journalist or one may out rightly reject the Holi celebration questioning—in feminist parlance—its very rationale or terming it ‘a festival to commemorate Bahujan burning’; but all that should be done with a spirit of rational decency on the cultured line of arguments.

Bulleh Shah and his Poem

Bulleh Shah (1680-1757) was a Sufi saint and a Punjabi poet who lived in the land we now identify as Pakistan. He belonged to the Qadri Silsilah—principal spiritual school of Sufism and Hazrat Shah Inayat Qadri was his murshid (spiritual master). He was contemporary of Sufi mystics like Hazrat Shah Abdul Lateef Bhitai, Hazrat Sachal Sarmast, Hazrat Waris Shah and Urdu poet Mir Taqi Mir.

His poem hori khelungi keh kar bismillah—otherwise termed as ‘un-Islamic’ by social media’s ignorant trolls—was written with deep hues of Sufism making ample references to the Quranic verses in the couplets: bismillah (Quran, Chapter 01:Verse 01), Ill-Allah (47:19), fana-fillah (55:26-7), alastu-bi-rabbikum (07:172), qaalu-balaa (07:172), la-ilaaha-ill-allah (47:19), nahnu-aqrab (50:16), man-arafa-nafsahu (59:19), faa-summa-wajhullah (2:115), Rasulullah (48:29), Muhammad-sal-lallah (48:29), fazkuruni (2:152), washkuruli (2:152), subh-han-allah (37:159, 52:43), sibghatullah (2:138), and allahus-samad (112:2).

This poem entirely engrossed in Quranic context reflects upon the relationship between a devotee and her God which Bulleh Shah visualises as ‘a relationship of love’. It must have not irked people [even those who cultivate certain kind indifference to social-syncretism] as the poem nowhere mention mythological figures like Vishnu, Prahalad, Holika and Hranyakashyap! I shall be curating over deeper insights in to the poem on some other day, let me now focus more Islamic-unIslamic debate prevailing on the campus.

Poem by Baba Bulle Shah

Point of Debate

On 8th February, what Sherwani put out rightly in her tweet on niqab, seemed more an irrational injunction than a sensible comment. Her tweet looked ostentatious, thespian and fancy. Many things, other than niqab, for which ‘Quran certainly doesn’t ask’ are a part of Islamic traditions globally owing to greater macro-environment, spatial-temporal dynamics and theological/cultural evolution. This may include diverse ways of offering 5-times prayers by Muslims in different parts of the world, different Prophetic narrations on a single subject mentioned in Hadith literature by different Imams, getting yourselves photographed for a passport to perform Hajj, and of-course syncretic Sufi tradition of rejoicing basant at the shrine of Hazrat Nizmuddin Auliya in Delhi.

Sherwani or this author may not be an ‘authority’ to dictate on what Quran ordains for the people to follow because we lack theological ‘legitimacy’. Still, if we do so, we shall be akin to that small crowd of AMU who in 2017 made it to ban the campus for Shehla Rashid as her more than one-month older post on Facebook immediately cropped up and allegedly made a case for blasphemy. Crowd ruled this injunction without delving in to the nuances of theology and consulting the university experts in departments of Theology, Arabic, Islamic Studies and Office of the Nazim.

So, people, including this author, at AMU were not cosy with Sherwani but it is very unfortunate that this popular despondency turned awful on social media. Trolls started putting continuous filth on social media and nobody came out with a strong rejoinder written with subtlety, legitimacy and authority contesting the journalist. Later, Sherwani’s 20th March tweet turned the simmering popular angst in to the high-voltage drama!

What is at Stake in AMU?

Many orthodox Islamic students’ group operate on the campus with no legal sanction from the university administration. They represent one or the other faction of Balkanised Indian Islam of Sunni, Barelvi, Deobandi, Salafi, Wahabi, Shia and so forth. Each of these groups have been considering themselves as the true saviour of pristine Islam thereby calling the other religious groups as ‘defiant sect’. Now, burying the hatchet, they have found a common enemy for themselves i.e. Cultural Education Centre (CEC). Latter is an institution run by the university for promoting co-curricular excellence among the university students. The centre, formerly known as General Education Centre (GEC), was constructed in 1950s with the aid of Ford Foundation, USA. As of now, the centre has many clubs that organize National level programs like AMU Literary Festival, national music festival Sur, national fest on theatre Ensemble.

These orthodox Islamic groups have now started calling themselves ‘saviour of Aligarh Tehzeeb’ and ‘vicegerent of Sir Syed’. Because CEC is a post-Sir Syed phenomenon, and does not fall under his mission of creating Muslim youth equally conversant with the Quran and the Modern Science concomitantly, it must be abandoned and deserted, they argue. Once Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was lamented by his contemporary orthodox Muslims as Darwin inspired natury jogi who used to dine with spoon and forks and who mis-interpreted Quran in broad-day light (which earned him fatwas). With all this in the backyard, orthodox boys have now started to induct Sir Syed in their orthodox sphere as the BJP has done to an atheist (Bhagat Singh) and a communist (Raja Mahendra Pratap)!

Tehzeeb of Aligarh and Sir Syed

Now, it is very much pertinent to unravel Sir Syed’s perception of religion, education, society, and freedom. While Sir Syed had best arrangements for religious education at Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental (MAO) College under experts like Allama Shibli Nomani, Sir Syed’s quest for secular education was aimed at reclaiming those rights of Indians that were forfeited by the British. In a lecture, he said, ‘Indian must be educated to such a high level that they may be capable for reclaiming their own rights’. Similar view was endorsed by Sir Syed at Amritsar Town Hall which shows the pragmatism of Sir Syed regarding the aims of religious and secular education.

He enlightened people to deal with social problems and religious traditions in a rational and empirical way. ‘New problems are now solved empirically and not by intuition while sitting in mosque, hospice and khanqah’, he asserted. To Sir Syed, ‘reason’ was an important touchstone to testify religious dogmas as he clearly put in one of his lectures, ‘I have devised ‘human nature’ as an important tool to testify if the religious doctrines are congruent to the human nature or not’.

Historian Khaliq Ahmad Nizami maintains that Sir Syed propounded two tenets for his concept of ‘nation’. Sir Syed, argues Nizami, had put that a nation (qaum) is not premised upon the religions (mazahib) and that all the dwellers of India constitute one nation (qaum). Sir Syed was a great champion of freedom of expression. In Tahzibul Akhlaq, he wrote that stifling the free opinions whether due to religious fear, or social apprehensions or government oppression was extremely bad thing.

So, Sir Syed had left a legacy of knowledge, wisdom, scientific temper, reason, empiricism, and freedom of expression without tinkering with the spiritual domain of man. He discouraged short-sightedness, ignorance and dogmatism. A certain kind parochialism and ignorance that has crept within a section of students are alarming, for it is against the Aligarh trend historically known as the Aligarh Tehzeeb.

Shakeel Badayuni, poet and lyricist, carried this tradition by writing many devotional numbers for Bollywood films sans any religious prejudice. He had written, in the eulogy of Prophet Muhammad, numbers like beech bhanwar me aan phansa hai, bekas pe karam kijiye Sarkare Madina. Notably, Shakeel is one of those lyricists who had composed highest of Bhajan numbers.

Hasrat Mohani was a revolutionary alumnus of the Aligarh College, who coined Inquilab Zindabad, and participated in Constituent Assembly Debates, and was among the founders of Communist Party of India. He was that ‘maulana’ who loved Lord Krishna and wrote poems for his beloved.

Majaz, another champion of revolutionary zeal, who invoked ‘surkh-aandhi’ (red thunderstorm) of communism in his celebrated piece Inquilab, penned down famous Nazre Aligarh that later became University Tarana (Anthem of the University). Then, there are Majrooh Sultanpuri, Josh Malihabadi, Khwaja Ahmad Abbas, Aale Ahmad Suroor, Ismat Chughtai, Shaharyar and others. Apart from these people, there is Allama Iqbal who had written extensively on Lord Ram, Lord Shiva, Guru Nanak, Gautam Buddha, Swami Ramteerth and others. Iqbal was closely associated with the Aligarh Movement and is still considered as a great asset of the Aligarh phenomenon.

Reclaiming Aligarh

Celebrating pluralism and diversity has been a relic of Aligarh from the distant past. If debating on issues with rationality, talking about socialism and communism, organizing literary and music festivals, rejoicing Bulle Shah and Amir Khusrau is against the spirit of Aligarh, will AMU now afford to disown Shakeel Badayuni, Majaz Lakhnawi, Hasrat Mohani, Allama Iqbal, and even Sir Syed? Aligarh should keep its spirit alive and Bulleh Shah must not haunt it! University administration must keep a vigilant eye on campus dynamics and should come out of any impunity. Next year, AMU will complete hundred years of its existence as university and it is high time to renew pledges with great zeal and scientific temper.

Note: All quoted text in the article is from 'Sir Syed aur Aligarh Tehreek' by Kahliq Ahamd Nizami.

Why Embracing Gandhi Without Nehru is Not Feasible

2019-02-11T09:05:00.027-06:00

Published by Caravan Daily

On January 13, 1948, Mahatma Gandhi undertook his last fast that was six-day long. It was the last attempt of its kind by Gandhi against Hindu-Muslim riots in Delhi. In a bid to restore communal harmony in Delhi, Gandhi, through his fast, demanded that the lives of Muslims in the city must be protected at any cost and that Pakistan should be given the pledged amount of fifty-five crore rupees immediately by India.

These demands made people’s blood boil for more than two days shouting Gandhi Murdabad (death to Gandhi) on the streets of Delhi and it was only Jawaharlal Nehru who could speak to ten thousand people in a public meeting in front of the Red Fort on the third day. Irfan Habib argues that convening a huge meeting and pacifying the angry ‘crowd’, was such a daunting prospect that it could only be handled by none other than Nehru; not even by Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad, and others.

Gandhi returned to India in 1915, and by the time he could fully plunge himself into India’s freedom struggle in Champaran, Nehru was just a young nationalist who used to succor Gandhi and other elder nationalists. Nehru had a high spark for radical and revolutionary methods right from his London days which is evident by his disagreements with his father’s modus-operandi in dealing with the British.

Though Nehru hadn’t read anything about Marxism by 1917 yet he was equally fascinated by the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and had a great reverence for Lenin. Later, Nehru became the champion of his own ilk of scientific, dogma-free, non-violent, non-bureaucratic, and masses-friendly socialism in India which later gained the currency as the Nehruvian Socialism.

Latter had remained a prolonged battleground where both Gandhi and Nehru locked horns over the nature of planning, village, industry, and so forth. Differences and altercations between Gandhi and Nehru were raised to such a degree that Nehru feared a severance of ties with his master! “I am getting more and more certain that there can be no further cooperation between Bapu and me”, wrote Nehru in his prison diary in Dehradun jail on July 18, 1933.

When the National Planning Committee and its sub-committees undertook the herculean task for making a blueprint on planning, the conservative cohort in Congress was not much happy with this socialist operation. Mahatma Gandhi himself, in a letter to Rajkumari Amrit Kaur dated June 29, 1939, held that the whole planning was ‘a waste of effort’. Requesting Nehru to clear his doubts and seeking illumination over the efforts of planning, in a letter dated August 11, 1939, Gandhi put it bluntly that money and labor that were being wasted would ‘bring forth little or no fruit’.

This strife between the two leading figures of the nationalist movement continued even up to the end of 1945. Gandhi had an unshaken belief in the villages of India, for villages were inhabited by the masses of India who, [mystically] according to Gandhi, were the fountainhead of truth, simplicity and non-violence. Nehru, on contrary, would question his master, ‘why a village should necessarily embody truth and non-violence?’ for villages were inhabited by that lot of people who, according to Nehru, were narrow-minded, intellectually backward with a backward environment. (A Bunch of Old Letters, Oct 1945).

Nehru’s perception for socialism in India was essentially scientific with seemingly much inclination towards industry than the peasantry. Latter always remained an elan vital in Gandhian philosophy and his zeal towards India’s freedom. It is interesting to note here that Nehru went substantially against the grain of what he, as the Congress president, pledged to promote the Communist Party in India and assured to take peasant and labour cause more vigorously. (S. Gopal, 1976, Vol.1, p.202).

Tussle over the socialism was not the only one point around which differences between Gandhi and Nehru used to surface every now and then. In fact, during the war period when the British were retreating everywhere and there were ominous dangers of India being occupied by Japan as another invader, Gandhi sent his seven-point draft to Allahabad Working Committee through his disciple Miraben. The draft was rejected by the Committee in toto. Nehru held that the draft was designed by Gandhi in unconscious cognitive capacity. It was a victory of Nehru, though a ‘temporary one’ as Rabindra Chandra Dutt puts it.

From Harrow to the office of the Prime Minister, Nehru’s outlook remained quite dynamic. He was open to challenges and had a great deal of dynamism to face those challenges. According to his biographer Michael Brecher, Nehru was a conglomerate personality of four beliefs that Brecher captures as Nehru’s ‘idees fixes’; namely, Western liberalism, Socialism, Gandhism and Nationalism. Dutt, therefore, argues that clash of views between Gandhi and Nehru was not of that quantum which would create a rift at the cost of perseverance and goals towards India’s freedom.

‘Gandhi just wanted to convince Nehru about the basic principles of his philosophy though Nehru was more logical and rational in economic matters than Gandhi and other stalwarts’, argues Dutt. Therefore, from Lahore Congress (1929) to 1946, Nehru remained the pick of the bunch for Gandhi as compared to Raja Ji, Patel, Prasad and others. In AICC Wardha (January, 1942) meet, Gandhi thus avowedly proclaimed (p. 282-83):

We have had the differences from the moment we became co-workers and yet I have said for some years and say now that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal will be my successor. He [Nehru] says that he does not understand my language and that he speaks a language foreign to me. This may or may not be true. But language is no bar to a union of hearts. And I know this, that when I am gone he will speak my language.

As the historical underpinnings stand clear and transparent, it is next to impossible for anybody, including the current ruling dispensation, to embrace Mahatma Gandhi sans Jawaharlal Nehru. With Nehru and his dynamism rests the future of Indian democracy and denying this fact is a hard nut to crack.

The author is associated with the Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He is a regular contributor to The Wire (Urdu) on fake news in India. The views expressed here are personal.

Jawaharlal Nehru as a ‘failed administrator’?

2019-01-29T21:48:00.042-06:00

Published on The Leaflet

Modi government’s projection of Nehru as a ‘failed administrator’ is as far from historical reality as possible

Administration, specifically speaking, public administration, is one of the most visible parts of the government. And the government in a democracy works on the philosophy of the Constitution. As far as the Constitution of India is concerned, this document, as the Constituent Assembly had on November 26, 1949, in general, was an outcome of almost a century-long struggle against the British, and in particular, of the Objective Resolution drafted and moved by Jawaharlal Nehru and adopted by the Constituent Assembly. Later, providence favoured Nehru and he, as the first Prime Minister of independent India, was at the helm of all politico-administrative affairs.

The Constitution was adopted, and enacted with the seal of “We, the People of India”. Nehru always visualised free India as “popular” union of self-governing masses where nothing but the People would have the primacy. Speaking to the Congress colleagues in Jhansi (October 27, 1928), he said:

Our very method of referring to masses betrays that we think ourselves something apart from the masses. By virtue of our intellects and our material possession we consider ourselves something apart from the masses. It is the way of hypocrisy...

The inception of the Union

At the outset, a well-deserved criticism can surely be put here that why Nehru with such a pro-people orientation allowed the whole exploitative bureaucratic machinery of British India to be incorporated in free India. This would be a sweeping generalisation if proper attention is not paid to the erstwhile national and international scenario of the World Wars, Partition of India, post-independence communal clashes, accommodating refugees from the other side of the border, poverty, diseases, squalor, hunger and so on.

Today, the ruling creed in the power echelons is trying hard to undermine the legacy of Nehru and in previous years had made various attempts at “idolising” Sardar Patel, thereby portraying the relationship between the two leaders as obnoxious and incompatible and it is where the roots of administrative inefficiency are being located by them. On the contrary, Sardar Patel — who is hailed as the Lauhpurush of India, credited with one, the merger of princely states to turn free India into a larger “Union of States”, and two, with the inception of the steel-frame of the bureaucracy —worked with Nehru in fine cohesion and coordination. The States Department inaugurated on July 5, 1947, succeeded the Political Department of British India and was an outcome of Nehru’s great toil for the socialist democracy. The department was later handed over to Patel which was followed by negotiation and integration chores by him with the expert assistance of VP Menon.

Threadbare on the eve of Independence

One may frown upon the compatibility of democracy with bureaucracy, particularly one that was inherited from the British police state. For the bureaucracy, in the Marxian parlance, is another form of exploitative instrument of the state. India rechristened Indian Civil Services (ICS) and Indian Police as Indian Administrative Services (IAS) and Indian Police Services (IPS) respectively. Nehru was still doubtful if it could serve the purpose of apro-people democracy. But Patel somehow made it to embark upon the journey with the meagre manpower and diminutive resources available at that time.

After independence, out of about 1,200 senior-most officers, more than 600 moved to Britain and about 100 migrated to Pakistan. Moreover, there was no personnel recruitment in the post-War period for the last two years. With mountains of problems like the integration of States coupled with the paucity of manpower and resources, India was on the verge of a huge collapse. Nehru wrote to the Premiers of the Provinces (dated May 5, 1948):

One of the great dangers to the Indian states…is the administrative vacuum that has been created since the 15th August. So long as the paramount power was in existence a certain rather low standard of administration was maintained. With the lapse of paramountcy and the unleashing of popular forces, it is of utmost importance to create in the states an administrative apparatus that will deal efficiently and sympathetically with the urgent needs of population.

Such were the exigencies of the hour that India had to start with the existing structure and its piecemeal democratisation instead of replacing and restarting it anew.

Global developments and Nehru’s progressive politics

Nehru was not in oblivion with the global developments in the theory and practices of the Public Administration, the discipline that emerged in the USA as an academic enquiry in 1887 with the publication of The Study of Administration by Woodrow Wilson. Nehru was very critical of administrative terminologies like neutrality, hierarchy etc., that the global literature on Public Administration was replete with. Nehru held that the concept of civil service neutrality should have no relevance in Indian scenario; for how could public servants afford to be “neutral” to the popular needs and aspirations of masses.

Nehru sought that public servants should have an organic relation with the political executive to serve popular expectations. For Nehru, hierarchies and excessive file notings promoted delays in the public administration and delays, in turn, promoted corruption in the administration. He made references to the Appleby Report (1953) that the old rules were not in line with democratic setup of India, they were meant for leisurely times and not for a five-year development plan to be worked out with speed.

Balancing Russian and American elements

Although the portfolio of public administration rested formally with Sardar Patel, Nehru showed excessive interest in it. Nehru’s zeal for planning and its docking with the public administration and the people is a testimony to the fact. Nehru did not believe in ideological compartmentalisation of things. Though highly inspired by the Soviet model of planning, Nehru in his presidential address at Indian Institute of Public Administration (March 26, 1954) found Communism “as rigid as a religion”. Nehru believed in “administrative realism”; he planned for planned development of independent India right after his visit to the Soviet in the British days but invited specialists like Paul H Appleby and Albert Meyer from the United States for evaluation and formative tasks in independent India.

Paul Appleby on Nehru’s request visited India thrice and submitted his reports strongly criticising the administrative machinery ailing with casteism, class-feeling, archaic rules, and compartmentalised nature of working of government departments. In his last report, when Appleby presented a scathing takedown of the Indian administration service, a furore erupted in the Lok Sabha. Nehru pacified the political leaders and emphasised that he wanted criticism by Professor Appleby to be as strong as possible.

Criticism and not self-glorification

In Nehru’s “New India”, there were seldom the incidents of “self-glorification” especially when compared to today’s “New India”. With Nehru, there was nothing like I, Me, My, Mine as we find with the apex leadership of India today. Nehru was very balmy to the criticisms towards himself. Up to the third five-year plan, the administration was the principal focus of Nehru, as the plans contained detailed chapters/sections on reforms, integrity, efficiency, economy and public cooperation in the administration. Nehru had a substantially open outlook.

Now a serious and genuine criticism can be put with regard to the prospects of administrative machinery in independent India and that criticism would not be applicable only to Nehru, but also to the whole leadership of the nationalist movement. Why the nationalist leadership did not have any blueprint of an alternative administrative system suiting both scientific and democratic needs in would-be free India? If there was no such system devised during the struggle days by the nationalist leadership, for what was the struggle being pursued by our leaders?

Should Nehru be criticised for administrative inefficiency or not? As far as the Nehru-bashing by the current NDA government is concerned, this is politically motivated. Declaring Congress as a product of a sick outlook and targeting Nehru is more an emotional outbreak than a rational reality with a basis in history. Nehru stood for many things that still have a bearing on the people of India. In fact, the very grand victory of NDA in 2014 Lok Sabha elections is a testimony to the fact that Nehru stood for democracy based on peaceful means and not the violence and hatred.

