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    <title>CPD Blog</title>
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    <description>A blog by public diplomacy professionals, theorists and practitioners, published by the USC Center on Public Diplomacy</description>
    <dc:language>en</dc:language>
    <dc:creator>USC Center on Public Diplomacy</dc:creator>
    <dc:rights>Copyright 2009</dc:rights>
    <dc:date>2009-11-13T17:59:00-08:00</dc:date>
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      <description>An overseas trip by a U.S. president is always costly, logistically challenging, and full of colorful backdrops.  President Obama&amp;#8217;s trip to Japan, Singapore, China and Korea is no exception.  If anything, there will be more excitement than usual, since it is his first trip to the region as President and there is still tremendous foreign public interest in this appealing, young, intelligent leader, his inspiring speeches, and his photogenic wife.

Why, then, is the mood so downbeat among the U.S. press corps &amp;#8212; the &amp;#8220;traveling press&amp;#8221; &amp;#8212; as they begin covering this trip?

The discouraging U.S. jobs reports with alarming unemployment rates provide part of the answer.  Another reason:  Obama&amp;#8217;s narrow win in the House vote on health care last Saturday revealed his Democratic Party to be quite divided.  A respected poll showed the American public, never very warm toward Congress as an institution, now tending to favor Republicans over Democrats there.  Finally, the national tragedy of Ft. Hood, followed by an especially somber Veterans&amp;#8217; Day holiday, drove home the pressures on the U.S. military as it tries to cope with insurgent warfare in extremely complicated circumstances.

When the President returns home, there will be an announcement to make on Afghanistan strategy, while health care reform and regulation for Wall Street are debated.  More heavy lifting for a President reported to be losing weight.

Maybe, after all, this is a good time for the President to experience a change of scene &amp;#8212; even if it will seem in Beijing like he&amp;#8217;s on a visit to America&amp;#8217;s banker.

Hopefully, the East Asian public will be drawn into the novelty of the visit and the &amp;#8220;traveling press&amp;#8221; of the American media will report on the public esteem that Obama enjoys abroad.

One thing you can bank on:  the White House will not be looking for photo ops in opulent surroundings.  American public diplomacy and White House politics are both best served by images of a hard-working and popular President seen focusing on the tough issues.  That part should not be difficult.

Published in Foreign Policy Association's Blog: "Public Diplomacy: The World Affairs Blog Network", co-hosted by the USC Center on Public Diplomacy.</description>

      
<title>You Can Bank on It</title>

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      <dc:subject>Mark_Dillen, Asia Pacific</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[An overseas trip by a U.S. president is always costly, logistically challenging, and full of colorful backdrops.  President Obama&#8217;s trip to Japan, Singapore, China and Korea is no exception.  If anything, there will be more excitement than usual, since it is his first trip to the region as President and there is still tremendous foreign public interest in this appealing, young, intelligent leader, his inspiring speeches, and his photogenic wife.<br />
<br />
Why, then, is the mood so downbeat among the U.S. press corps &#8212; the &#8220;traveling press&#8221; &#8212; as they begin covering this trip?<br />
<br />
The discouraging U.S. jobs reports with alarming unemployment rates provide part of the answer.  Another reason:  Obama&#8217;s narrow win in the House vote on health care last Saturday revealed his Democratic Party to be quite divided.  A respected poll showed the American public, never very warm toward Congress as an institution, now tending to favor Republicans over Democrats there.  Finally, the national tragedy of Ft. Hood, followed by an especially somber Veterans&#8217; Day holiday, drove home the pressures on the U.S. military as it tries to cope with insurgent warfare in extremely complicated circumstances.<br />
<br />
When the President returns home, there will be an announcement to make on