It is now the prerogative of this generation to decide on how to preserve democracy. Nehru said in the Lok Sabha on December 15, 1952:

Of course, you and I cannot lay down what will happen or what the next generation might do. You and I cannot say even say what the next generation will be like… For the present, we have to deal with the facts as they are.

The author is a research scholar at the Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh.

From Iqbal to Gandhi, Rediscovering what Rama Means for Indians

2018-11-07T11:11:00.012-06:00

Published by The Wire

In the Indian subcontinent, when one talks about the triumph of truth over falsehood, the story of Lord Rāma’s war in Lanka and that of Imam Husain in Karbala (Iraq) have always been a part of folklore.

Diwali, the festival that celebrates the return to Ayodhya of Lord Rama after 14 years of exile in the forest, is a good time to recall Allama Iqbal’s short poem titled ‘Ram’. Consisting of six couplets, the poem is part of his work, Bāng-e-Darā (The Call of the Marching Bell). From Iqbal in a Sufi guise it is a very special tribute to Lord Rāma:

लबरेज़ है शराब-ए-हक़ीक़त से जाम-ए-हिन्द
सब फ़लसफ़ी हैं ख़ित्ता-ए-मग़रिब के राम-ए-हिन्द।
Labrez hai sharāb-e-haqīqat se jām-e-hind
sab falsafī haiñ ḳhitta-e-maġhrib ke rām-e-hind
The cup of India is full to the brim with the wine of Truth
All the philosophers of the Western world have acknowledged India
यह हिन्दीयों के फ़िक्र-ए-फ़लक रस का है असर
रिफ़अत में आसमाँ से भी ऊँचा है बाम-ए-हिन्द।
ye hindiyoñ kī fikr-e-falak-ras kā hai asar
rif’at meñ āsmāñ se bhī ūñchā hai bām-e-hind
It is owing to the refined thinking of Indians
That India’s stature is even higher than the sky
इस देस में हुए हैं हज़ारों मलकसरिश्त
मशहूर जिनके दम से है दुनिया में नाम-ए-हिन्द।
is des meiñ hue haiñ hazāroñ malak-sarisht
mashhūr jinke dam se hai duniyā meiñ nām-e-hind
This country has seen many people of an angelic disposition
Who have made the name of India recognisable in the world
है राम के वुजूद पे हिन्दोस्ताँ को नाज़
अहले-नज़र समझते हैं इसको इमाम-ए-हिन्द।
hai rām ke vajūd pe hindostāñ ko nāz
ahle-nazar samajhte haiñ is ko imām-e-hind
India is proud of Rama’s very name
To the discerning he is Imam-e-Hind
ऐजाज़ इस चिराग़-ए-हिदायत का है यही
रोशन तर-अज़-सहर है ज़माने में शाम-ए-हिन्द।
ejaaz is charāġh-e-hidāyat kā hai yahī
raushan-tar-az-sahar hai zamāne meiñ shām-e-hind
Such is the miracle of the light of righteousness
That the Indian evening is brighter than the morning elsewhere in the world
तलवार का धनी था, शुजाअत में फ़र्द था
पाकीज़गी में, जोश-ए-मुहब्बत में फ़र्द था।
talvār kā dhanī thā shujāat meiñ fard thā
pākīzgī meiñ josh-e-mohabbat meiñ fard thā
Accomplished in sword-play, unparalleled in bravery
Matchless in purity and spirit of love

To the Sufi, eternality is haqīqat,or reality – it is the ultimate station of a Sufi wayfarer in the path of God where he visualises his Lord. Iqbal sees India’s cup brimming with the ‘eternal wine’ of truth that philosophers of the West had also partaken of in their insatiable quest. In the second line of the first couplet, rām-e-hind means follower or admirer of India – in Persian the word rām has a meaning similar to a follower or admirer. For Iqbal, India is a land of sages, seers, scholars and intellectuals; he is appreciative of the Indian mind’s search for eternality, knowledge and wisdom. This is what, according to Iqbal, had made India’s intellectual traditions soar higher than the heavens.

In the poem’s second couplet, Allama Iqbal uses the term hindi (i.e. dwellers of Hind or India) for Indians, unlike some motivated politicians, who owing to their illogical reasoning, call them ‘Hindu’. Allama Iqbal in his Qaumi Tarana emphasises the same: Hindi Hain Ham, Watan Hai, Hindustan Hamara (Indians we are, India is our land).

In his anthologies, Iqbal composed poems on Guru Nanak, Swami Ram Tirth, Lord Buddha, Khwaja Moinuddin Chisti and Khwaja Nizamuddin Auliya, etc. He saw them as exemplars of piety, wisdom, syncretism, love, compassion and peace, due to whose words and deeds India’s name has been shining in the world for so long. And, more than anyone, it is the name of LordRāma that is worth mentioning. Says Iqbal, India is proud of the very name ofRāma in whom the discerning see the ‘spiritual master’ of India.

Lord Rāma exemplifies to the people of India the spirituality enshrined in Hindu scriptures and it is for that reason India is proud of Rāma, writes Iqbal. He sees in Rāma the guiding light which makes the Indian evening more luminous than the mornings elsewhere in the world – he is a warrior of truth with an unequalled dexterity in fighting falsehood; purest of the pure, with unmatched depths of love and compassion. This is how Allama Iqbal sees Rāma.

In the Indian subcontinent, when one talks about the triumph of truth over falsehood, the story of Lord Rāma’s war in Lanka and that of Imam Husain in Karbala (Iraq) have always been a part of folklore. Be it the Ramlila performance or Muharram processions and majālis (mass gatherings), they reaffirm the belief of people that truth always triumphs – also that truth is always a call for peace and harmony.

If by way of traditional greeting the Muslim says as-salām-o-alaikum (may you be in peace and tranquility), the Hindu says Rām-Rām, which essentially communicates the sentiments of peace, compassion and blessing. However, Gandhi went one step further to argue that merely saying Rām-Rām would not serve the purpose of a sanatani — that ‘God’s grace shall descend on those who do His will and wait upon Him, not on those who simply mutter Rām-Rām’ (Young India, April 8, 1926).

But from the late 1980s, even the everyday uttering of Ram-Ram has given way to the political watchword of Jai Shri Ram, something Gandhi would never have accepted. He had given himself up to the spiritual essence that was the kernel of Ram-Ram, or Ram nam. How could he, who believed in a direct relationship with his lord thus, countenance Jai Shri Ram! Gandhi’s direct relationship with Rama, the epitome of truth, informed his views on Hinduism. He believed, ‘…Hinduism does not consist in eating and not eating. Its kernel consists in right conduct, incorrect observance of truth and non-violence. Many a man eating meat, but observing the cardinal virtues of compassion and truth, and living in the fear of God, is a better Hindu than a hypocrite who abstains from meat.’ (Young India, April 8, 1926).

When Gandhi fell to the assassin’s bullets with the words, ‘Hey Rām’ (Oh Lord Rām!) on his lips, it was as if he was in communion with his lord, seeking only one thing – peace and compassion. It was that very LordRāma that Allama Iqbal invoked in his poem.

Naved Ashrafi is a doctoral fellow at the Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He tweets at @NavedAshrafi.

Fake News is a Big Menace of Our Times

2018-03-26T23:07:00.105-05:00

Published by Countercurrents.Org

Fake news as an instrument of popular mobilisation in India—very similar to the West, especially the USA—has challenged our very philosophical-constitutional foundations and the most sought spirit of scientific temperament.

Fake news is a sort of propaganda intended to mislead the audience; a kind of yellow journalism. Propaganda or fake news is not a new thing in the digital age. The power struggle between Octavian and Anthony was accompanied by the propaganda; Maulavi Muhammad Baqar was martyred for his spirited struggle against the British propaganda. Even, peeping into the religious echelons, we find that the Sufi master, Mansur Hallaj was hanged after shear propaganda of blasphemy against him.

Claire Wardle of First Draft News identifies fake news roaming on digit platforms into two types: misinformation and disinformation. Misinformation includes that lot of fake news that is being shared and promoted inadvertently while disinformation is a deliberate propagation of factually fake news.

A kindergarten story of a rabbit claiming Aasman Gir Raha Hai (The Sky is Falling), as I think, may well fall in the misinformation category while that of a prank boy deliberately shouting and asking the villagers daily to save him from a tiger is disinformation!

Wardle further classifies these as news with (a) satire or parody, (b) misleading content (c) imposter content with impersonated genuine sources (d) fabricated content (e) manipulated content (f) false connection (g) false context.

With the exponential surge in the production of information in the last couple of years, which snowballed further with the internet connectivity and social media platforms, fake news is found corrupting the political systems of efficient democracies like the United States and that of non-democratic nations like the People’s Republic of China. In the case of India, challenges of fake news become more pronounced as India is far below the US in digital literacy and less authoritative than China in enforcing the state’s corrective measures.

Recent experiences around the globe show that fake news has been promoted either for political gains or for pecuniary profits. The story in 2016 titled, ‘Pope Francis shocks the world, endorses Donald Trump for President’ turned out to be false only after it had gathered 960,000 Facebook shares. In the US, a major pro-Trump campaign was launched on the internet before the election by alternative media platforms other than what we call ‘legacy media’ or the ‘old media’ as is evident by an analysis of Breitbart’s Facebook timeline done by Vian Bakir and Andrew McStay.

In Asia, the hotchpotch created by fake news is equally nasty. Nearly 200 people were reportedly arrested in China in 2015 for spreading rumors about stock market instability and explosion in Tianjin. In Jakarta, BasukiTjahajaPurnama, popularly famed as Ahok, had misfortunes owing to rumors through a doctored video that targeted his race and religion in 2016. The Philippines was portrayed in the fake news as the ‘narco-state’ that reportedly favoured Rodrigo Duterte in his way to the office of the President.

Fake news has emerged as a new challenge for democracy in India as it spreads misinformation and disinformation, retards healthy debates in the political system, manipulates popular perceptions, deviates priorities among the citizens, and promotes vested interests at the cost of democracy and rationality. Apart from the political amassing of people under certain destructive right-wing cult, fake news in India has been damaging social texture and human relations in society. Fake news that was disseminated in 2017, as this author has put in an article on The Wire Urdu, can be studied under the heads of fake news (a) borne out of propaganda by political parties themselves (b) targeted against Muslim, Dalits and liberal/progressive lot of people (c) by biased reporting of media houses, websites and portal (d) by government institutions, ministers, members of Parliament et.al. and(e) by inadvertent propagation.

In just the last five months, loads of fake news emerged from persons holding constitutional offices in India. In addition to KiranBedi’s ‘innocent’ attempts apparently by the dint of some outburst of emotions, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was also seen capitalizing on fake news amassing in case of DBT benefits, Ro-Ro Ferrari service, and others. Ministries of the central government also promoted the fake news depicting on their part what must be called as ‘irresponsible’ behavior. Moreover, the media which is supposed to keep a vigilant eye on the government’s omission was found behaving like a cheerleader of government and right-wing forces obsessed with more revenue earnings. Apart from the much-hyped nano-chip story by some journalists, we have evidence from The Republic, The Times of India, India Today, Times Now, and others. A right-wing online platform like Shanknaad, Dainik Bahrat, and Postcard News bode ill to India’s democratic health in many dimensions. Thanks to vigilant platforms like Alt News, Boom Live, SM Hoax Slayer that are unraveling the truth of fake news for quite some time.

Although, the fake news is detrimental at every level of society and politics the way it is maneuvering the energies of government institutions, political parties, members of Parliament, media outlets and citizens at large in the wrong direction, will be detrimental to Indian democracy in the long run. Representation and participation in a democracy, at the very first level, inheres in the free and fair electoral process. In India, the free and fair electoral process is ensured by the Election Commission of India—the constitutional body considered as one of the four bulwarks of democracy in India, other being the Supreme Court, the Comptroller and Auditor General of India, and the Union Public Service Commission. It was ensured in the Constituent Assembly that the Election Commission would be free from any institutional interference including that of the Executive.

Since independence, the Commission has been considerably successful in vitalizing the Indian polity, right from the very inception of India’s democratic journey with the first general elections to this date. Now, challenges of fake news are immensely detrimental to the free and fair election process, for these can’t be countered with the bodies like the Election Commission of India.

As of the various meanings of ‘democracy’, representation and participation are inextricably linked to its concept and process. This is the foundation that a much bigger corpus of theories and activism hinges upon. A general characteristic of world democracies is that they are manned, planned, and executed by one or the other forms of Weberian bureaucracy having ‘legal’ and ‘rational’ elements. Therefore, modern democracies in the world have three peculiar artifacts namely, popular, legal, and rational. Fake news as an instrument of popular mobilization in India—very similar to the West, especially the USA—has challenged our very philosophical-constitutional foundations and the most sought spirit of scientific temperament.

The author is with the Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He writes a weekly roundup on fake news for The Wire Urdu. Twitter: @NavedAshrafi

What Sahir Ludhianvi can teach us about love and revolution

2018-02-13T22:31:00.032-06:00

Published by DailyO

The poet was disillusioned by lofty and palatial spaces of emperors where women were objectified merely for amusement.

I don’t actually know how love is being pursued these days with the help of selfies, teddy bears, chocolates and some other comestibles.

Neither do I wish to comment on it, especially in that era of post-truth where Prime Minister Narendra Modi has informed the Parliament, “India did not get democracy due to Pandit Nehru”! Though, the fallible Nehru — as projected by Modi — is the same statesman who was once lauded by Atal Bihari Vajpayee on the same floor of the Lok Sabha as the “Ram-like” figure who would turn loads of impossibilities into firm possibilities and by Sahir Ludhianvi as the “Jesus-like” messiah.

The world is deteriorating day by day, so is the concept of love amid our quotidian material obsession. From Meer Taqi Meer’s "Ishq Ik Meer Bhari Patthar Hai" (love, to Meer, is a gargantuan task) to "Munni Badnam Hui" (Munni is defamed), the meaning and perception of love has been relegated to naught; and more sexist filth is yet to appear on the horizon thanks to TRPs and corporate investments in films that exhort filmmakers to go for more scenes of debauchery in cinema.

From Meer, Ghalib, Iqbal to Bashir Badr, there is a extensive galaxy of Urdu poets who tell us different meanings of ishq (love); but in this Valentine’s week, we shall re-read Sahir Ludhianvi — a doyen of the Progressive Writers’ Association.

Love, according to Sahir Ludhianvi, is unrestrained by any limit of society, religion or any other compulsion. One special element that Sahir’s poetry reveals to us is that true love is not sullied and mired by materialistic lust. Sahir didn’t want a person turning into a “wannabe lover” who would love the beloved the way some emperor had loved!

Requesting his beloved to step on to a pedestal other than the Taj Mahal, he says:

Ik Shahanshah Ne Daulat Ka Sahara Lekar
Ham Ghareebon Ki Muhabbat Ka Udaya Hai Mazaq
Mere Mehboob Kahin Aur Mila Kar Mujhse

Love is true only when it is not dictated by some external obsession, lust et al. Love is not the imitation of others. Love is a revolution that must be undertaken anew every day as per one’s nature and belongingness with the beloved. Love shouldn’t follow tailor-made rules, for love is not a Weber’s bureaucracy! It is more a business from within than without, as observed by Allama Iqbal in the transcendental sense, “Hai Tera Maddo Jazar Abhi Chand Ka Mohtaj.”

In secular terms, however, Sahir Ludhianvi has docked it with one’s material possessions and not material obsession. Guiding his beloved, he puts his case and asks her not to be enticed by mausoleums of “dead” emperors but get inspired by her own dark house that was seemingly devoid of life but accommodated those spirited people who had love in their hearts.

Murda Shahon Ke Maqabir Se Behelne Wali
Apne Tareek Makanon Ko To Dekha Hota!

He furthers asks why was she mired by such lust and obsession — there were numerous people, poor and in tatters, who too had loved and yet their feelings were more truthful.

Anginat Logon Ne Duniya Mein Muhabbat Ki Hai
Kaun Kehta Hai Ke Sadiq Na The Jazbe Unke.

Sahir was disillusioned by lofty and palatial spaces of emperors where love was not cherished; instead, women were objectified merely for amusement. He writes in Noor Jahan Ke Mazar Par,

Kaise Maghroor Shahanshahon Ki Taskeen Ke Liye
Saal`ha Saal Haseenaon Ke Baazaar Lage!

Women have always been treated as market commodities and this was one of the strong reasons why Sahir was so critical of markets in an aura characterised by conflicts of labour and capital (Nau-e-Insaan Me Yeh Sarmaya o Mehnat ka Tazaad). In his Chakle, his heart bleeds:

Ye Bhooki Nigahen Haseenon Ki Janib
Ye Badhte Hue Hath Seenon Ki Janib

In many of the poems and songs written by Sahir, readers would find that Sahir was not reactionary against his beloved when he couldn’t succeed in love. Rather, he adores her and cherishes her in every condition. He respects her consent (to be loved by her) as Tu Jise Chahe Tera Pyar Usi Ka Haq Hai and expresses his own humility in the saga of love as

Maine Jazbaat Nibhaye Hain Usoolon Ki Tarah,
Apne Arman Piro Laya Hun Phoolon Ki Jagah.

Sahir expects her beloved to become bold in the course of love and is purged of all timidities and ceremonial or ritualistic affairs; he demands close association with the beloved:

Zindagi Shola e Bebaak Bana Lo Apni
Khud Ko Khakastre Khamosh Banati Kyun Ho?
Main Tasuwwuf Ke Marahil Ka Nahi Hun Qayal
Meri Tasveer Pe Tum Phool Chadhati Kyu Ho?
And as a last ditch effort, he invites her,
Duniya Ko Bhool Kar Meri Baahon Me Jhool Ja
Aawaaz De Raha Hun Wafa Ke Maqam Se

Another important element in Sahir’s love poetry is the spirit with which he acknowleges the legends from society, culture, religion, mythology et al and his poem written for the Madhubala-Bharat Bhushan starrer Barsaat Ki Raat is a clear testimony.

Sahir cherishes dissenting ethos in the legend of Radha-Krishn:

Jab Jab Krishn Ki Bansi Baaji, Nikli Radha Sajke
Jaan Ajaan Ka Dhyaan Bhula Ke Lok Laaj Ko Taj Ke

In the end, Sahir established that the divine elevation of mankind up to the God can only be achieved by love — and love is so potent that it turns man into God.

Khak Ko But aur But ko Devta Karta Hai Ishq
Inteha Yeh hai Ke Bande Ko Khuda Karta Hai Ishq

Establishing love as the crux of religion, he goes further:

Allah aur Rasool Ka Farman Ishq Hai
Yaani Hadees Ishq Hai, Quran Ishq Hai
Gautam Aur Maseeh Ka Armaan Ishq Hai
Yeh Kainat Ishq Hai Aur Jaan Ishq Hai

References to the legends from culture, religion and mythology made by Sahir are of immense importance, especially in these days when progressive forces of our time reject them outrightly as “irrational”.

Indian society can’t be visualised sans these legends and there lies the failure: progressive forces are lagging behind in making close contact with the masses while fascist forces are utilising the same to suit their objectives at the cost of love and democracy.

Open Letter: On Ph.D. admissions, dharnas, delays and inefficiency

2017-11-26T13:43:00.003-06:00

November 27, 2017

The Vice-Chancellor
Aligarh Muslim University
Aligarh- 202 002 U.P.

Subject: On Ph.D. admissions, dharnas, delays and inefficiency.

Dear Guardian,

This is very gruesome and awful seeing academic affairs in our campus moving with snail’s pace; that too on a redundant and erratic trajectory. In this letter I wish to share my serious concerns with you over dharnas, protests and sundry other issues that plague the academic aura of the University.

Undoubtedly, dharnas are sign of vibrant democracy but if they remain unattended and un-addressed for long, due to over-bureaucratisation, by the authorities, they promote despondency among citizens who are the only clients in the democratic system. Dharnas and memorandums are like feedback loops of democracy as we find very much in human body controlling the homeostasis. For a better system, they should be rationally attended in a trice as our body does.

Recently, a twenty five days old dharna was ended by the university administration allegedly by using police force. The protesting [student] candidates, who sat at the Babe-Syed, were demanding transparency in Ph.D. admissions. Almost concomitantly with the ending of that dharna, another dharna is being staged at the entrance of the registrar’s office. On dharna, students are now observing relay hunger strike. These candidates have written to you with three demands viz.

1. Ph.D. intake in each department should be declared as per the current UGC guidelines, the same guidelines according to which the Ph.D. entrance paper was set and the entrance examination was held. The guidelines envisage (vide Clause 6.5) that Professor, Associate Professor and Assistant Professor can guide simultaneously up to Eight, Six and Four scholars in Ph.D. and Three, Two and One scholar in M.Phil respectively. Protesting students hold an opinion that UGC guidelines are partially followed by the university and the directions given under Clause 6.5 are grossly misinterpreted by the prudent faculty members and administration of the university. As far as I think, protesting students have valid point and their point becomes stronger when we know that in Aligarh MuslimUniversity we have no M.Phil. course in research. This means that in AMU, faculty members, if UGC guidelines are properly followed, will have three, two, and one scholars less than what the guidelines envisage.

2. Secondly, they put grievance that pertains to the ‘idiopathic’ (as I should call it) and alleged reservation of one-third seats for the next session. This is again against the UGC guidelines, they opine.

3. Thirdly, they demand that the exact number of Ph.D. theses submitted from July 2017 hitherto, be made public so that the vacancies created by the dint of such submissions are made clear.

As far as these demands of protesting students are concerned, these are rational, valid and innocent. In making such demands, I think, there should have been no dharna or protest. A single page application typed in MS Word document and after getting it printed at the cost of 75 Paisa at the Purani Chungi, must have been conveyed to the Controller or the Pro Vice-Chancellor or the Vice-Chancellor of the University. And after receiving the application, a quick perusal of the scenario must have been pursued by the authorities. But what exactly followed with the staging of dharna is quite bewildering. Let me quote Allama Iqbal here:

Zara Si Baat Thi, Andaisha-e-Ajam Ne Ise
Barha Diya Hai Faqat Zaib-e-Dastan Ke Liye

Sir, I remember that at the inception of the current session few students, along with former AMUSU President Mr. Faizul Hasan, met you requesting that the Ph.D. admission test must be held as per UGC guidelines and when they complained that the pattern of question paper was set by the honorable Deans/Chairpersons as per their own volition, your response for them was very balmy and soothing. You assured them that entrance paper would be set as per the UGC guidelines. The issue was resolved in about 35 minutes with no dharna, protest, memorandum etc.

But when things are procrastinated deliberately or unknowingly, they, according to the first Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, make inroads to the corruption. Politically motivated and vested interests start capitalising upon the issues that are not addressed sincerely in time. This certainly compromises the efficiency of the system.

I also remember your maiden interview in The Indian Express after being appointed to the glorious office of the Vice-Chancellor of AMU. First question was asked by the journalist about ‘your priorities’. You replied unequivocally to ‘enhance the research output’. In questions that followed, you promised for a ‘student-friendly environment’ on thecampus, and ‘no harassment of entire student community at the cost of few lumpen elements’. You also indicated that you recognize the potential trouble-makers, for you had been in the campus since long. I have no doubt over your sincerity and dedication towards the research in AMU. You postponed the Students Union elections just to ensure that research scholars would be a part of democratic process once they are admitted in the research program. [Let me confess that I criticized your very decision on social media and that was in a different context that I put my healthy criticism there.]

Sir, let me convey my request to you that do not let the above matter be made a “question of honour” by anybody in the university. As far as the point of “honour” is concerned, this must be retained with the Constitution of India and the democratic processes. Let the Khaap like mindset not cripple our beloved institution and its processes. I am saying this because I witnessed similar attitudes in bygone years in a case of one student named Mohd. Salman [and his friends] who was denied admission in Ph.D. in the Department of Arabic, AMU (see Enclosure 1). I think, after being selected to final list, Salman’s ‘right’ to admission, was sacrificed at the altar of ‘honour’ by the dean, chairman and controller! Fortunately, Mohd. Salman was a bright student, qualified UGC-NET in Arabic and joined M.Phil. in the University of Delhi. He is slated for submission of his dissertation very soon. He is my good friend and we both edited Golden Jubilee edition of MM Hall Magazine in 2014.

Apart from these, I also came to know about the administrative apprehensions regarding the increment in seats vis-à-vis as happened in HNB Garhwal University. There is a stark difference between the two cases. Students at AMU are demanding that they must be ensured justice as per the UGC guidelines. So, AMU administration must not fear in ‘ensuring justice’.

Lastly, I wish to put my own genuine concern. In the current era of IT and RTI, AMU should not hide the things and affairs. And there should be a pan-university transparency in affairs. For instance, in spite of having precedence of (1) allowing candidates to take away question paper booklet with them after examination is over, (2) timely depicting the scores of candidates separately of objective, subjective and interview exams on notice board of the departments, this year things have been put under the dark. And I am not hesitant in stating that this increases the problems only of the administration, chairpersons, deans, controller and their staff! Students are not affected by these prosaic attitudes. When things are not put in open, very often, rank and files are also nudged by the hidden hands— political or otherwise. After 2005, when AMU has fairly transparent history in RTI regimes, why are we become so shy and haunted!

I request you to kindly pay your special attention towards these genuine issues. There are greater responsibilities for us to shoulder on in future. Our institution and our nation badly need us. Let’s shun and solve now these paltry issues with ultimate dexterity, vigour, enthusiasm and pride.

Nigah Buland, Sukhan Dil Nawaz, Jaan Pursouz
Yehi Hai Rakht-e-Safar Meer-e-Karwan Ke Liye

Regards

Naved Ashrafi (GC-3150)
Research Scholar (Public Administration)
Department of Political Science
Aligarh Muslim University.
www.navedashrafi.com
navedashrafi@gmail.com

Re-reading Allama Iqbal’s 'Syed ki Lauhe Turbat'

2017-10-03T13:56:00.007-05:00

Published by Two Circles and Awaam India

Allama Iqbal’s Syed Ki Lauhe Turbat (Tombstone of Syed) has both Sir Syed’s seminal zeal and Iqbal’s reformist passion.

Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) is celebrating this year (2017) as the bicentenary birth year of its founder and India’s social reformer Sir Syed Ahmad Khan. Allama Iqbal’s poem “Syed Ki Lauh-e-Turbat” (Gravestone of Syed) is a literary microcosm of Sir Syed’s very reflective life and his seminal teachings. Today, when AMU is busy tinkering with the quantitative parameters like university ranking, there is an exigency to pause, take a break, and think what AMU is actually doing to fulfill Sir Syed’s dream! It should ponder over how it is AMU’s responsibilities in the 21st century in making Sir Syed’s rationality, modernity, manners, and amity percolate down to the lowest stratum of society. AMUites must think why do people just a few hundred meters away from the university campus are still living in dire ignorance, penury, and slumber? Having said that, Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and people connected with the ongoing Aligarh Movement need to focus more deeply on this particular message of Sir Syed that emanated through the words of Allama Iqbal.

There are at least two reasons why should Shayar-e-Mashriq (Poet of the East) Allama Iqbal (1877-1938) be remembered when it comes to his relationship with the Aligarh College founded by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) in 1877.

First, separated by a period of more than three decades, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan and Allama Iqbal visited England in 1869 and 1905 respectively. During his visit, Sir Syed made a resolve to start an educational institution in India on the lines of the universities of Oxford and Cambridge. On the other flank, during his stay in Europe (1905 onwards), when Iqbal started to address his community, he first addressed none other than the students of Aligarh College through his poem “Talba-e-Aligarh College Ke Naam” (To the Students of Aligarh College) in his classic Bang-e-Dara (Call of the Marching Bell).

Second, Sir Syed redefined and modernized the Urdu literature. He pioneered the studies and practices in Urdu Journalism. To Sir Syed, literature could be the best instrument of social rejuvenation and there was a need to change the subject matter of Urdu poetry. A shift from curls and whirls of beloved’s hair to the persuasive and inspirational poetry was sought by Sir Syed and his request was fulfilled partially by his contemporary Khwaja Altaf Husain Hali in his Musaddas. Later, when Allama Iqbal started his poetry with a robust and forging message to his beleaguered community, Sir Syed’s wish was then actually fulfilled. Both Sir Syed and Allama Iqbal wanted to take their community out of the slumber of ages.

Allama Iqbal’s Syed Ki Lauhe Turbat (Tombstone of Syed) has both Sir Syed’s seminal zeal and Iqbal’s reformist passion. The poem runs as follows:

Stanza 1:

Ae Ke Tera Murgh-e-Jaan Taar-e-Nafas Mein Hai Aseer
Ae Ke Teri Rooh Ka Taa-ir Qafas Mein Hai Aseer
Is Chaman Ke Naghma Pairaon Ki Azadi To Dekh
Sheher Jo Ujda Hua Tha, Us Ki Aabadi To Dekh
Fikr Rehti Thi Mujhe Jis Ki Wo Mehfil Hai Yehi
Sabr-o-Istaqlaal Ki Kheti Ka Hasil Hai Yehi
Sang-e-Turbat Hai Mera Gerweeda-e-Taqreer Dekh
Chashm-e-Baatin Se Zara Is Loh Ki Tehreer Dekh

Translation:

O you ! whose life is confined in the material world
O you ! whose soul is imprisoned in the cage
Look at the freedom of this garden’s warblers
Look at the prosperity of those once desolate
This is the congregation with which I was concerned
This is the reward of patience and perseverance
My tomb‐stone is ardently desirous of speech, look!
At this tomb‐stone’s inscription with insight look!

Stanza 2:

Mudda’a Tera Agar Dunya Mein Hai Taleem-e-DeeN
Tark-e-Dunya Qaum Ko Apni Na Sikhlana Kahin
Waa Na Karna Firqa Bandi Ke Liye Apni Zuban
Chhup Ke Hai Baitha Huwa Hangama-e-Mehshar Yahan
Wasl Ke Asbab Paida Hon Teri Tehreer Se
Dekh! Koi Dil Na Dukh Jaye Teri Taqreer Se
Mehfil-e-Nau Mein Purani Dastanon Ko Na Chhaid
Rang Par Jo Ab Na Ayen Un Afsanon Ko Na Chhaid

Translation:

If your aim in the world is din’s education
Never teach your nation world’s abdication
Do not use your tongue for sectarianism
Resurrection Day’s tumult for booty is stalking
Your writings should pave the way for unity
Beware! No heart should be hurt by your speech
In the new congregation do not start old tales
Do not start again what are now unacceptable tales

Stanza 3:

Tu Agar Koi Mudabbir Hai To Sun Meri Sada
Hai Dileri Dast-e-Arbab-e-Siasat Ka Asa
Arz-e-Matlab Se Jhijhak Jana Nahin Zeba Tujhe
Nek Hai Niyyat Agar Teri To Kya Parwa Tujhe
Banda-e-Momin Ka Dil Beem-o-Riya Se Paak Hai
Quwwat-e-Farman-Rawa Ke Samne Bebaak Hai

Translation:

Listen to my advice if you are any statesman
Courage is your support if you are a leader of men
Hesitation in expressing your purpose does not behoove you
If your intentions are good you should not fear anything
The believer’s heart is clear of fear and hypocrisy
The believer’s heart is fearless against the ruler’s power

Stanza 4:

Ho Agar Hathon Mein Tere Khana-e-Maujiz Raqam
Sheesha-e-Dil Ho Agar Tera Misal-e-Jaam-o-Jam
Paak Rakh Apni Zuban, Talmeez-e-Rehmani Hai Tu
Ho Na Jaye Dekhna Teri Sada Be-Abru!
Sone Walon Ko Jaga De Shair Ke Ejaz Se
Khirman-e-Batil Jala De Shaola-e-Awaz Se

Translation:

If your hands do hold the miraculous pen
If your heart’s cup is clear like the cup of Jam
You are a Divine pupil! Keep your tongue immaculate!
Beware, Lest your prayer’s call remains unanswered!
With the miracle of your verse awaken those sleeping
Burn down falsehood’s produce with the flame of your call.

(Translation Credits: Iqbal Urdu Blog)

The message of the Poem

The poem is an advisory by Sir Syed to three types of people within his community namely (1) intellectuals and scholars (2) political leaders (3) people of letters. The poem contains four stanzas. First introductory stanza addresses all the three above while the rest three stanzas address each group of people respectively. In the first stanza, Sir Syed from his grave, through Iqbal, addresses all of them and says, ‘you are shackled by your whims and fancies, by your lower self, and you’re prosaic in your vision and attitudes’. Referring to Mohammadan Anglo-Oriental (MAO) College as a ‘garden of hope’ reaped out of great patience and perseverance, Sir Syed optimistically calls them towards his tombstone and requires them to look with the eyes of the heart and to follow earnestly what it says.

In the second stanza, Sir Syed, through Allama Iqbal, advises scholars, statesmen, and learned people of his community not to detach and disengage his community from learning the modern science and technology; for modern science and religious/theological learning must go on concomitantly. Sir Syed says this in the background of his indomitable endeavors in establishing Scientific Society at Aligarh and the promotion of modern science to emancipate his nation in general and his community in particular from the slumber of ages. Sir Syed once said in his speech that students of Aligarh should have Quran in one hand and Modern Science in the other to march on the path of success. In the stanza, he also advises the scholars not to open their mouths in favor of “sectarianism” and “communalism” because the society, due to ignorance, is pregnant with sectarian feelings that would trigger an aura of separatism and hostility. Advising them to bury the hatchet of past disputes and arguments, Sir Syed exhorts them to ‘speak and write such things that will cause ‘amity and unison’ to prevail; no single heart should be saddened by your words’. Allama Iqbal beautifully puts it as ‘wasl ke asbaab’ i.e. causes or rationale for amity and unity.

In the third stanza, Allama Iqbal takes on community leaders. Sir Syed wants these leaders to be bold, brave, courageous, and indomitable. To Sir Syed, the rod of ‘bravery’ is the greatest instrument that a leader could have as Prophet Moses had. Moses never yielded to the tyranny of Pharaoh. Sir Syed advises not to tread the path of “self-interest” as the latter is derogatory to the one who ‘leads others’. True servants of God are reckless of tyrant’s will as their hearts are purged of any fear and flamboyance. Those brave hearts don’t yield to the illegitimate power of the tyrant.

In the fourth and last stanza, Sir Syed addresses the writers, poets, and other people of letters. He calls them Talmeez-e-Rahmani i.e. ‘the disciples of Merciful God’. Here, Allama Iqbal focuses more on the ‘merciful’ attribute than God itself. Sir Syed says, ‘if your pen has unique potential and mirror of your heart is so capable of taking exact view of time and society as of miraculous mirror of king Jamshed, then you are advised to write cautiously only the Truth.’ Mercy and peace are expected to be emulated of writers’ pen as their pen put positive impetus and forbearance in society. They are looked upon with utmost faith by the society and Sir Syed wants this faith not to be shaken at any cost. They, according to Sir Syed, are torchbearers of a constructive society. To Sir Syed, they are the only ones who can reinvigorate people from slumber and ignorance and can set afire the harvest of falsity with their writings.

The author is a Research Fellow at the Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He can be reached at navedashrafi@gmail.com

लोकतंत्र में नागरिकों की प्राथमिकताएँ

2017-09-18T17:20:00.002-05:00

इस लेख को 'दि वायर उर्दू' में यहाँ पढ़िए.

दिसम्बर 1885 में कांग्रेस की स्थापना हुई थी. कांग्रेस की स्थापना में अंग्रेज़ अधिकारी ए. ओ. ह्यूम और 72 अन्य राजनैतिक कार्यकर्ताओं ने अहम भूमिका निभाई थी. जहाँ तक लोकतंत्र की आधारशिला पर खड़े ‘नए भारत’ का सवाल है, इसका कंक्रीट, रोड़ा, सरिया और सीमेंट-सब कुछ दिसम्बर 1885 से जुटाना आरम्भ कर दिया गया था; भले ही आज की मौजूदा सरकार “न्यू इण्डिया” के नाम पर सब कुछ भुनाने में जुटी हो. नेहरु रिपोर्ट में मोतीलाल नेहरु का दर्शन, जवाहरलाल नेहरु के सैंकड़ों व्याख्यान और महात्मा गाँधी के ‘हिन्द स्वराज’ और ‘इण्डिया ऑफ़ माय ड्रीम्ज़’ जैसे सैकड़ों दस्तावेज़ों में इसकी झलक मिलती है.

यहाँ इन सब बातों को इसलिए दोहरा रहा हूँ क्यूँकि वर्तमान परिवेश में भारतीय लोकतंत्र आस्था, तथाकथित जनचेतना, बाबा-परस्ती, नेता-परस्ती और अंधभक्ति के जिस ग़ैर-तार्किक गैस चैम्बर में घुट-घुट के साँस ले रहा है, वह अनायास ही नहीं है. देश के अवाम का बड़ा हिस्सा ख़ुद को हर चीज़ के आगे समर्पित कर बैठा है, सिवाय लोकतंत्र के “वैज्ञानिक स्वरुप” के ! हमारी आस्था देश के जनतांत्रिक उसूलों के अलावा हर व्यर्थ की धारणा, वस्तु अथवा व्यक्ति में है और इस आस्था में कहीं धर्म का दखल होता है और कहीं नहीं.

ऐतिहासिक परिप्रेक्ष्य में देखा जाये तो भारतीय जनमानस में ग़ैर-तार्किक अव्यवों का काफ़ी प्रभाव रहा है. पश्चिम में भारत को जादूगरो और सपेरों के देश के रूप में जाना जाता रहा है. मिथक हमारे जीवन में बुरी तरह पैवस्त हैं. जब कांग्रेस का गठन हुआ तो इसकी स्थापना को लेकर भी एक मिथक जुड़ गया और वो यह था कि इसकी स्थापना के पीछे हिमालय में रहने वाले बाबाओं का हाथ है. यह तथ्य बाक़ायदा इतिहास की किताबों में दर्ज है और ‘सेफ्टी वाल्व’ अथवा ‘सुरक्षा वाल्व’ की परिकल्पना के रूप में मशहूर है. हालाँकि इस मिथक का खण्डन इतिहासकार बिपन चंद्रा और सह-इतिहासकारों ने अपनी उसी किताब में विस्तृत रूप से किया है जिसको लेकर फ़ासीवादियों ने पिछले सालों में भगत सिंह सरीखे क्रांतिकारियों के लिए शब्द ‘क्रांतिकारी आतंकवादी ’ का इस्तेमाल किये जाने पर हंगामा किया था.

हमारे देश में मिथकों का खासा दख़ल रहा है और यह आज भी जारी है. यह दखल उस वक़्त सबसे ख़तरनाक साबित होता है जब विज्ञान और तर्क की बुनियाद पर खड़े लोकतंत्र में न्यायपालिका भी तथाकथित जनचेतना अथवा झूठी आस्था के आधार पर फैसले देने लग जाये. भारत में हमेशा से मौजूद रहे इन मिथकों और झूठी आस्थाओं के बारे में हेगल, कार्ल मार्क्स और फ्रेडरिक एंजेल्स जैसे विचारकों ने बहुत कुछ लिखा है जिसका ब्यौरा ‘कार्ल मार्क्स ऑन इण्डिया (अलीगढ़ हिस्टोरियन सोसाइटी/तुलिका बुक्स)’ नामक पुस्तक में मिलता है. इस संकलन में आस्था अथवा अंधभक्ति के नाम पर मानव-बलि जैसी कुरीतियों को अवैज्ञानिक और अतार्किक बताया गया है.

पश्चिमी विचारकों और दार्शनिकों के अलावा भारतीय समाज सुधारकों ने आज़ादी के संघर्ष के दौरान बड़े पैमाने पर विज्ञान के प्रोत्साहन पर काम किये. राजा राममोहन राय, ईश्वरचंद्र विद्यासागर, सर सय्यद अहमद खान, जवाहरलाल नेहरु जैसों की एक लम्बी सूची बनाई जा सकती है. ये लोग इस दिशा में इसलिए काम कर रहे थे कि जब अंग्रेज़ों से हमें आज़ादी मिलेगी और हमारे देश की कमान स्वयं हमारे हाथों में आएगी तो हमारे पास वैकल्पिक शासन प्रणाली के रूप में क्या होगा एवं हमारा सामाजिक-आर्थिक ढाँचा किस प्रकार का होगा? 1938 में भारतीय विज्ञान कांग्रेस के रजत जयंती अधिवेशन में वैज्ञानिकों को संबोधित करते हुए जवाहर लाल नेहरु ने कहा था, ‘हमें नए भारत का निर्माण वैज्ञानिक आधारशिला पर करना है’. लेकिन अब प्रश्न यह उठता है कि क्या हम उसी भारत में जी रहे हैं जिसकी परिकल्पना हमारे पूर्वजों ने की थी!

समाजशास्त्री मैक्स वेबर ने राज्य के चरित्र को इस कसौटी पर परखा है कि यह जांचा जाए उसकी शक्ति, प्राधिकार और वैधता (Power, Authority and Legitimacy) किस प्रकार की है. उनके अनुसार यह तीन प्रकार की हो सकती है. पहला, पारम्परिक जिसमे सत्ता अधिकार एक ही परिवार की पीढ़ियों में आगे बढ़ता है, जहाँ मामले पैतृक अथवा अनुवांशिक होते हैं. दूसरा, करिज़्मा आधारित यानि किसी व्यक्ति के हाव-भाव, समाज में प्रतिष्ठा और इसकी बिना पर उसका अंधानुकरण. फ़ासीवादी हिटलर, मुसलोनी इसी के सहारे पनपे थे. तीसरा, तार्किक. विश्व का लगभग हर आधुनिक लोकतंत्र वेबर द्वारा प्रतिपादित इसी तीसरी श्रेणी में आता है जहाँ नौकरशाही और राजशाही दोनों तर्क और विज्ञान पर आधारित होते हैं. भारत समेत अन्य लोकतंत्र की प्रेरणा और ध्येय केवल एक ही होता है, ‘विज्ञान आधारित कल्याणकारी राज्य’ की स्थापना करना. इस तरह की प्रणाली में शासन-प्रशासन की सारी ऊर्जा का स्रोत, केंद्र तथा गंतव्य केवल “अवाम” होते है. अवाम सर्वोपरी होते हैं. संविधान और संवैधानिक संस्थाए अवाम की भलाई के लिए ही बनते हैं. सरकारें संविधान के अनुरूप राज्य के प्रतिष्ठानों में काम करती हैं और जनसेवा तथा जनकल्याण के अलावा उनका कोई दूसरा काम लोकतंत्र में नहीं होता है. लोकतंत्र में वोटरों और जन-प्रतिनिधियों के बीच बेलट पर एक प्रकार का अल्पकालीन समझौता होता है जो राज्य अथवा सरकारों द्वारा जनहित में सेवा निष्पादन पर निर्भर करता है. एक आदर्श लोकतंत्र में आस्था, धर्म, व्यक्तिगत हाव-भाव का सार्वजानिक हस्तक्षेप उसको भ्रष्ट बनाता है. लेकिन भारत में हालात एकदम विपरीत है.

गत सप्ताह डेरा सच्चा सौदा के प्रमुख बाबा रामरहीम को महिला उत्पीड़न के मामले में सीबीआई की अदालत द्वारा दोषी ठहराया जाना, तत्पश्चात उनके अनुयायियों द्वारा तोड़फोड़ और हंगामा करना लोकतंत्र के बुरे अनुभवों में से एक है. उन दिनों प्रिंट, इलेक्ट्रॉनिक तथा सोशल मीडिया पर मौजूद बहुत सी ख़बरें और तस्वीरे इस बात को दर्शाती हैं कि बाबा रामरहीम सत्ता के गलियारों अथवा सत्ताधारियों के काफ़ी क़रीब रहे हैं. बाबा और राजनेताओं के सामिप्य से जो हासिल होता है वो भले ही दोनों प्रतिभागियों के लिए लाभप्रद हो लेकिन लोकतंत्र के लिए बिलकुल भी अच्छा नहीं है. तिस, बाबा के पक्ष में कुछ सांसदों/ नेताओं का बोलना और उनके द्वारा अदालत को उपद्रव के लिए ज़िम्मेदार ठहराना दर्शाता है कि लोकतंत्र किस दिशा में जा रहा है. इसी तरह राज्य द्वारा प्रदत्त सेवाओं और सुविधाओं का पतन, रेल दुर्घटनाओं का क्रम, नोटबंदी के दुष्परिणाम, गोरखपुर में बच्चों की मौतो पर हमारी सरकारों का ग़ैर-ज़िम्मेदाराना रवैया -यह सवाल खड़े करता है कि आख़िर हमारी सरकारें किस आधार पर और किसके हित में काम कर रही हैं? उनके यहाँ नागरिक को प्राथमिकता क्यूँ नहीं दी जा रही है और इतने बड़े सर्विस वैक्यूम (सेवा-निर्वात) के बावजूद भी सिविल सोसाइटी, नागरिक और न्यायालय इत्यादि सरकार की जवाबदेही स्थापित करने में क्यूँ असमर्थ हैं?

बीमारी बड़ी है और इसके कारण भी स्पष्ट हैं. लोकतंत्र के तार्किक सिद्धांतों को वनवास दिया जा चुका है. धर्मसत्ता, आस्था और अन्धानुकरण के चलन ने राजसत्ता से टांका जोड़ लिया है. धर्मसत्ता का लोकतंत्र की बड़ी भीड़ पर वृहत नियंत्रण होता है जो बाद में नेताओं को राजसत्ता के गलियारों में पहुंचाती है. धर्मसत्ता के चंगुल में फंसे नागरिक उस रूप में भयमुक्त नहीं होते हैं जिस तरह रबीन्द्रनाथ टैगोर ने अपनी कविता ‘फ्रीडम’ में “नए भारत” के लिए सोचा था. अपने जनप्रतिनिधि चुनने के बाद भी वे बाबाओं के अधीन ही होते हैं. वे वोट डालने से पहले भी बाबाओं से समस्या का समाधान ढूंढ रहे होते हैं और वोट डालने के बाद भी उन्ही बाबाओं पास जाते हैं जबकि उन्हें पता होना चाहिए कि लोकतंत्र में नागरिकों की समस्याओं का निवारण करना सरकार का इकलौता कर्तव्य है. और यह कि दिल की बीमारी या गुर्दे की ख़राबी में बाबा नहीं बल्कि सरकार अस्पतालों के ज़रिये नागरिकों की चिंता करेगी.

राज्य में सरकार और नागरिकों का सम्बन्ध कानून और तर्क की बुनियादों पर होना चाहिए. करिज़्मा, हावभाव या व्यक्तिगत रसूख पर नहीं. सत्तर के दशक से पनपने वाली अलोकतांत्रिक प्रवृतियों ने भारतीय लोकतंत्र को काफ़ी नुकसान पहुँचाया है. नुरेम्बुर्ग रैलियों में नाज़ी समर्थक भीड़ में ‘हिटलर जर्मनी हैं और जर्मनी हिटलर है’ के नारे लगाये जाते थे. उसी तरह की बातों का दौर भारत में भी आया जिसमें एक व्यक्तित्व में ही लोकतंत्र की असीम सृजनात्मक शक्ति को एकीकृत करके प्रचलित किया गया. इसकी वजह से भारत में नेता-परस्ती का एक दौर शुरू हुआ जो फिर बाद में फ़ासीवादी शक्तियों के ‘तर्क-विरोधी’ रवैयों से अधिक स्थूल होता गया. चौरासी, बाबरी विध्वंस, गोधरा, मुज़फ्फ़रनगर, दाभोलकर-पन्सरे की हत्याएँ इसी क्रम की छोटी-छोटी कड़ियाँ हैं जिसमे किसी विशेष पार्टी का योगदान नहीं है, बल्कि सभी ज़िम्मेदार हैं. सभी के बाबाओं से सम्बन्ध रहे हैं. जनता नेताओं से धर्म, ज़ात अथवा इलाकाई बुनियादों पर जुड़ने लगी और संविधान की जो कड़ी हमें दी गयी थी उसको भुला दिया गया. जो उद्देश्य संविधान ने मौलिक अधिकारों, नीति-निर्देशक तत्वों और बाद में मौलिक कर्तव्यों में दर्ज किये थे वे पथभ्रष्ट हो गए.

कथित “समाजवाद” के नाम से आने वाली सरकार उत्तर प्रदेश के मुज़फ्फ़रनगर में सांप्रदायिक हिंसा को नहीं रोक पाती है और लॉ एंड ऑर्डर की अव्यवस्था को ठीक करने के बजाय सरकार में बैठे लोग मामले को संयुक्त राष्ट्र में ले जाने की ढुलमुल बातें करते रहे ! संविधान के अनुच्छेद 21 के तहत पीड़ितों को मिले “जीवन के अधिकार” से वंचित रहना पड़ा; इसपर इसी अनुच्छेद के अंतर्गत “गारिमामय जीवन” की तो बात ही भूल जाइये ! ठीक इसी तरह का मामला गोरखपुर में बच्चों की मौतों पर सामने आता है. लेकिन राजनेता को बाबा की गिरफ़्तारी में देश की संस्कृति का पतन नज़र आता है, मासूमों की मौत में नहीं. उनके पास अगस्त (यानि भादो) के महीने में बच्चों के मरने की बातें तो हैं लेकिन उसी भादो के महीने में उसी देश के उसी प्रदेश में श्रीकृष्ण के जन्म को वे भुला देते हैं और अफ़सोस कि इस पर उनके अनुयायी उनसे सवाल नहीं पूछते ! उनसे यह नहीं पूछते कि नेता जी आप तो अगस्त में बच्चों के मरने की बात करते हैं, किन्तु भारत में हर युग में धर्म की स्थापना का वचन देने वाले श्री कृष्ण तो इसी माह में पैदा होते हैं !!

उत्तरप्रदेश में सम्भल मुस्लिम-बहुलता वाला क्षेत्र है. यहाँ 78-80 प्रतिशत तक मुस्लिम हैं. ऐतिहासिक दृष्टि से सम्भल को वेदों में जगह मिली है, मध्यकालीन भारत में यह पृथ्वीराज चौहान की राजधानी रहा है, मुगलों और अंग्रेजों के दौर में व्यापार का बड़ा केन्द्र भी. सम्भल में राजनैतिक अगुवाई के लिए दो नेताओं में संग्राम रहता है जिनमे एक संसद में ‘वन्देमातरम’ न गाने को लेकर काफ़ी प्रसिद्ध हुए थे. दूसरे नेता वर्तमान विधानसभा में सपा के सदस्य हैं. चुनावी दौर में शहर की जनता, जिसका तर्क से शायद कोई लेना देना ही नहीं होता है, पूरे जोश से मुख्यत: इन्हीं दो गुटों में बट जाती है. लोकसभाएं-विधानसभाएं आती हैं और चली जाती हैं लेकिन क्षेत्र की 80 प्रतिशत ‘मुस्लिम’ जनता को उनके ‘मुस्लिम’ नेता आज़ादी के सत्तर साल बाद तक भी एक ऐसा कॉलेज नहीं दे पाए हैं जहाँ क्षेत्र के युवा, विशेषकर लड़कियाँ, विज्ञान में एम.एस.सी. कर पायें. उन्हें एम.एस.सी. करना होता है तो वे क्रमश: पैंतीस व तीस किलोमीटर दूर मुरादाबाद व चंदौसी जाते हैं. आधुनिक चिकित्साएँ, ट्रामा सेंटर, डायलिसिस यूनिट, वेंटीलेटर की तो बात ही मत कीजिये ! अफ़सोस की बात तो यह है कि ख़ुद को तर्क का अलम्बरदार व किसान-मज़दूर का हितेषी कहने वाले वामपंथी दल भी कभी पश्चिमी उत्तरप्रदेश की तरफ़ नज़र नहीं डालते. वामपंथ गंगा के मैदानों में किसानों के हितों की परवाह नहीं करेगा तो फिर कहाँ करेगा? ऐसे में जनता के पास विकल्प कहाँ से आये?

तर्क, क़ानून, सेवा निष्पादन और दूसरे लोकतान्त्रिक उसूलों के अलावा किसी दूसरी ‘बेबुनियाद सी बुनियाद’ पर खड़ा लोकतंत्र नागरिकों को कभी फ़ायदा नहीं पहुंचाएगा. नागरिकों को इन प्राथमिकताओं के बारे में सोचना होगा. लोकतंत्र धर्म के निर्वाह में अडंगा नहीं डालता. धर्म को निजी स्तर पर जिया जा सकता है. लेकिन धर्म को उस तर्ज़ पर जिया जाना चाहिए जिस पर गणितज्ञ रामानुजन ने जिया, बेहद आध्यात्मिक किन्तु आडम्बर रहित. वे गणित में शोध के लिए कैंब्रिज जाते हैं तो समुन्द्र लांघने पर धर्म के भ्रष्ट होने वाले आडम्बर को अस्वीकारते हुए जाते हैं और जीवन के अंत तक बड़ी आस्था के साथ रहते हैं. वे कहते थे कि गणित में मेरी प्रवीणता और दक्षता दैवीय आस्था के कारण है. यह सब ईश्वर प्रदत्त है.

AMU: New enigma of Ph.D Ordinance/ Regulations

2017-07-19T04:38:00.040-05:00

Published on Awaam India

New Ordinance/Regulation for Ph.D. program (2017-18) is both tough and weird for the time being.

Though rules and regulations by any organization are framed so that those could be followed by its units and personnel to boost efficiency in the organization yet those very rules are easily defied and undermined to serve vested interests of many. This is quite common with any organization; be it religious or secular one. Unfortunately, AMU is no exception to the trend with few instances as testimony like this one.

Nonetheless, let us talk about ordinance/regulation recently released by the Office of Controller of Examination (AMU) for admission to Ph.D. program for the session 2017-18.

Cunningness in the Draft

From 2015 onwards, the ordinance/regulation document is being uploaded on the official website with no information on what ‘amendments’ have been made with respect to the previous draft.

In 2014, it was the last such document (see above) in which three columns were there to inform the reader on:

What was the structure in previous session?
What amendments have been suggested by the expert committee appointed by the Vice-Chancellor? And if those amendments have been accepted or rejected?
What shall be the final structure for the current session after rejection/acceptance of amendments, if any?

Since 2015 to this day, authorities are not willing to bear pain for such kind of work for which they had set benchmark in earlier drafts. With very prompt and responsive RTI affairs and fairly transparent admission processes at AMU, authorities should not be lethargic only at this very juncture. They should not deny the reader their right to full information on ‘what existed’ and ‘what exists’.

Research Methodology or the Subject of Specialization?

To many aspirants, recent ordinance has become a new challenge. As per the clause 5.1 (I) and clause 5.1 (II) of the regulation 2017, the entrance examination has two stages,

(a) written examination (80 marks)

(b) presentation-cum-interview (20 marks).

Written examination has been divided in to two sections. Section A shall have multiple choice questions (MCQs) popularly known as ‘objective type questions’ that will account for 50 marks out of total 80 marks in the written examination. Remaining 30 marks shall be allotted to Section B in which three subjective type question shall be asked with 10 marks each.

Substantial changes has been made in Section A in which questions from Research Methodology shall be asked accounting 60 percent (i.e. 30 in number) of all objective type questions. Previously, this considerable part of sixty percent of all MCQs was allotted to the subject of specialisation i.e. the subject in which the candidate has passed their Masters degree. Alternatively, it can be said that zero question shall be asked from the subject and 30 question, in place of the subject, shall be asked from Research Methodology.

This time, replacement of questions from subject of specialisation with that of research methodology has become headache of many who aspire to take this examination this year. This particular move by AMU authorities seems both bogus and funny.

Firstly, Research Methodology is not taught as compulsory paper at masters level and it should not be taught in future. It should remain an ‘optional’ paper. Many people who obtain a masters degree just to secure a job in teaching at school level, or in government/private agency, should not be burdened with ‘compulsory’ research methodology.

Secondly, replacing 60 percent of the masters subject in MCQs is funny as it devalue all what a person has studied at masters level. It simply means a candidate is being gauged of their capabilities on what they have not studied seriously at PG level.

Thirdly, if these changes are being made under UGC guidelines (if there exists any) as rumour exists, then UGC and AMU both should think why there is provision for Research Methodology Course Work during Ph.D. program itself. If AMU or UGC expect the aspirant to be well conversant with the research methods right before admission to Ph.D. program, why they are wasting spondulicks on research pedagogy during Ph.D. Course Work, organising examinations or semester papers. Moreover, why tens of thousands rupees are wasted on research workshops conducted by the ICSSR and other bodies.

Fourthly, at masters level, one cannot and ought not to be an expert of all the fields. For instance, a person pursuing masters in political science can not have equal expertise in research methodology as they possess in political thought, international relations, indian polity and constitution etc. Quantum of expertise is essentially different and it is usually minimum in research methodology. And with this background, asking a lion’s share of questions from research methodology will not help in selecting ‘right researchers’ for the research. This move is totally absurd and grossly idiotic.

Fifthly, teaching of research methodology is not much sophisticated at masters level in the universities including AMU. Also, there may be different medium of teaching research methods in different departments that are not in sync with the medium of Ph.D. entrance paper. For instance, a candidate from Arabic is well versed with Manahij-ul-Behes but they maynot attempt with ease the thirty great question asked in Ph.D. test.

Subjective Part

Section B of written stage is solely a subjective part. Subjective in the sense that question would be attempted in long-answer type fashion. It accounts for 30 marks. The section shall have three questions of 10 marks each. Questions shall be asked from the subject of specialisation studied at the masters level. There are following concerns with this:

First, asking only three question from the whole two year masters curriculum will not make a ‘representative’ test paper. The test paper should be made a microcosm of subject of specialisation as much as possible. After elimination of all objective question from the subject, test paper shall not be a representative paper. It shall not be an organic paper.

Secondly, section B shall be evaluated at the respective department of studies. Answer sheets shall be evaluated manually by teachers and a lot of subjectivity would prevail there. This subjectivity may also provide inroads to ‘nepotism’ that may further snowball at interview stage. One can say that an aspirant is fifty percent susceptible to ‘subjectivity’.

English Language

In the Section A, ten questions shall be asked from English language. These question generally include fields like correct form of the verbs, narrations, determiners, conjunction and basic composition. My grievances with this section are not much pronounced; still I don’t find these ten questions much useful for AMU students particularly at the research level. AMU has provision of Compulsory English at the bachelors level. Also, all courses at masters level are taught and written in English medium. Moreover, the very Ph.D. entrance paper is in English medium; one has to answer all subjective questions only in English; one has to read all MCQs only in English. With this background one can affirm that there is no serious need of this section. After bachelors and masters studies if AMU is asking questions on English composition, it is simply doubtful of its pedagogy at bachelor and masters level. However, AMU can defend their case by saying that English section gauge the capabilities of those aspirants who come from state universities like MJP Rohilkhand University or Agra University where medium of instruction is generally state language.

General Awareness

The term ‘general awareness’ in itself is quite general and vague. In this particular section one may ask the name of the choreographer in Sanjay Leela Bhansali’s Bajirao Mastani. Or one may ask the number of seats in Karnataka assembly. Or one may inquire about the level of rainfall in xerophytic areas. Or it may be asked, from where Sir Syed brought stones to build MAO College building. In general awareness section of Diploma Engineering entrance examination, AMU once asked the name of the batsman who secured a six on last ball, thus wining the match against the British team at Aligarh.

If five questions out of ten are asked from Indian Polity, there would be a win-win situation to those who studied political science at masters while an aspirant from Hindi or Urdu would pray for some question on Sahitya Akademi awards, some novels etc.

Negative Marking of 25%

Clause of 25% negative marking is a plot where AMU authorities are playing all gamble. It is not sure who shall win the game: aspirants or authorities? but it is quite possible that the purpose of research may be defeated. Along with 25% negative marking, a candidate is required to achieve at least 40 marks (out of 80) at stage one. If they fail to do so, they shall not be called for presentation-cum-interview.

Last year, this cap was fixed at only 35 marks (out of 80) and that too in those days when thirty question were not from Research Methodology but from the Subject. With this much ease, many seats in various department remained vacant last year. In Department of Political Science, no candidate could qualify for the two seats in Public Administration because nobody could actually obtain at least 35 marks.

How one can expect of 40 marks, with 25% negetive marking, with thirty MCQs from Research Methodology, with zero MCQ from the subject !!!

Conclusion

While the sections of General Awareness and English Language can be entertained up to certain extent but section of Research Methodology is quite irrational and idiotic. It must be done away with at any cost. This will disproportionately affect the regular studies at PG level in future days.

अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय: एक अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान

2017-06-19T05:40:00.007-05:00

नोट: यह लेख दारुलमुसन्नेफीन शिबली एकैडमी के पत्र "मआरिफ़" के जून 2017 अंक में (पृष्ठ 454-460) उर्दू में प्रकाशित हुआ है. अवाम इन्डिया के लिए इसका अनुवाद नवेद अशरफ़ी ने किया है.

भारतीय मुसलमानों की अहम पूँजी अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय आज़ादी के बाद से विभिन्न मसलों से दो-चार हो रहा है और अपने अस्तित्व की जंग लड़ रहा है. इस समय ख़ास तौर पर यह संस्थान बहुत नाज़ुक दौर से गुज़र रहा है. अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय का अल्पसंख्यक चरित्र उच्चतम न्यायालय में विमर्श-अधीन है. पिछली [यूपीए] सरकार ने उच्चतम न्यायलय में एएमयू के अल्पसंख्यक चरित्र की हिमायत की थी. इसके विपरीत मौजूदा सरकार एएमयू और जामिया मिलिया इस्लामिया के अल्पसंख्यक चरित्र के ख़िलाफ़ है. सरकार के महाधिवक्ता (अटॉर्नी जनरल) का कहना है कि एक धर्मनिरपेक्ष देश की सरकार कोई अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान स्थापित नहीं कर सकती. इसी कारण वर्तमान सरकार 1967 की पांच सदस्यीय पीठ के निर्णय और 2005 के इलाहाबाद उच्च न्यायलय के उस निर्णय से सहमत है जिसमे यह स्थापित किया गया है कि एएमयू एक अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान नहीं है. सरकार के इस फैसले ने बहुत नाज़ुक परिस्थितियाँ पैदा कर दी हैं.

इस विमर्श में सबसे महत्वपूर्ण प्रश्न यह है कि अल्पसंख्यकों को विशेष अधिकार क्यूँ दिए गए हैं? भारतीय संविधान के अनुच्छेद 29 में किसी विशेष संस्कृति, लिपि तथा भाषा के संरक्षण का अधिकार दिया गया है. यह संरक्षण सबसे बहतर तरीक़े से एक अल्पसंख्यक शिक्षण संस्थान में ही हो सकता है. संविधान का अनुच्छेद 30(1) अल्पसंख्यकों को यह अधिकार देता है कि वे अपनी मर्ज़ी के शिक्षण संस्थान स्थापित करें और चलायें. भारत में अधिकतर अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान भाषाई अल्पसंख्यकों के हैं. देश में सैंकड़ों सिन्धी, तमिल, तेलुगु और गुजरती अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान हैं. एक अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान में उस को स्थापित करने वाले अल्पसंख्यक वर्ग के लिए सीटें आरक्षित की जा सकती हैं. भारतीय संविधान का अनुच्छेद 15(5) अल्पसंख्यक संस्थानों को यह छूट देता है कि वे अनुसूचित जाति, अनुसूचित जनजाति और अन्य पिछड़ा वर्ग के लिए आरक्षण न रखें.

अनुच्छेद 30(2) के अंतर्गत शिक्षण संस्थानों को सहायता/अनुदान प्रदान करते समय राज्य अल्पसंख्यक संस्थानों के साथ पक्षपात नहीं कर सकता. उच्चतम न्यायालय पहले ही यह स्पष्ट कर चुका है कि अनुच्छेद 30 में जिन शिक्षण संस्थानों की बात की गयी है उनमें विश्वविद्यालय भी शामिल हैं और अल्पसंख्यक अपने इदारों को अपनी मर्ज़ी से जिस तरह चलाना चाहें, चला सकते हैं. इस प्रकार एक अल्पसंख्यक वर्ग यदि चाहे तो एक विश्वविद्यालय बना सकता है जो सरकारी निगरानी में काम करेगा और उसकी डिग्रियाँ दूसरे विश्विद्यालय की डिग्रियों के बराबर होंगी. उच्चतम न्यायालय का मानना है कि संविधान के ये प्रावधान अल्पसंख्यकों की सुरक्षा के लिए बहुत अहम हैं.

1967 के अज़ीज़ बाशा मामले में उच्चतम न्यायालय ने कहा था कि गवर्नर जनरल ने अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय को स्थापित किया था इसलिए मुसलमानों को इसके प्रशासन या देख-रेख का कोई अधिकार नहीं है. यह एक अजीब बात है कि इस मुक़दमे में एएमयू का पक्ष सुने बिना ही सर्वोच्च न्यायलय ने उसके ख़िलाफ़ फ़ैसला सुना दिया. न्यायालय की यह दलील अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्विद्यालय अधिनियम 1920 को आधार बनाकर दी गयी थी. न्यायालय का यह मानना था कि मुसलमानों ने अपनी यूनिवर्सिटी की डिग्रियों की मान्यता के बदले में अपने अल्पसंख्यक चरित्र को क़ुर्बान कर दिया था.

अज़ीज़ बाशा केस ने जो संदेह पैदा किये थे 1981 के अधिनियम ने उनको दूर कर दिया था. देश की विधायिका ने यह माना था कि [1920 के अधिनियम में] पार्लियामेंट ने सिर्फ़ एएमयू को क़ानूनी हैसियत प्रदान की थी और वास्तव में इसे मुसलमानों ने ही स्थापित किया था. पार्लियामेंट ने यह भी स्पष्ट किया था कि मुहम्मदन एंग्लो-ओरिएण्टल कॉलेज और अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम यूनिवर्सिटी दोनों एक हैं. इस लिए आज भी यह कहना कि अज़ीज़ बाशा का फ़ैसला अभी भी अच्छा क़ानून है, ग़लत होगा. लेकिन 2005 में इलाहाबाद उच्च न्यायालय ने भारतीय संसद के 1981 वाले संशोधन को रद्द कर दिया. हालाँकि भारतीय संसद द्वारा बनाये गए क़ानून की संवैधानिक वैधता को जानने का केवल एक तरीक़ा यह है कि संसद ने जिस विषय पर क़ानून बनाया है वह राज्य की विधानसभा के कार्यक्षेत्र में न हो. एएमयू को संविधान की सातवीं अनुसूची की संघीय सूची में क्रम संख्या 63 पर विशेष रूप से स्थान दिया गया है इसलिए इस के बारे में संसद की विधायी शक्तियों को लेकर सवाल नहीं उठाया जा सकता है. यह सवाल अज़ीज़ बाशा मामले में भी नहीं उठा था लेकिन इलाहाबाद उच्च न्यायालय ने 2005 में यह नया सवाल खड़ा कर के संसद की विधायी शक्ति को सीमित करने का प्रयास किया है. बहुत से मुक़दमों में सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के फ़ैसलों को संसद ने रद्द किया है. अभी हाल ही, महमूदाबाद के राजा के हक़ में जो फ़ैसला माननीय सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने किया था, उसे सरकार ने एक अध्यादेश के ज़रिए रद्द कर दिया. कुछ दिनों पहले वोडाफ़ोन के मामले में सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के फैसले को संसद ने एक संशोधन द्वारा बदल दिया था. इलाहाबाद उच्च न्यायालय के 2005 के फ़ैसले ने 1981 के संशोधन को निरस्त करके संविधान के एक महत्वपूर्ण प्रावधान का उल्लंघन किया है.

भारतीय संसद को यह अनुमति नहीं है कि वह कोई ऐसा क़ानून बनाये जो नागरिकों के मौलिक अधिकारों से टकराए, किन्तु नागरिकों के मौलिक अधिकारों के सुरक्षा के लिए संसद को हर तरह के क़ानून बनाने का हक़ है. 1920 का अधिनियम एक ऐसा क़ानून था जो विधायिका ने मुसलमानों के मौलिक अधिकारों को बढ़ावा देने के लिए बनाया था. इसी तरह के दूसरे क़ानून कई राज्यों में अल्पसंख्यक विश्वविद्यालयों को क़ानूनी दर्जा देने के लिए पारित किये गए. यूजीसी अधिनियम-1956 की धारा 3 के तहत मानव संसाधन विकास मंत्रालय ने डीम्ड विश्वविद्यालय स्थापित किए.

इस पर कोई मतभेद नहीं है कि मौलिक अधिकार कभी भी रद्द नहीं किये जा सकते. अज़ीज़ बाशा मामले में उच्चतम न्यायलय ने यह ग़लत फ़ैसला किया कि मुसलमानों ने अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय के निज़ाम को चलाने का अधिकार सरकार को सौंप दिया था. इसका मतलब यह हुआ कि कोई भी अल्पसंख्यक समूह अपनी यूनिवर्सिटी स्थापित नहीं कर सकता क्यूंकि उसको क़ानूनी दर्जा सरकार ही दे सकती है और ऐसा करते ही वह सरकारी इदारा हो जाएगा. न्यायालय का यह कहना ऐसा ही है कि किसी के बच्चे की पैदाइश के बाद उस का पंजीकरण नगरपालिका में ही हो सकता है और जब वो ऐसा करे तो सरकार यह कहे कि उसने उसके जन्म का पंजीकरण सरकार के साथ किया है इस लिए यह बच्चा अब सरकार का हो गया. लेकिन अगर अज़ीज़ बाशा केस के उस फैसले को सही मान भी लिया जाये तो उसे उच्चतम न्यायालय की उस से बड़ी पीठ ने निरस्त कर दिया है. 1974 के सेंट ज़ेविअर्स मामले में उच्चतम न्यायालय ने कहा था कि अल्पसंख्यकों की कोई एक पीढ़ी उसकी दूसरी पीढ़ी के मौलिक अधिकारों की मांग वापस नहीं ले सकती.

ऐतिहासिक पृष्ठभूमि

1857 के बाद सर सय्यद अहमद खान को यक़ीन हो गया था कि अँगरेज़ अब भारत से जल्दी जाने वाले नहीं हैं और सरकार में शामिल होने का रास्ता केवल शिक्षा के ज़रिए है. इसलिए सर सय्यद और उनके साथियों ने ‘सोसाइटी फ़ॉर द डिफ्युज़न ऑफ़ वेस्टर्न लर्निंग एमंग मुस्लिम्स’ का गठन किया. इस के बाद उन्होंने मुसलमानों के शैक्षिक पिछड़ेपन पर लोगों से लेख लिखवाए. 32 लोगों ने लेख भेजे और कई ने यह लिखा कि मुसलमान सरकारी शिक्षा और सरकारी संस्थानों का उचित उपयोग नहीं कर रहे हैं. ऐसा इसलिए है क्योंकि मुसलमानों को यह यक़ीन है कि अगर वो उन सरकारी इदारों में जायेंगे जहाँ धार्मिक शिक्षा नहीं दी जाती है तो धर्म से उनका लगाव कम हो जाएगा. इस लिए एक ऐसे इदारे की ज़रुरत है जहाँ साथ-साथ धार्मिक शिक्षा भी दी जाए. लेकिन इस तरह की शिक्षा मुसलमानों को केवल अपने ही इदारे में दी जा सकती है. इसलिए उन्होंने ज़िला कलेक्टर से यूनिवर्सिटी बनाने की अनुमति मांगी.

उन्होंने मुसलमानों से कहा कि वे धीरे-धीरे इस ओर आगे बढ़ें. पहले एक स्कूल बनायें, फिर एक कॉलेज और उसके बाद एक यूनिवर्सिटी. इसलिए पहले एक स्कूल बनाया गया जो 1877 में कॉलेज बन गया जिस का नाम मुहम्मदन एंग्लो-ओरिएण्टल कॉलेज था. कॉलेज के उद्घाटन समारोह में वायसराय की उपस्थिति में सर सय्यद ने स्पष्ट कर दिया था कि उनका इरादा एक यूनिवर्सिटी बनाने का है. इस इरादे का इज़हार उस के बाद हर साल वायसराय मौजूदगी में होता था. सरकार ने भी कॉलेज को यूनिवर्सिटी बनाने के मंसूबे की हिमायत की थी.

1898 में सर सय्यद का निधन हो गया. शोक सभा में यह कहा गया कि सर सय्यद के लिए भरपूर श्रद्धांजली यह होगी कि एक यूनिवर्सिटी क़ायम की जाए. इस के लिए सरकारी सहायता आवश्यक थी. सरकार ने मुसलमानों से कहा कि वे इसके लिए तीस लाख रूपये जमा करें. उस समय यह बड़ी पूँजी थी लेकिन किसी प्रकार इसे जमा किया गया और 1920 में ‘अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम यूनिवर्सिटी एक्ट’ पास किया गया. इस अधिनियम के साथ 124 लोगों की एक सूची है जो इस के संस्थापक सदस्य (founding members) हैं और ये सभी मुसलमान हैं. अधिनियम में यह भी कहा गया है कि मुसलमान विद्यार्थियों के लिए धार्मिक शिक्षा की बाध्यता होगी और मुस्लिम लड़कियों के लिए पर्दा का माकूल इंतेज़ाम होगा. यूनिवर्सिटी की सर्वोच्च प्रशासनिक कौंसिल जिसका नाम ‘कोर्ट’ होगा, उसके सभी सदस्य मुसलमान होंगे और वही कुलपति (वाइस-चांसलर) को नियुक्त करेंगे. इस तरह यह स्पष्ट है कि वो एक मुस्लिम इदारा था जो 1920 में कॉलेज से यूनिवर्सिटी बना. क्यूंकि धार्मिक शिक्षा की बाध्यता 1920 के क़ानून का हिस्सा थी और यह भारतीय संविधान के अनुच्छेद 28(3) ख़िलाफ़ थी, जिसमे यह कहा गया है कि किसी इंसान को जबरन धार्मिक शिक्षा उस शिक्षण संस्थान में नहीं दी जा सकती जो सरकार से अनुदान लेता हो. इसलिए एएमयू एक्ट को 1951 में संशोधित किया गया, धार्मिक शिक्षा को ‘ऐच्छिक’ कर दिया गया. महत्त्वपूर्ण बात यह है कि धार्मिक शिक्षा को ख़त्म नहीं किया गया. इसका मतलब यह है कि यदि संसद इसे अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान न समझती तो ऐच्छिक धार्मिक शिक्षा पर भी रोक लगा देती.

1965 तक कोई मसला सामने नहीं आया था. 1965 में अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय में ‘इंटरनल’ विद्यार्थियों के लिए आरक्षण पचहत्तर (75) प्रतिशत से घटाकर पचास (50) प्रतिशत कर दिया गया. इस फैसले का एएमयू में बहुत विरोध हुआ और हिंसा भी हुई. तत्कालीन कुलपति यावरजंग पर भी हमला हुआ. ऐसी परिस्थितियों में सरकार ने विश्वविद्यालय पर एक अध्यादेश लागू कर दिया. यूनिवर्सिटी कोर्ट और एग्जीक्यूटिव कौंसिल (कार्यकारी मण्डल) को राष्ट्रपति के नुमाइन्दों से भर दिया गया.

कुछ मुसलमान यूनिवर्सिटी से मशविरा किये बिना सर्वोच्च न्यायालय चले गए. अज़ीज़ बाशा उनमें से एक थे. 1968 के फैसले में सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने कहा कि, ‘क्यूंकि हिंदुस्तान के मुसलमानों ने नहीं, बल्कि देश की तत्कालीन विधायिका ने एएमयू की स्थापना की है, इसलिए उसको ही इसकी बागडोर का हक़ है’.

इस फैसले के बाद ए.एम.यू. के पूर्वछात्रों और शुभचिंतकों ने ए.एम.यू. के अल्पसंख्यक चरित्र को बहाल करने के लिए एक आन्दोलन चलाया. यह आन्दोलन 1981 तक चला जब सरकार ने उनकी मांगो को स्वीकार कर लिया. 1981 में ए.एम.यू. एक्ट में धारा 5(2)(c) को जोड़ा गया. यह अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्विद्यालय को अधिकृत करता है कि वह मुसलमानों की संस्कृति और शिक्षा के विकास और प्रगति के लिए काम करे. ए.एम.यू. कोर्ट के अधिकारों को भी बहाल कर दिया गया और वह एक बार फिर विश्वविद्यालय की सर्वोच्च प्रशासनिक इकाई हो गया. 1981 के बाद यह बिलकुल स्पष्ट हो गया कि ए.एम.यू. एक अल्पसंख्यक शैक्षणिक संस्थान है.

इस के बाद यह कहना कि ए.एम.यू. अल्पसंख्यक इदारा नहीं है, अनुच्छेद 30 के दायरे को सीमित करना है. 2002 में सर्वोच्च न्यायालय की ग्यारह सदस्यीय पीठ ने टी.एम.ए. पाई फाउंडेशन केस में साफ़ कहा था कि “अपनी पसंद का शैक्षिक संस्थान” जो भारतीय संविधान के अनुच्छेद 30 में मौजूद है, उसमे ‘यूनिवर्सिटी’ भी शामिल है. यहाँ तक कि अज़ीज़ बाशा केस में भी सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने मान लिया था कि इस जुमले के मतलब में यूनिवर्सिटी शामिल है. इस लिए एक केंद्रीय विश्विद्यालय भी एक अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान हो सकता है यदि उसको मान्यता देने वाला क़ानून संसद ने पारित किया हो. तत्कालीन मानव संसाधन विकास मंत्री स्मृति ईरानी ने जनवरी 2016 में कहा था कि अलीगढ़ और जामिआ विश्वविद्यालय चूँकि संसद ने स्थापित किये थे, इसलिए ये अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान नहीं हैं. यह कहते समय उनके दिमाग़ में कदाचित टी.एम.आई. पाई केस का फ़ैसला या उस तरह के दूसरे फ़ैसले नहीं थे.

इसके अतिरिक्त किसी किसी इदारे के अल्पसंख्यक चरित्र को परखने का तरीक़ा केवल क़ानून को देखना नहीं होता है बल्कि इस सिलसिले में उस की ऐतिहासिक पृष्ठभूमि को भी देखना आवश्यक है. यह बिंदु माननीय सर्वोच्च न्यायालय के 1993 के सेंट स्टीफेंस मामले में स्पष्ट कर दिया गया है. न्यायालय ने सेंट स्टीफेंस को अल्पसंख्यक इदारा माना था क्यूंकि उस ने अपना ईसाई किरदार बरक़रार रखा था जो उसके नाम, निशान, गिरजा, और वहां दी जाने वाली शिक्षा से उजागर होता है. यदि यही तरीक़ा यह निर्धारित करने का है कि कोई इदारा अल्पसंख्यक है या नहीं, तो अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय एक अप्ल्संख्यक संस्थान है. सर्वोच्च न्यायालय भी 1981 में ए.एम.यू. की जामा मस्जिद की महत्ता को स्वीकारते हुए ए.एम.यू के अल्पसंख्यक चरित्र को मान चुका है.

ए.एम.यू. की आरक्षण नीति

धीरे-धीरे ए.एम.यू. प्रशासन को अहसास हुआ कि ए.एम.यू. में अब भारत के हर कोने से शिक्षार्थी नहीं आ रहे हैं और अब केवल उत्तर प्रदेश और बिहार के शिक्षार्थी यहाँ आ रहे हैं. ए.एम.यू. में आरक्षण का लाभ अब केवल विश्विद्यालय कर्मचारियों के बच्चों और कुछ ए.एम.यू. स्कूलों के बच्चों को ही मिल रहा था. इस मसले का हल निकालने के लिए समीतियाँ बनाई गयीं. यह राय बनी कि पूरे हिंदुस्तान से बुद्धिमान मुस्लिम शिक्षार्थियों को ए.एम.यू. में लाने के लिए उचित होगा कि यहाँ ‘इंटरनल’ शिक्षार्थियों की जगह मुस्लिम शिक्षार्थियों के लिए आरक्षण हो. कुछ लोग इससे सहमत नहीं थे. 2005 में जब यह आरक्षण नीति लागू की गयी तो यह देश की इकलौती आरक्षण नीति थी जिस का उद्देश्य अधिक विवेकपूर्ण और बुद्धिमान विद्यार्थियों की तलाश करना था. देश की बाक़ी सभी आरक्षण नीतियां कमज़ोर विद्यार्थियों को शिक्षा के अवसर प्रदान करने के लिए होती हैं.

नयी आरक्षण नीति, जिसमे पचास प्रतिशत सीटें मुसलमानों के लिए आरक्षित थीं, के लागू होने के बाद ए.एम.यू के कुछ ग़ैर-मुस्लिम इंटरनल छात्र इलाहाबाद उच्च न्यायालय चले गए. कोर्ट ने कहा कि धर्म के आधार पर आरक्षण करना ग़लत है जबकि मानव संसाधन मंत्रालय ने एक नोटिस जारी करके ए.एम.यू. को यह अनुमति दी थी कि वह पचास प्रतिशत सीटें मुसलमानों के लिए आरक्षित कर सकते हैं. इस मसले पर सर्वोच्च न्यायालय 1993 में सेंट स्टीफेंस केस में पहले ही व्याख्या कर चुका है. न्यायालय ने यह स्पष्ट कर दिया था कि किसी संस्थान में उस समूह/वर्ग के लिए पचास प्रतिशत सीटें आरक्षित की जा सकती हैं जिस ने उसे क़ायम किया हो.

अधिकतर लोग यह समझते हैं कि धर्म के आधार पर आरक्षण ग़लत है और इसलिए ए.एम.यू. ने ऐसा करके भारत के संविधान का उल्लंघन किया है. लेकिन यह रोक राज्य के संस्थानों पर लगे गयी है. मिसाल के तौर पर इस तरह का आरक्षण दिल्ली विश्विद्यालय में नहीं हो सकता है. अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान या तो धार्मिक होते है या फिर भाषाई. अधिकतर अल्पसंख्यक संस्थान भाषाई अल्पसंख्यकों के हैं. भारत में सौ से ज़्यादा सिन्धी अल्पसंख्यक इदारे हैं. भाषाई अल्पसंख्यकों को राज्य स्तर पर परिभाषित किया जाता है. इसीलिए यदि मराठी समूह उत्तर प्रदेश में कोई इदारा क़ायम करता है तो वह अल्पसंख्यक इदारा होगा और वहां मराठी लोगों के लिए सीटें आरक्षित की जा सकती हैं. इस तरह के आरक्षण का प्रावधान भारतीय संविधान ने भारत की विविधता को बरक़रार रखने के लिए किया है. अल्पसंख्यकों को अधिकार देना भारत ने धर्मनिर्पेक्षता को बढ़ावा देने के लिए ज़रूरी हैं. बहुसंख्यको को भी कुछ अधिकार दिए गए हैं और उस से भारत की धर्मनिर्पेक्षता कमज़ोर नहीं पड़ती. प्रतिवर्ष 45.5 लाख रूपये हिन्दू मंदिरों की बहाली के लिए ‘कंसोलिडेटेड फण्ड ऑफ़ इण्डिया’ से दिए जाते हैं. इस से भारत का सेकुलरिज्म खण्डित नहीं होता.

अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम यूनिवर्सिटी का मुक़दमा माननीय उच्चतम न्यायालय के समक्ष है और आने वाले समय में इसका फ़ैसला हो जाएगा. लेकिन इस मुक़दमे ने अल्पसंख्यकों के अधिकारों के सम्बन्ध से अनेक प्रश्न खड़े कर दिए हैं और एक जन-विमर्श शुरू कर दिया है. अब यह देखना है कि न्यायमूर्ति खन्ना के शब्द जो उन्होंने St. Xaviers College vs State of Gujarat में कहे थे, कहाँ तक सच साबित होते हैं. उन्होंने कहा था,

“जब तक भारत का संविधान अपने वास्तविक रूप में जीवित है, इन अधिकारों के साथ किसी छेड़-छाड़ के बारे में सोचा भी नहीं जा सकता. ऐसा करने का कोई भी प्रयास न केवल [संविधान में] विश्वास के ख़िलाफ़ होगा बल्कि वो संविधान का उल्लंघन होगा और उसे अदालतें रद्द कर देंगी”.

'Aligarh Spirit’ in times of Sponsorships and DJ Sounds

2017-04-15T16:06:00.003-05:00

There are problems with the current system where a hostel function starts with the Quranic verse of Ar-Rahman saying ‘the Lord is most compassionate who taught Quran to the man’ and finally ends up with Bhojpuri frenzy of ‘jeela top laage lu’.

In the opening passage of Aashufta Bayani Meri, noted Urdu writer Rasheed Ahmad Siddiqui wrote:

میری تحریروں میں یہ نقص بتایا جاتا ہے کہ ان میں "علی گڑھ " بہت ہوتا ہے . اس لئے وہ لوگ جو علی گڑھ سے کم یا با لکل واقف نہیں ہوتے ان کو ان مضامین یا اس طرح کی باتوں سے دلچسپی نہیں ہوتی. اس حرکت سے بعض احباب مجھ سے چڑھنے بھی لگتے ہیں . ان سب سے مجھے بھی ایک شکایات ہے، وو یہ کہ وو خود علی گڑھ سے کیوں واقف نہیں !

[Tr. In my writings, this deficiency is pointed out that they contain too much “Aligarh”. Therefore, those people who are less or not-at-all acquainted with the Aligarh, have no interest in those articles or in things like that. By the dint of this gesture, some colleagues get nettled with me. I too have one grievance with all of them and that is, ‘why they themselves are not acquainted with the Aligarh’ !]

The Aligarian Fraternity is slated for the bicentenary birth celebration of their founder Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898). On 17th of this October, this will be the 200th birthday of great visionary Syed Ahmad Khan—the outstanding personality—as Jawaharlal Nehru in his Autobiography calls him on grounds of Syed’s efforts to make Indian Muslims learn Western education.

Of the major contributions by Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, the journal Tahzeebul Akhlaq (Refinement of Manners) deserves unqualified mention as far as the cultural setup of Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) is concerned. Tahzeeb in canons of Aligarh Movement is an overarching term embracing a wide range of phenomenon in students’ life and its repercussions, in the larger course, for the nation and humanity. Tahzeeb must not be limited only to the etiquettes in socio-political life, wearing sober attires, talking and dealing with others with due humbleness etc.

When one talks about riwayat, tahzeeb, tamaddun and other sister terms, strictly in Aligarian (Aligarhite) sense, one should keep in mind that Aligarh is essentially all about mastery, excellence, and dexterity. This is an ideal proposition. And extending it further, one should mark that these attributes, for any single student in Aligarh, should not be limited only to their own discipline. Aligarh calls for “multidisciplinary excellence” and an “umbrella mastery”. Sir Syed wanted his youth to shine with more luminosity than that of the sun on the global firmament.

In the classical literature of the Aligarh Movement, Aligarh’s residential life has been the main force in the fulfillment of the vision of the founding fathers of Aligarh College. Patterned on the collegiate system of the Oxford University, Aligarh’s hostel life had been shaping the Aligarh for decades. Now after 2007, an alarming shift is palpable on the campus that is taking its course gradually.

The real upbringing of an Aligarian actually used to take place in halls of residence. There would be responsibilities of self-administration bestowed upon students strictly following the portfolio system and this still continues, albeit in quite a non-serious way. Portfolios of Hall Monitor, Hostel Monitor, Prayer Monitor, Cultural Secretary, Literary Secretary, Health and Hygiene Secretary, Editors of Hall Magazine in Urdu, Hindi, and English etc. are testimony to the fact. But the concern is that how much honesty and integrity is observed while apportioning these portfolios among the students? I have bitter experiences with me on that score.

Not to discuss many things that are in vogue nowadays, I must focus on new trends of how literary and cultural festivals are being celebrated in halls of AMU. In this era of IPL tournaments and that of ‘obscene capitalist splendor’, a new ailment of ‘sponsorship’ has plagued cultural and literary pursuits in the halls of residence of AMU. Literary and cultural committees of halls with all possible impudence are approaching local business houses and enterprises and asking them for pecuniary support in the name of so-called “sponsorship”.

Now, the very pertinent question that arises is, ‘Are the halls of residence really in resource crunch and need those sponsorships?’ After joining the university four years ago, V-C Lt. Gen. Shah hiked fee in academic programs by almost three hundred percent. With this increment in fee, per student shares for cultural pursuits, health, sports etc. automatically rise and are transferred to halls on annual basis. For instance, a reply to RTI query to this person reveals that before the fee hike every student contributed Rs. 50 to the hall magazine which is now Rs. 100 per student. So, with fee hike, funds have also been raised in various account heads. Halls seem to have plenty of funds with them. Though I have grievances with Lt. Gen Shah on this ‘abrupt’ fee hike, what I should affirm is his innocence that he is not taking even a penny with him. What he did was surely for the betterment of students.

Now one may ask more about this sponsorship malady as, ‘What is the harm in grabbing the sponsorships?’. Surely, there is harm. And what harm is there, to know this I would prefer to write in Rasheed Ahmad Siddiqui’s way, ‘why are you not acquainted with the Aligarh?’ The involvement of capital in social pursuits certainly changes the spirit and purpose of such efforts. In the ideological domain, there already exists a huge debate on the involvement of private capital in state affairs and we have a capitalism-socialism binary.

Not going deep into those intricacies, it should be noted in the first place that sponsorships diminish the zeal and spirit of literary and cultural festivals. They turn these meaningful festivals devoid of truest Aligarian spirit by instigating within organizers a feeling of money-mindedness, lust, and trivialities. Secondly, sponsors may cause the results of events to be announced in favor of their own candidates. By this, all concept of ‘justice’ evaporates about which Plato once said, ‘justice is about giving each person what he or she is due’. And Sir Syed was not sure about this moral treachery.

Thirdly, questions may arise on the type of money being sponsored and the purpose it serves. An institution built on high moral grounds as of Sir Syed cannot harp upon ‘any stuff’. If this continues, the repercussion will be detrimental to the very mission of Sir Syed. For instance, if AMUSU would be interested in private sponsorship, in no time AMU would be turned in to political battleground.

Fourthly, when more money than necessary is available to organizers, it provides them a free hand in expenditure. One of the recent serious developments is extravaganza on the DJ sound system and uncivilized and hooligan dancing thereon. I must not be labelled as conservative when I am taking on DJ dancing. I hold the opinion that such arts should be pursued informal and standard way in AMU via some schools of music and dance where there would be lessons on Kathak, Bharatnatyam, Kuchipudi and on raagas like Bhairvi, Yaman, Kalyan, Shankra, Husain, Bahaar and others. There are problems with the current system where a hostel function starts with the Quranic verse of Ar-Rahman saying ‘the Lord is most compassionate who taught Quran to the man’ and finally ends up with Bhojpuri frenzy of ‘jeela top laage lu’.

What I found most disturbing is the design pattern of various posters. Frequently it was found that posters were studded more with sponsors’ advertisements and less with essential information of events, schedule etc.

There must be a total ban on commercial sponsorship in AMU. Teams of provosts, wardens, and senior students should educate the Aligarh youth on what indispensably constitutes ‘aligarh tehzeeb’ and what not ! This exigency must be taken care of. They must strive hard to avoid any embarrassment when any person like Rasheed Ahmad Siddiqui has to tell his own people—the Aligarians—that, ‘why they themselves are not acquainted with the Aligarh’ ! Provosts and wardens should spare much time with their students and should not always be ready in tendering resignations to the V-C. AMU no more need their resignations, but their cooperation.

Naya Shivala: Seeing Divinity in Every Dust Particle of the Nation

2017-02-26T11:48:00.055-06:00

Published by The Wire

Rereading Allama Iqbal's 'Naya Shivala' at Shivaratri, one is struck by the poet's philosophical insights.

While releasing Abdul Haq’s Iqbal Ka Harf-e-Sheerin (Honeyed Verses of Iqbal) in 2014, Vice-President Hamid Ansari described Allama Iqbal (1877-1938) as a ‘philosopher, patriot and poet in one’, adding that “India highly misunderstood Iqbal and his philosophy’.

Apart from classics like ‘Ram’, ‘Nanak’, ‘Swami Ramteerth’, ‘Hindustani Bachchon Ka Qaumi Geet’, ‘Karl Marx Ki Awaz’, ‘Lenin, Khuda Ke Huzoor Mein’, ‘Tasveer-e-Dard’, the poem ‘Naya Shivala’ is an exemplar of Iqbal’s philosophy of inclusiveness, patriotism, and humanism.

Iqbal’s poetic career can be divided into three phases:

1901 -1905: patriotic poetry dedicated to the Indian nation;
1905-1908: philosophical poetry; and
1908-1938: poetry dedicated to the Muslim community.

‘Naya Shivala’ belongs to the first phase and is contained in his first Urdu anthology Bang-e-Dara (‘Call of the Marching Bell‘) published in 1924. Bang-e-Dara has Urdu poems written by Iqbal from 1901 to 1923.

The poem, as the title denotes, exhorts us to rebuild the divine temple of Lord Shiva anew. The poem has two stanzas with a strong message of brotherhood, harmony, inclusiveness, patriotism.

Stanza one:

Sach keh doon ai barhaman, agar tu bura na mane
Tere sanam-kadon ke but ho gaye puraney
सच कह दूँ ऐ बरहमन ! अगर तू बुरा न माने
तेरे सनमकदों के बुत हो गए पुराने
Apnon se beyr rakhna tune buton se seekha
Jang-o-jadal sikhaya waaiz ko bhi khuda ne
अपनों से बैर रखना तूने बुतों से सीखा
जंग-ओ-जदल सिखाया वाइज़ को भी ख़ुदा ने
Tang aake maine aakhir dair-o-haram ko chhoda
Waaiz ka waa’z chhoda, chhodey tere fasaney
तंग आके मैंने आख़िर दैर-ओ-हरम को छोड़ा
वाइज़ का वआज़ छोड़ा, छोड़े तेरे फ़साने
Patthar ki moorton me samjha hai tu khuda hai
Khak-e-watan ka mujhko har zarra devta hai.
पत्थर की मूरतों में समझा है तू ख़ुदा है
ख़ाक-ए-वतन का मुझको हर ज़र्रा देवता है

The stanza hits at the manipulation of religion/religious doctrines by priests and preachers [of Islam] in the name of religion to divide humanity into self-motivated and self-manufactured notions.

Iqbal calls those notions that have become archaic ‘idols’. He politely tells the priest that the ‘idols’ of the dispute are no longer relevant. Iqbal’s belief was that priests learnt from those idols how to keep envy and enmity with his ‘own people’, just as the preacher of Islam had learnt from his (self-manufactured concept) of God ideals that ran counter to those enshrined in the harmonic and peaceful teachings of Islam. Sickened by the treachery of priest and preacher, Iqbal was forced to shun their company, seeing their temples and mosques as places that manipulated religion and created a divide between Hindus and Muslims. At the end of the stanza, Iqbal argues with the priest on his conception of God within those idols that are devoid of life and are self-manufactured and non-divine. In contrast to the priest’s belief, Iqbal says he sees divinity in every dust particle of the nation. For, those particles didn’t divide humanity.

Stanza two:

Aa ghayriyat ke parde ik baar phir utha den
Bichhdon ko phir mila den, naqshe duyi mita den
आ ग़ैरियत के परदे इक बार फिर उठा दें
बिछड़ों को फिर मिला दें, नक्शे दुई मिटा दें
Sooni padi hui hai muddat se dil ki basti
Aa ek naya shivala is des mein bana dein
सूनी पड़ी हुई है मुद्दत से दिल की बस्ती
आ एक नया शिवाला इस देस में बसा दें
Duniya ke teerthon se ooncha hua apna teerath
Daamaan-e-aasman se iska kalas mila dein
दुनिया के तीर्थों से ऊँचा हुआ अपना तीरथ
दामान-ए-आसमाँ से इस का कलस मिला दें
Har subah uth ke gayein mantar meethey meethey
Saarey pujariyon ko mey peet ki pila dein
हर सुबह उठ के गाएं मन्तर वो मीठे-मीठे
सारे पुजारियों को मय प्रीत की पिला दें
Shakti bhi shanti bhi bhagton ke geet mein hai
Dharti ke basiyon ki mukti preet mein hai
शक्ति भी शान्ति भी भगतों के गीत में है
धरती के बासियों की मुक्ति प्रीत में है

After presenting his case to the priest, Iqbal now invites him to ‘reconstruct’ a new temple of divinity. ‘O priest! let us make the sundered and separated masses unite so that ‘duality’ of communities could be destroyed’, he says. The word duyi denotes duality and has been derived from the Sufi concept that entails the intermingling of the human soul with God, in divine love and dedication to God. Iqbal believed that only love could unite the masses. He cordially invites the priest to build a new temple of high divinity, so high that its pinnacle (Kalash) could touch the heavens with no human tampering.

To Iqbal, people have been unable to witness the loftiness of high divinity due to clashes and disputes. It was time to go the highest height for the most important of all pilgrimages in the world — the pilgrimage of love. In that temple, says Iqbal, they would hear the sweet chanting of hymns and sing anthems of love every morning to fill every devotees’ heart with the ‘wine of love’. Power, peace, prosperity — all reside in the anthems of love sung by lovers of divinity, and love was the only way to the salvation, or liberation, of living beings on earth.

Allama Iqbal was a great champion of Sufism and was highly influenced by the Masnavi of Maulana Jalaluddin Rumi. Today, when extremism in the name of religion is soaring high, be it in the form of what recently happened at the Dargah Shahbaz Qalandar in Sehwan Sharif (Pakistan) or other political incarnations in India, Iqbal’s’Naya Shivala’ holds special importance and is the Bang-e-Dara i.e. the call of a marching bell for humanity to set course for the destination of love.

Naved Ashrafi is a doctoral fellow at the Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He tweets at @NavedAshrafi.

Evolution of Public Administration

2017-01-05T06:01:00.014-06:00

Evolution: A Historical Account

Evolution refers to gradual unfolding of development of things in the course of time. When the past, present and future are considered in terms-of a continuum, the study of the past or of history becomes all the more significant. History, in the words of E. H. Carr is an unending dialogue between the past and the present. Indeed, it is necessary for the understanding of the contemporary status of the subject and the critical issues therein, the genesis of which may be found in the past. Broadly, the study of evolution fulfils both theoretical and practical purposes. From the theoretical point of view, it helps to locate the subject in a broader frame of reference and from the practical point of view it facilitates the use of the knowledge of the past to further the development of the subject in the present.

Administrative Traditions

There are three traditions namely, Absolutist Traditions, Liberal-Democratic Traditions and Marxian Traditions, Liberal-Democratic Traditions has 7 phases, viz. Politics-Administration Approach, Structural Approach, Human Relations Approach, Behavioural Approach, Development Approach, Public Policy Approach, Public Economy Approach.

1. ABSOLUTIST TRADITIONS

Absolutist tradition refers to administrative traditions of absolute monarchical regimes, where all powers were concentrated in the monarch. The earliest work concerning it is Kautilya's Arthasastra, the most important, work on Public Administration in ancient India. We confine our discussion to the Indian tradition mainly for two reasons:

Firstly, sufficient information is not available on the absolutist administrative traditions of other Asian societies.

Secondly, the students of administration should be acquainted with their own traditions in the field of Public Administration.

Kautilya, also known as Chanakya and Vishnugupta was the Prime Minister of Chandragupta (322BC-298BC) who founded the Maurya Dynasty of Magadha (Bihar). Kautilya's treatise known as Arthasastra ranks in importance with Manusmriti and Kamasastra and forms a triad with them in dealing with the three imperative of the social philosophy i.e. Dharma (Religion), Kama (Sex), Artha (Economy). It deals mainly with the Science of Polity, which, according to Kautilya, is a combination of Science of Wealth and Science of Government. [Vittasastra (Economics) and Dandanjthi (Statecraft)].

To Kautilya, finances provide the sinews of government and financial considerations are paramount in the government's activities. Thus, his treatise adopts the ‘political economy approach’ to the understanding of the problems of governance. Kautilya's Arthashastra mainly discusses three aspects of the science of Public Administration, viz.

The principles of Public Administration:

The principles of administration are not explicitly dealt with in Arthasastra. They are implied by the functions of the monarch, ministers etc.

The machinery of Government:

The machinery of Government as described in the Arthasastra is mainly related to the monarch, his relations with ministers, etc.

The management of personnel:

The problems of higher-level personnel receive greater Attention than the lower-level functionaries in Arthasastra.

According to Kautilya, an administrator can adopt the art of Public Administration only if he is conversant with the science of Public Administration. He emphasised the principles of authority, obedience and discipline as being central to the administration of the state. He considered principles like division of work, hierarchy and coordination important to the mechanism of internal organisation. Further, Kautilya is, perhaps, the earliest known thinker to recognise the importance of statistics in administration. Kautilya made a systematic study of the society and did not blindly accept the current views based on faith and tradition. Ancient Hindus held that the Vedas constitute the sole source of law. But Kautilya laid down four distinct sources of law; namely;

Sacred scriptures,
The rules laid down in Arthasastra,
Customs
edicts of kings.

Each of these he considers more authoritative than the one preceding it. He explicitly states that when the sacred law is in conflict with the corporal law the latter should prevail. Arthasastra is secular in its tenor and puts politics in command over religion. According to Kautilya, religious considerations should not outweigh political considerations. The King according to him should strive and maintain the stability of the State and increase his power and material resources by policy or subterfuge.

2. LIBERAL-DEMOCRATIC TRADITIONS

Traditionally, the origins of Public Administration as a separate area of inquiry are traced to Woodrow Wilson's essay, The Study of Administration published in 1887. Since then the study of the subject passed through various phases. Let us briefly discuss each one of them.

Politics-Administration Dichotomy Approach

Woodrow Wilson, the father of modern Public Administration, considered politics and administration as separate processes and attempted to, conceptually distinguish between the two areas of study. A similar attempt was made by Frank Goodnow, another exponent of the dichotomy approach who observed that "politics has to do with policies or expressions of state while the administration has to do with the execution of these policies". This distinction is made between policymaking and policy execution. Policy making is regarded as the realm of politics and execution as the realm of Public Administration. Further, politics and Public Administration are differentiated on the basis of their institutional locations. The location of politics is identified with the legislature and the higher echelons of government where major policy-decisions would be made and the larger questions of allocation of values decided upon. The location of administration, on the other hand is identified with the executive arm of government-the bureaucracy.

Structural Approach

This approach is marked by the tendency to reinforce the idea of politics-administration dichotomy and to evolve a value-free 'Science of Management". The 'Public' aspect of Public Administration was virtually dropped at this stage and the focus was almost wholly on economy and efficiency. The questions of 'value' were not considered important to the new science of Administration. Politics as practised by the politicians was considered irrelevant. Scientific Management for the efficient handling of the 'business' of administration became the focus of interest. Principles of management were worked out as readymade aids to practitioners. The administrative practitioners and the business schools joined hands to emphasise the mechanistic aspect of management unaffected by the predilections of politicians and the failings of human beings. The approach emphasised the structure of the organisation. Structure is a device through which human beings working in an organisation are assigned tasks and related with one another. It is believed that the effective functioning of the organisation depends upon the structure that a group of human beings build and operate. The structural approach was criticised for

the ambiguity of its principles,
absence of scientific validity
its mechanistic approach to human problems.

Human Relations Approach

The Hawthorne experiments pioneered a movement which came to be known as the Human Relations Approach to management. This approach to organisational analysis drew attention to

the formation and effect of work groups in the organisation
the force of informal organisation in the formal setup,
the phenomena of leadership
conflicts and cooperation among groups in the organisational setting.

In short, human relations approach brought up the limitations of the machine concept of organisation in 'Scientific Management' thought. By drawing attention to the social and psychological factors of work situation, it underlined the importance of the "human side of the enterprise". The social psychologist has extended the concern of human relationists by bringing in additional knowledge about the sensitivity to human components. It is aimed at bringing about:

Greater organisational productivity or effectiveness
Greater human happiness and increased self-realisation

Prominent writers advocating this approach include Abraham Maslow, Douglas McGregor, Rensis Likert and Chris Argyris. The human relations approach has been criticised for its manipulative orientation. It is alleged that the aim of the movement is to manipulate the man in organisation to achieve higher productivity. It is also criticised for ignoring the institutional and social system variable in understanding the organisation. Sometimes, Social Psychological traditions are studied separately from Human Relation approach.

Behavioural Approach

Herbert Simon's Administrative Behaviour is a critique of the older Public Administration. More importantly, it sets forth the rigorous requirements of scientific analysis in Public Administration. Simon's conclusion about some of the classical 'Principles', was that they were unscientifically derived and were "no more than proverbs". He rejected the politics-administration dichotomy. The substantive focus was on "decision-making", and as Simon insisted, "If any ‘theory’ is involved, it is that decision-making is the heart of administration, and that the vocabulary of administrative theory must be derived from the logic and psychology of human choice". Simon's approach provided an alternative definition of Public Administration, and widened the scope of the subject by relating it to Psychology, Sociology, Economics and Political Science.

Development Approach

The ecological approach to the study of administration originated in the wake of the emergence of the Third World and increasing realisation of irrelevance of most of the western organisation theories to the study of administration. To quote Robert Dahl, "The study of Public Administration inevitably must become a much more broadly based discipline, resting not on a narrowly defined knowledge of techniques and processes, but rather extending to the varying historical, sociological, economic and other conditioning factors. Such efforts have given rise to Comparative Public Administration and Development Administration.

Public Policy Approach

The Social -Sciences' general concern for social engineering has resulted in the laying of emphasis on public policy. The study of Public Administration has also been influenced by the public policy perspective. The abandonment of politics-administration dichotomy made the public policy approach agreeable to administrative analysis. Evidences from the practical world of administration have brought out the criteria of a close nexus between politics and administration. As governments seek to formulate and implement more and more welfare programmes, the promotion of policy studies in Public Administration gathers momentum.

Political Economy Approach

Another development, in the study of Public Administration is brought about by the he adoption of the political economy approach to the analysis of administrative problems. This is associated with the moving of Political Science closer to Economics in the interest of greater theoretical coherence and better policy guidance. Economists like Anthony Downs and Gordon Tullock have gone over the boundary by experimenting with the application of economic methods and models to political problems. Thus Public Administration as a branch of Political Science and on its own has moved towards a liaison with Economics. The liberal democratic tradition in the evolution of Public Administration as described above shows that, starting, with an assertion of independent identity, it has moved towards the assimilation of ideas, methods and techniques of different Social Science disciplines. Thus the scope of the discipline seems to be broadening while the question of its identity remains unanswered.

3. MARXIAN TRADITIONS

We have to go back to Marx, to understand the classical Marxist view of bureaucracy. Although Marx has not paid much attention to the concept of bureaucracy, his views on bureaucracy and its relation to the power structure of the society found in his major works. Marxian traditions have placed the study of Public Administration in the wider -perspective of social transformation.

Naved Ashrafi is Doctoral Candidate (Public Administration) in Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He can be reached at navedashrafi@gmail.com

Why Abida Parveen’s ‘Mulk-E-Khuda’ is a Gift to Whole Humanity

2017-01-02T14:33:00.004-06:00

Published by Awaam India

This is high time that humanity could understand the real meaning and motto of "Mulk-e-Khuda" lest ISIS and similar ilk of fanatics hijack it perversely like they did with 'Hukumat-e-Ilahiya'.

When people on social media and internet with faltering acumen and feeble understanding are always ready with their fatwas against people's wishes on New Year, Christmas, or even Eid-e-Milad (Prophet Muhammad's birth), when they are vigilant enough to gag any opportunity of dispersal of love in the humanity; there always comes strong voices against these boobs. This time a voice has come with a beautiful message and music. 😊

Abida Parveen, the Sufi Queen of Melody, recently sings a beautiful song on New Year's eve. The song that starts and ends with Persian couplets, as I take it, has been dedicated to 'the People'. This is essentially a People's Song as the song with its title signifies that 'Mulk-e-Khuda' i.e. the territory of God, is for the People and is due to the People.

Taa'meer-e-Do Jahan Ki Buniyad Hain to Hum Hain !! [We, the People, are the foundation of the creation of all worlds in the universe] soulfully says that the whole play of God revolves around the 'existence of mankind'. This is the same analogy that is found in Allama Iqbal's Sufi poetry and that of other Sufi poets.

On the spread of love, peace, and harmony, she sings further: Thehra Hai Ishqbazi Din Raat Khel Apna / Gar Qais Hain To Hum Hain, Farhad Hain to Hum Hain !! [Love has remained our quotidian business. If there would Qais; We are! If there would Farhad, We are! ] We, the People, are eternal lovers!

Strings and melody go further to paint and portray a plural and multicultural mural of love. Kaaba Manam, Haram Manam, Dair Manam, Sanam Manam / Momin-o-Birehman Manam, Man Manam Na-Man Manam !! [ We are Kaaba, We are Sanctuary of Oneness of God, We are Temple, We are an idol. / We are believers and Priest, We are; yet We are not !]

The song has been produced by Sarang Latif and directed by Athar Abbas-Bilal Abbas. Ammar Ashraf and Ali Akhtar have contributed in a versatile way to the filmography of the song. Amanat Ali has decorated the world of musical ecstasy. The poetry was written by 18th-century Sufi saint Hazrat Shah Niyaz Ahmad.

In Pakistani media, the song has been considered a great gift to the nation [Pakistan]. Praising the beautiful scenery of Pak landscapes The Express Tribune writes:

Abida's latest release Mulk-e-Khuda takes the listeners to the vast horizons of Pakistan’s landscape – from Sehwan Sharif in Sindh to astonishing lakes and monuments in the northern areas. It sounds like thanksgiving to the divine for gifting us a beautiful region.

In the truest spirit and sense, the song should be taken beyond any national and cultural boundary as the essence of Hazrat Niyaz's Sufi poetry and voice of Abida Parveen can't be shackled within physical boundaries. This is a New Year gift from Abida Parveen to the entire humanity. How can Abida's heavenly renditions of 'Maula !' be limited to Pakistan, India, or any political territory! When she calls her Maula [i.e.Lord or Master], she always meant it with the Lord of Mercy, Love, Peace, and Harmony. And this is the actual ground of her "Mulk-e-Khuda".

This is high time that humanity could understand the real meaning and motto of "Mulk-e-Khuda" lest ISIS and similar ilk of fanatics hijack it perversely like they did with 'Hukumat-e-Ilahiya'.

The lyrics of the song goes as below:

Ijz-o-Niyaz Ham Manam, Khoobi-o-Naaz Ham Manam
Husn Manam, Mahn Manam, Man Manam Na Man Manam !!

Mulk-e-Khuda Me Yaron Aabad Hain To Hum Hain
Taa'meer-e-Do Jahan Ki Buniyad Hain to Hum Hain !!

Thehra Hai Ishqbazi Din Raat Khel Apna
Gar Qais Hain To Hum Hain, Farhad Hain to Hum Hain !!

Kaaba Manam, Haram Manam, Dair Manam, Sanam Manam
Momin-o-Birehman Manam, Man Manam Na-Man Manam !!

Ishq Manam, Jinan Manam, Dard Manam, Zubaan Manam
Rooh Manam, Badan Manam Man Manam Na-Man Manam !!

Mulk-e-Khuda Me Yaron Aabad Hain To Hum Hain
Taa'meer-e-Do Jahan Ki Buniyad Hain to Hum !!

The author is a researcher at the Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, India. He can be reached at navedashrafi@gmail.com

Revisiting Prophet Muhammad’s Quest for Empowered Women

2016-12-11T14:24:00.004-06:00

Published by Awaam India

James Garrison in October last of this year wrote Muhammad was A Feminist, a bold piece on HuffPost. Comparing various founders of world religions, Garrison puts, ‘Muhammad was easily the most radical and empowering in his treatment of women. Arguably he was history’s first feminist’.

Feminism, every now and then, has wrongly been understood even by literate people in the society as a quest towards misbalance of society that empowering the women would bring! This is the case more with the Muslim community in the Indian subcontinent. But Garrison talks on Muhammad’s feminism by taking into consideration Muhammad’s approach of ‘radical equality of men and women’.

The Quran is blindingly categorical on this radical equality when it says, ‘We created you in pairs’ (Quran 78:08). There is a ‘clause of complementariness’ between two ‘non-identical’ individuals of a pair. Being non-identical must not be taken as unequal as done by many who adhere to patriarchal notions. As far as biological differences between males and females are concerned, they must be considered as differential privileges bestowed by nature upon one gender over the other just for one biological purpose i.e. to sustain life on earth in perpetuity. All cells arise from pre-existing cells—this is what we all learned in Cell Theory of Schleiden and Schwann. But how do things get perversely translated in the society –is both non-scientific and un-Islamic?

There always exists a Pandora’s box on the internet when anything is under discussion and debate with respect to Islam and its tenets. When such debates touch women, there, the situation turns in to graver hodge-podge. For, those who discuss or debate are equally deficient and incompetent in the knowledge of Modern Feminism and Classical Islam.

Putting all those trivialities aside, I wish to concentrate here on how Muhammad was docile, harmonic, compassionate to every woman in society in whatever decent relation or gesture she came to him.

On Education of Women and their initiative towards Education

Women who were being buried alive in their infant-hood before Muhammad's arrival in ignorant Arab were brought on a platform of education and learning by him. In times of Muhammad, he himself used to teach his companions, both male and female, on various discourses. There would be lessons on theology, law, administration, governance, medicine, rights, duties, social dynamics, etc. When women would get lesser time with their teacher, Muhammad, they decided to convey it to the Prophet. A woman said to the Prophet, ‘the men have greater access and more time with you than we have! Appoint a day for us with you exclusively’. So Prophet promised to meet them at an appointed time in which he would exhort them and command them in their learning. [Bukhari, As-Sahih; Chapter: Are Women to be Given Specific Day for Lessons; Narration: 101]

Today, girls are devoid of their rights of ‘basic’ education and they are not allowed to make even a tiny request for their education. Thanks to ignorance and patriarchy of minds! How Muslims are doing in the modern world !

Responsibilities towards Family and Kinship

In modern socio-political discourses, the family is considered as the basic unit of the human organization that culminates in the State. Our quotidian affairs revolve around our families. What does Muhammad have to tell people in general and his followers in particular regarding family relations!

Al-Aswad, one of the companions of Muhammad asked Aisha, the wife of Muhammad, ‘What would Prophet do at his home?’ She replied, ‘He would be in the service of his family, and when the time for prayer began, he would go out to attend the prayer” [Bukhari, As-Sahih; Chapter: Service of a Man towards his Family- Narration: 5048 | Chapter: On how a man should treat his Family- Narration: 5692]

In another narration, Aisha said that Muhammad said, ‘The best of you is who is best towards his family’. [Ibn Majah, Al-Sunan; Chapter: On Living Kindly with Women; Narration: 1977 | Tirmidhi, Al-Sunan; Book of the Exemplary Qualities; Narration: 3895 ]

Today, one may find people even on the highest of the highest posts in India but how do they discharge their responsibilities towards their families, especially wives, is quite discouraging!

On Careful Upbringing of Daughters

Indian families are son-seekers and son-wishers because of their so-called notion of waris (heir). There exists a great deal of repugnancy towards a female child, her upbringing, education, nutrition, etc. This is contrary to what Muhammad said and wished.

The Prophet said, ‘whoever cares for two young girls until they both reach the age of maturity, I will arrive on the Day of Resurrection with him like this.’ And then the Prophet joined his fingers together. [Muslim, As-Sahih; The Virtues of Kindness towards Daughters; Narration: 2631 | Tirmidhi, Al-Sunan; Concerning expenditures on Daughters and Sisters; Narration: 1914]

Two here in ‘two young girls’ indicated a multitude of girl children in a family who must be earnestly taken care of by parents. And 'care' here means all dimensions including child's first breastfeeding after her birth, education, health, nutrition, equal opportunities to progress, etc.

Being Dutiful and Affable To Wife

Muhammad, the Messenger of Allah, had a Persian neighbor who would make a tasty broth, and so he once made for Allah’s messenger and called him over to invite him.

Allah’s Messenger asked him, ‘Is this batch for Aisha?’ The man said, ‘no’. Allah’s Messenger then said, ‘No, thank you’.

Then man invited Him once more and He asked him, ‘Is this batch for Aisha?’ The man said, ‘no’. Allah’s Messenger then said, ‘No, thank you’.

The man invited Him once more and He asked him, ‘Is this batch for Aisha?’ Finally, the man replied, ‘Yes !’. Then Allah’s Messenger and Aisha walked together until they arrived at man’s house [to partake of the broth] [Muslim, As-Sahih; Narration: 2037 | Hanbal, Al-Musnad; Narration: 12265]

Thus, we find that Muhammad would not accept a neighbor’s broth invite until he is not willing to invite Muhammad’s wife Aisha with Muhammad. This is how Muhammad cared about his marital relations.

Once Muawiyah bin Hayda asked Muhammad, ‘O Messenger of Allah! what rights do our wives have over us? He replied, ‘that you feed her when you eat, clothe her when you clothe yourself and you should not strike in the face, should not use odious words for her and should not avoid your wife. [Abu Dawood, As-Sunan; Chapter: On Woman’s Right Over Her Husband; Narration: 2142]

Unfortunately, in most Muslim families those things are common which Muhammad wanted Muawiyah bin Hayda to refrain from!

Muhammad said to his companion Saad bin Abi Waqqas, ‘Never shall you spend anything, seeking thereby the pleasure of Allah, save that you will be rewarded for it—even that food which you put into your wife’s mouth’. [Bukhari, As Sahih; Chapter: On Actions and Intentions; Narration: 56 | Muslim, As-Sahih; Chapter: The Bequests; Narration: 1628]

Duties towards Mother

It was narrated by Abu Hurayra, the Prophet’s companion that a man came to the Prophet and said, ‘O Messenger of Allah ! Who among the people has the most right to my kind treatment?

He replied, ‘your mother’.

Then the man said, ‘then who? He replied, ‘your mother’.

Then the man said, ‘then who? He then responded, ‘your father’.

[Bukari, As-Sahih; Chapter: Who among the People have Most Right to Kind Treatment; Narration: 5626 | Muslim, As-Sahih; On Kindness towards One’s Parents who are Most Deserving of it; Narration: 2548]

Though a person is duty-bound towards both parents; their duties are manifold towards Mother. One should rule out the weird reasons why old age homes should exist on earth!

Duties towards other Women in Society

If some slave-woman from the slave women of Medina wanted, she would make Allah’s Messenger by his hand and take him wherever she wished to go pertaining to resolve any matter. [Bukhari, As-Sahih; Chapter: On Pride; Narration: 5724]

Once a woman came to the Prophet and said, ‘O Messenger of Allah! I have a need for you to fulfill’. He said, O mother of so-and-so! consider which route you wish so I can fulfill your need’. He went with her on one of the footpaths until she had her need to be fulfilled. [Muslim, As-Sahih; Chapter: Prophet’s closeness with the People; Narration: 2326]

About Muhammad, Khwaja Altaf Husain Hali rightly said in his Musaddas:

Muraden Gharibon ki bar lanay wala

Museebat mein ghairon kay kaam aanay wala

Woh apnay paraye ka gham khanay wala

Muhammad’s radical feminism was unprecedented and sublime. The concept of equality in the modern world actually arose from the French revolution. For centuries women in both the East and the West were frowned upon and were taken as a curse on humanity.

Knowing this reality very much, I am not astonished by the fact that for thousands of years classical texts of Islam were guiding humanity by traditions of Muhammad with glorious titles of chapters like: On Living Kindly with Women, Concerning expenditures on Daughters and Sisters, On Woman’s Right Over Her Husband, Are Women to be Given Specific Day for Lessons, Service of a Man towards his Family, On how a man should treat his Family, On Kindness towards One’s Parents who are Most Deserving of it, Prophet’s closeness with the People, etc.

I am not astonished, I am rather shocked, that Muslims despite having a strong foundation of what constitutes a beautiful society are still living in that dark and ignorant zone in which both East and West remained drowned for ages!

The author is a Research Scholar at the Department of Political Science, AMU, Aligarh. Views expressed are personal.

“सय्यद की लौह-ए-तुर्बत” और अल्लामा इक़बाल के शब्दों में सर सय्यद का पैग़ाम

2016-10-15T15:05:00.002-05:00

Published on Awaam India

ऐ के तेरा मुर्ग़-ए-जाँ तार-ए-नफ़स में है असीर
ऐ के तेरी रूह का ताइर क़फ़स में है असीर

इस चमन के नग़मा पैराओं की आज़ादी तो देख
शहर जो उजड़ा हुआ था उसकी आबादी तो देख

फ़िक्र रहती है मुझे जिस की वो महफ़िल है यही
सब्र-ओ-इस्तक़लाल की खेती का हासिल है यही

संग-ए-तुर्बत है मिरा गर्वीदा-ए-तक़रीर देख

चश्म-ए-बातिन से ज़रा इस लोह की तहरीर देख

मुद्दआ तेरा अगर दुनिया में है तालीम-ए-दीं
तर्क-ए-दुनिया क़ौम को अपनी न सिखलाना कहीं

वा न करना फ़िरक़ा-बन्दी के लिए अपनी ज़ुबां
छुप के है बैठा हुआ हंगामा-ए-महशर यहाँ

वस्ल के असबाब पैदा हों तेरी तहरीर से
देख कोई दिल न दुःख जाये तेरी तक़रीर से

महफ़िल-ए-नौ में पुरानी दास्तानों को न छेड़

रंग पर जो अब न आएँ उन अफ़सानों को न छेड़

तू अगर कोई मुदाब्बिर है तो सुन मेरी सदा
है दिलेरी दस्त-ए-अरबाब-ए-सियासत का असा

अर्ज़-ए-मतलब से झिझक जाना नहीं ज़ेबा तुझे
नेक है नियत अगर तेरी तो क्या परवा तुझे

बन्दा-ए-मौमिन का दिल बीम-ओ-रिया से पाक है

क़ुव्वत-ए-फरमा-रवा के सामने बेबाक है

हो अगर हाथों में तेरे ख़ामा-ए-मौजिज़ रक़म
शीशा-ए-दिल हो अगर तेरा मिसाल-ए-जाम-ए-जम

पाक रख अपनी ज़ुबां तलमीज़-ए-रहमानी है तू
हो न जाये देखना तेरी सदा बे-आबरू

सोने वालों को जगा दे शेर के ऐजाज़ से

ख़िरमन-ए-बातिल जला दे शोला-ए-आवाज़ से

व्याख्या:

इस कलाम के शीर्षक का अर्थ है "सर सय्यद के मज़ार का पत्थर". इस कलाम में अल्लामा इक़बाल ने जो कुछ लिखा है वो सर सय्यद का पैग़ाम है जो उनके मज़ार [पर लगे पत्थर] से जारी हुआ है और कुछ लोगों को हिदायत और नसीहत देना चाहता है जिनमें तीन लोग शामिल हैं:

१- आलिम अथवा विद्वान

२- सियासी लीडर अथवा राजनेता

३- अदीब/ शायर/ लेखक इत्यादि

सर सय्यद अहमद खान बहादुर भारत में 19वीं सदी के महान समाजसुधारक थे जिन्होंने उत्तरप्रदेश के अलीगढ़ शहर में मुहम्मदन एंग्लो ओरिएण्टल कॉलेज की स्थापना की जो बाद में अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय के रूप में उरूज को पहुंचा. इनका मूल नाम सय्यद अहमद था, सर, खान और बहादुर उनके एज़ाज़ी लक़ब (मानद उपाधियाँ) थे. सर सय्यद का मज़ार अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम विश्वविद्यालय के सर सय्यद हॉल में है.

इस कलाम में चार बन्द (पद/ stanza) हैं जिनमे पहला बन्द सामान्य है और जो आलिम, नेता और अदीब -सभी पर लागू होता है जबकि बाद वाले तीन बन्द क्रमश: तीनों पर लागू होते हैं.

पहला बन्द:

ऐ के तेरा मुर्ग़-ए-जाँ तार-ए-नफ़स में है असीर
ऐ के तेरी रूह का ताइर क़फ़स में है असीर

इस चमन के नग़मा पैराओं की आज़ादी तो देख
शहर जो उजड़ा हुआ था उसकी आबादी तो देख

फ़िक्र रहती है मुझे जिस की वो महफ़िल है यही
सब्र-ओ-इस्तक़लाल की खेती का हासिल है यही

संग-ए-तुर्बत है मिरा गर्वीदा-ए-तक़रीर देख

चश्म-ए-बातिन से ज़रा इस लोह की तहरीर देख

सर सय्यद कहते हैं कि ऐ विद्वानों, अदीबों और सियासी रहनुमाओं ! आपकी रूह जागरूक नहीं है. यह अपनी ख्वाहिशों और आराम-पसन्दी में गिरफ़्तार हैं. यह जो इदारा (शिक्षा-संस्थान) बनकर तैयार हुआ है इसमें पहले खुशहाली के तराने गाने वाले नहीं थे. यह उजड़ा शहर था लेकिन अब इसकी आबादी देखते ही बनती है. ज़िन्दगी भर मुझे जिस फ़िक्र ने खाया वो यही थी कि किस तरह में कौम को पस्ती के अँधेरों से निकालकर एक रोशन महफ़िल तैयार करूं जहाँ इल्म की रौशनी हो. मैंने बहुत सब्र और हिम्मत से काम लिया, बड़े-बड़े इम्तिहानों से नहीं डिगा! मेरे इस संयम और धैर्य की खेती यही इदारा है, मेरी ज़िन्दगी भर की यही कमाई है. ऐ आलिमों, अदीबों और सियासी रहनुमाओं ! मेरे मज़ार पर लगे इस पत्थर को अपने दिल की आँखों से देखो जो तुम्हे अपनी तरफ़ खींचना चाहता है ताकि तुमसे हमकलाम हो और कुछ बातें करे. तुम लोग अपने दिल की आंखे खोलकर उस तहरीर को देखो जो इस पर लिखी है.

शब्दार्थ:

तार-ए-नफ़स: बुरी ख्वाहिशों का पिंजरा असीर: मजबूर, लाचार रूह का ताइर: आत्मा का पंछी क़फ़स: पिंजरा / जाल चमन: उपवन / गार्डेन/ बग़ीचा नग़मा पैराओं: गीत गाने वाले लोग सब्र-ओ-इस्तक़लाल: संयम और धैर्य खेती का हासिल: नतीजा /परिणाम संग-ए-तुर्बत: कब्र का पत्थर गर्वीदा-ए-तक़रीर: तक़रीर की तरफ़ आकर्षित चश्म-ए-बातिन: मन की ऑंखें लोह की तहरीर: पत्थर पर अंकित शब्द

दूसरा बन्द:

मुद्दआ तेरा अगर दुनिया में है तालीम-ए-दीं
तर्क-ए-दुनिया क़ौम को अपनी न सिखलाना कहीं

वा न करना फ़िरक़ा-बन्दी के लिए अपनी ज़ुबां
छुप के है बैठा हुआ हंगामा-ए-महशर यहाँ

वस्ल के असबाब पैदा हों तेरी तहरीर से
देख कोई दिल न दुःख जाये तेरी तक़रीर से

महफ़िल-ए-नौ में पुरानी दास्तानों को न छेड़

रंग पर जो अब न आएँ उन अफ़सानों को न छेड़

सर सय्यद सबसे पहले आलिमों,दानिश्वरों और विद्वानों से कहते हैं कि ऐ आलिमों ! अगर आप दुनिया में सिर्फ मज़हब की तालीम आम करना चाहते हैं तो यह सही फ़ैसला नहीं है ! अपनी कौम को दुनिया की तालीम भी ज़रूर देना. यहाँ दुनिया की तालीम का मतलब आधुनिक विज्ञान, साहित्य इत्यादि से है. अल्लामा ने यह जुमला सर सय्यद के उस कथन से लिया है जिसमे उन्होंने कहा था कि अलीगढ़ कॉलेज में पढने वाले विद्यार्थी के एक हाथ में "क़ुरान" होगा और दूसरे हाथ में "आधुनिक विज्ञान" ! यहाँ कुरान का तात्पर्य धर्म की शिक्षा से है.

आगे हिदायत करते हैं कि याद रहे कि आप इल्म वाले हैं. आपको हर तरह की फिरका-बन्दी के ख़िलाफ़ रहना है और भूल कर भी फिरकों की हिमायत में अपनी ज़ुबान नही खोलना. क्योंकि यदि ज़ुबान खुल गयी तो लोगो में हंगामा हो जायेगा और फिर तालीम का मक़सद कुछ नहीं रहेगा सिवाय बहस और गिरोह-बन्दी के !

इसके विपरीत आपको "मिलाप" के मौक़े तलाशने होंगे ताकि आप यह जान जाएँ कि किस तरह लोगो को आपस में जोड़ें. याद रखिएगा कि आपकी तक़रीर से, आपके शब्दों से किसी का भी दिल न दुखे !

अब जो गुज़र चुका, उसको भूल जाना बहतर हैं क्यूँकि गढ़े मुर्दे उखाड़ने से कोई फाएदा नहीं. जो दास्ताने / किस्से अपना आकर्षण खो चुकी हैं उनको दोबारा जिंदा न करना और मुस्तक़बिल (भविष्य) पर ध्यान देना. ऐसा लगता है कि इस जगह अल्लामा 1857 के ग़दर की तकलीफ़ देने वाली बातों से आगे निकलकर भविष्य निर्माण की ओर ले जाना चाह रहे हैं ताकि मुल्क और कौम तरक्क़ी करें!

शब्दार्थ:

मुद्दआ: मक़सद, केंद्रबिंदु तालीम-ए-दीं: धर्म की शिक्षा / दीन की तालीम तर्क-ए-दुनिया: दुनियादारी को त्यागना क़ौम: राष्ट्र वा न करना: न खोलना फ़िरक़ा-बन्दी: फ़िरक़े बनाना हंगामा-ए-महशर: बहुत ज़्यादा बहस इत्यादी का होना वस्ल के असबाब: आपसी मिलाप और मैत्री के साधन तहरीर: लेख, कविता इत्यादि तक़रीर: भाषण महफ़िल-ए-नौ: नई महफ़िल रंग पर आना: आकर्षक या मोहक होना फ़सानों: बातें/ किस्से

तीसरा बन्द:

तू अगर कोई मुदाब्बिर है तो सुन मेरी सदा
है दिलेरी दस्त-ए-अरबाब-ए-सियासत का असा

अर्ज़-ए-मतलब से झिझक जाना नहीं ज़ेबा तुझे
नेक है नियत अगर तेरी तो क्या परवा तुझे

बन्दा-ए-मौमिन का दिल बीम-ओ-रिया से पाक है

क़ुव्वत-ए-फरमा-रवा के सामने बेबाक है

आगे फ़रमाया कि मेरी आवाज़ सुनने वाले यदि तू कोई सियासी रहनुमा या लीडर है तो यह जान ले कि तेरा बहादुर होना बहुत ज़रूरी है. क्यूंकि यदि तू लोगो की नुमाइंदगी कर रहा है तो यह बेहद ज़रूरी है कि तू अपनी बात को ज़ालिम बादशाह के सामने निडर होकर रख सके. बहादुरी ही लीडरों की सबसे बड़ी शक्ति है. तू स्वार्थ की वजह से कायर न बन जाना. याद रखना कि यदि तेरी नियत स्वार्थ से पाक है तो तुझे कोई चिंता नहीं ! तू ही जीतने वाला है.

एक ईमान वाले का दिल दिखावे और डर से पाक होता है. वो दिखावा नहीं करता. और जो कुछ भी करता है वो रब की रज़ा की खातिर करता है. उसे सिर्फ रब का डर होता है जिसके आगे बादशाहों का डर कुछ नहीं. इसीलिए मौमिन इंसान बादशाह के सामने बेबाक बोलता है और हक़ बात बोलता है. यहाँ हज़रत इमाम हुसैन (रज़ी) का उदाहरण देना सबसे बहतर है जिन्होंने यज़ीद ज़ालिम के ज़ुल्म के आगे सर नहीं झुकाया और बेबाक रहे.

शब्दार्थ:

मुदाब्बिर: सियासी लीडर / राजनेता सदा: फ़रयाद / आग्रह दिलेरी: बहादुरी दस्त: हाथ अरबाब-ए-सियासत: सियासी कर्ता-धर्ता असा: हज़रत मूसा की दैवीय छड़ (यहाँ शक्ति से अभिप्राय है) अर्ज़-ए-मतलब: मतलब परस्ती / स्वार्थ झिझक जाना: कायर हो जाना ज़ेबा: शोभा परवा: परवाह बन्दा-ए-मौमिन: अल्लाह और हज़रत मुहम्मद पर ईमान रखने वाला बीम: डर रिया: दिखावा क़ुव्वत: ताक़त फरमा-रवा: बादशाह बेबाक: निडर

चौथा बन्द:

हो अगर हाथों में तेरे ख़ामा-ए-मौजिज़ रक़म
शीशा-ए-दिल हो अगर तेरा मिसाल-ए-जाम-ए-जम

पाक रख अपनी ज़ुबां तलमीज़-ए-रहमानी है तू
हो न जाये देखना तेरी सदा बे-आबरू

सोने वालों को जगा दे शेर के ऐजाज़ से

ख़िरमन-ए-बातिल जला दे शोला-ए-आवाज़ से

आगे सर सय्यद की रूह कहती है कि सुनने वाले यदि तू कोई अदीब या साहित्यकार है तो मेरी बात ध्यान से सुन. यदि तू सबसे बहतर लिखता है, तेरे जैसा कोई नहीं है और तेरे दिल (की नज़र) में वो ताक़त है जो ज़माने के मौजूदा हालात को देखती-समझती है तो तुझे एक नसीहत की जाती है. तू अपनी ज़ुबान को हमेशा पाक रखना क्यूँकी दुनिया में तू ही है जो अल्लाह का शागिर्द है. तेरी लिखी बातों को "अल्लाह का इल्हाम (अवतरित बातें)" कहा जाता है. तेरी बात लोगों में बहुत आदरणीय होती है. यदि तू कुछ अशोभनीय बोल गया तो तेरे कलाम की इज्ज़त मिटटी में मिल जाएगी. इसलिए अपने बे-मिसाल शेरों से सोए हुए दिलों को जगा दे और बातिल ने जो खेती बोई थी उससे जो कुछ भी हासिल किया है उसके ढेर को अपनी इन्क़लाबी आवाज़ की गर्मी से जलाकर खाक कर दे !!

शब्दार्थ:

ख़ामा: क़लम मौजिज़ रक़म: ऐसा अदीब या साहित्यकार जिसकी तरह दूसरा न हो शीशा-ए-दिल: दिल का आईना जाम-ए-जम: बादशाह जमशेद का वो प्याला जिसमे वह दुनिया के हालात देख सकता था तलमीज़-ए-रहमानी: अल्लाह का शागिर्द है जो बहुत रहम दिल हो सदा: आवाज़ बे-आबरू: अमर्यादित/ बे-इज़्ज़त ऐजाज़: वो बात/ काम जिसे दूसरे नहीं कर सकते ख़िरमन: खेती के पक कर कट जाने पर हासिल हुई फसल (Post-Harvest Food etc.) बातिल: असत्य/ बुराई शोला-ए-आवाज़: आवाज़ की ज्वाला

Celebrating Mary Parker Follett

2016-03-08T05:45:00.004-06:00

By Naved Ashrafi

It was the sad demise of Karl Marx in 1883 and that of Engels in 1895 that [un]fortunately provided free space to the development of the new academic discipline of Public Administration in the United States of America (USA). Woodrow Wilson’s essay The Study of Administration (1887) offered capitalism an opportunity to reincarnate itself in the twentieth century in a novel way as a ‘silent tool’ for the implementation of exploitative capitalist skills. ‘Administration is business’, says Wilson in his epochal essay citing ‘efficiency’ as one of his major concerns which Buechner, otherwise, calls an inclination towards privatization.

Absence of staunch and vigilant Marxian critique, like that of Marx’s own critique of the state and the bureaucracy, augured well for capitalism to launch itself in the guise of public administration or public management—to call it in 21st-century parlance. Debates on ideas and ideologies go on but many times in this hustle-bustle we forget to celebrate a few personalities connected with the theoretical foundations of the debate. I don’t subscribe to capitalism in theory and practice but on this International Women’s Day I should celebrate Mary Parker Follett (1868-1933) as the world’s first woman in a huge galaxy of male-dominated administrative/management thinkers.

Mary Parker Follett was a pioneering lady in administrative thought. She is more popular as a management thinker. Management guru Peter Drucker regarded her as the Prophet of Management and his ‘Guru’. She wore many hats; she was a philosopher, political scientist, social worker, adult educator, philanthropist, lecturer, and organization theorist. Born to Elizabeth Curtis and Charles Follett on September 03, 1868, Mary had her early days full of prodigious underpinnings. She lived in an era when approximately ninety-eight percent of American women were not going to colleges. Women were under ‘protection’ first under their father, later under their husbands. Facing all odds including an early responsibility to take care of her younger sibling, George, born in 1877, she made it to the Radcliffe College—Harvard’s annex for women in 1888. She lived there for six years interrupted by one year (1890-91) at Newnham College, Cambridge at England. After returning from Cambridge, she graduated from Radcliffe in 1898 and undertook post-graduation in Paris. Her first book The Speaker of the House of Representatives got published in her Radcliffe days in 1896.

First among others

After treading a tight rope in her childhood, Mary turned out to be an aesthete of traditional subjects like state, community, sovereignty, etc. at Radcliffe and Paris. She is credited in the modern world for initiating studies of industrial groups keeping aloof all those subjects which were in vogue in those times. She was a pioneer. Mary held that people must socialize themselves by practice and not by the study. This made her the first person to study the industry. She was one of the first women ever invited to address the London School of Economics. She was the first woman in the male-dominated galaxy of administrative/ management thinkers.

Follett in Women’s League of Boston

Mary joined the Women’s Municipal League of Boston as the Chairman of its Committee for Extended Use of School Buildings. The committee was to get young people off the street at night by opening the schoolhouses for recreation. To Follett, the main purpose of the drama coach was not to produce good plays nor of basketball coach to win games. Follett had unique modus operandi when she says their purpose is to give people practice in cooperating with each other and in the self-government. So getting young people off the street in the Women’s League of Boston was to nurture a strong foundation for democratic citizenship.

On State, Democracy and Law

Follett laid great emphasis on group dynamics in an organization. To her, the group is the core of social process and state is an extension to the group process at a higher level. The state is the highest expression of social life. A true state is one which creates an overarching ‘great group’ with its sovereignty resting on ‘group process’ and the principles of ‘integration’. Such a state is unified by common popular ends. The state is the fulfillment and expression of an individual. Thus, Follett says, ‘the home of my soul is in the state’.

Basis of Follett’s concept of democracy is not the majority rule, party system, and submission to the law of crowd. Such democracies —as Follett calls it—are “ballot-box democracies”. The state having premised on the group process, democracy should also be based on collective will that in turn hinges upon substantive participation of masses. In a real democracy, a leader should nurture the energy of the group and should create an opportunity for the release of such unifying energies. Democracy is based on both ‘expert advice’ and ‘active electorate’.

On Conflict and Integration

A group like industry or country is made up of many persons with different connotations and desires. With such diversified content, conflicts are unavoidable and the group should sail through such conflicts smartly. Conflict should be regarded as a normal process in the group organization. Conflict is neither good nor bad. To Follett, it is not warfare but only an appearance of the difference of opinion and interest. Conflict is unavoidable, so ‘criticizing it’ should be replaced with ‘capitalizing on it’. Conflict represents friction and one must know that every forward movement is not possible without friction, the violin produces music by friction, and all polishing is done by friction.

Conflict must be resolved by the process of ‘integration’. Domination and compromise may not be the best ways to resolve conflicts. Unlike domination and compromise, two desires are integrated and neither side needs to sacrifice its desire in integration. Compromise doesn’t create something new but deals only with the existing while integration creates something new and saves time and resources. It goes to the root of the problem and ends disputes permanently. Integration involves three steps namely uncovering and identification of differences, breaking up of a whole into fragments, and anticipation of constructive responses.

On Power, Authority and Bossism

To Follett, power is the ability to make things happen, to be a causal agent to initiate change. In a group, ‘power over’ is different from ‘power with’. Former is coercive in nature while the latter is co-active facilitating creativity. Power can’t be delegated or handed over or wrenched out because it is the result of ‘knowledge and ability’. A senior can’t delegate power as much as they are unable to delegate knowledge. They can only make subordinates learn things and create power de novo.

Authority, according to Follett, is vested power i.e. right to develop and exercise power. Power in terms of status offends human dignity and this can’t be the basis of any democratic organization. Authority, responsibility, and giving orders should be based on the ‘law of situation’ i.e. one should follow what situation demands. Orders must be depersonalized to command maximum compliance from other group members. A leader is the one who can energize their group, who knows how to encourage initiative and how to draw all that each has to give optimally. A genuine leader doesn’t make their position or personal charisma as the basis of ‘leadership’. They make ‘functional expertise’ or expert knowledge their basis of leadership. Such leaders can give orders even to those present at higher levels of hierarchy. They are the real boss for they rely on ‘law of situation’ and ‘functional expertise’ and not on their own whims and fancies.

Conclusion

No thinker or social scientist is infallible as far as the development of knowledge is concerned. There may be serious criticism of Mary Follett in Marxian or any other paradigm. Her very understanding of the state and democracy can well be criticized. The process goes on. But this is the time to pause on. One should celebrate the personality and contribution of Mary Follett to the knowledge world. One should criticize the way women are being exploited by the neo-capitalist management world. Barring few women on the top, most of them have been reduced to mere marketing, advertising, and propagating capitalism. They are checked from going deep into knowledge strata in modern organizations. Their participation is confined only to toe the lines of male-chauvinist management. Follett herself was not very much popular among her male contemporaries. Her most of views could only be popularized after her death. In Follett’s life and struggle, there lie many inspirations to young women of our times. They must be educated to educate themselves because educated [and not mere literate] women can emancipate themselves without any assistance.

Author is a doctoral candidate (Public Administration) at the Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh.

Letter to AMU-VC on Merit System in Ph.D. Admission being corrupted

2016-02-23T04:55:00.004-06:00

December 21, 2015

Dear Guardian,

Many good things are happening in the university campus. Congratulations. All credit goes to you. But when something wrong happens in the university, whole Alig community has to bear its brunt morally or otherwise.

I wish to draw your kind attention towards a very genuine and of course an obnoxious issue which, otherwise, is not put in open before national media hitherto !

Regarding M.Phil/ Ph.D. admissions, I must apprise you that Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) has very clear and categorical rules for admission to research programs. Chapter XXV (B) of the Ordinances (Academic) for Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) says that:

1. Admission to Ph.D. ‘will’ be made through admission test comprising (a) written test and (b) presentation-cum-interview [vide. Clause 3.1 (i)]
2. Qualifying NET/ JRF examination ‘will’ exempt a candidate from taking the written test at their will. The ordinance clause writes further in BOLD that such candidates “will be deemed to have obtained 35 marks in the written test. However such candidates will have the option of appearing in the written test to improve upon”. [vide. Clause 3.1 (ii)]
3. Most importantly, ordinance uses the word “will” and not “shall”, which guarantees that there shall be “strict” adherence to the rules.

Above provisions is excellent example of –what we call in modern democratic societies – “Merit System”. We spend myriad spondulicks in determining merits of different entrance tests in the university so that rationality, objectivity and scientism should prevail and we must get best from the national treasure of talent. We are not here to make nepotism and favoritism re-incarnate in our system! Thus, we hold that Merit Rule will be strictly followed and Merit will have nothing to do with NET/JRF certificate. NET/JRF certificate shall only be in lieu of minimum 35 marks in written test.

Now, with utmost veneration, reverence and request, I should discuss you what had happened in the Department of Arabic. First, let me ask- who shall, in strict accordance of the merit, be given provisional admission to Ph.D program—rank 10th or 11th or 12th?

Rank 10th and 11th candidates Mr. Mohd Salman and Mr. Asghar Abdul Mujeeb got 56.00 marks while Ms. Hashmi A. (rank 12th) got 54.75 marks [vide. D.No. 582/ARB/ 11.09.2015- file attached]. Ms. Hashmi A. was given admission violating the sacrosanct “Merit” rule. Mr. Salman told me that he had informed the Vice-Chancellor but in grave despondency nothing has been achieved so far! Perhaps, he was told by some authorities in the department or the office of Controller of exams that the decision rested with the BOS and CASR. His point was that they all three candidates deserved admission but only third candidate was provisionally [and illegally] allowed. Although, two more vacancies are there under Dr. Ahsanullah Khan but only Ms. Hasmi A. was given chance.

To my extreme astonishment, I am unable to understand how can BOS or CASR determine things at their ‘absolute’ leeway? If admissions were to be given at the ‘whims’ and ‘fancies’, there needn’t stage a farce of examination, merits, admit card, presentation and sundry other painstaking tasks! Ms. Hashmi A. is a JRF qualifier, and if JRF is the reason behind the admission, it is against the Ph.D. ordinance.

Moreover, if JRF was made a criterion of admission, there are hundreds of students in the university who are 3-4 time NET/JRF qualifiers but they are out only because they could not make it to the Final Merit List of their departments.

I, therefore, request you to kindly make these deprived students take admission in research program. AMU are meeting with the PM and telling our achievements to the world. On the other flank, what would we portray to the world if such lacunae unfortunately become explicit to media! Kindly take strict steps against the authorities in university where things are kept “fishy” to mire students in grim despondency. These deprived students are innocent people. They hesitate in meeting officials, visiting higher offices in the university due to our “unfortunate” bureaucratic framework of working style. They are not like those hooligans who take up arms/katta and destroy university property, reputation and what not- but unfortunately got their bad wills fulfilled !! Alas !!

Thanking you in great anticipation.

Naved Ashrafi

Doctoral Candidate (Public Administration)

Deptt. of Political Science, AMU, Aligarh

www.navedashrafi.com

navedashrafi@gmail.com

Official Merit List:

Facebook link of Mr. Salman: https://www.facebook.com/salman.sammu.3

This letter was made confidential, which otherwise is being made public by the author.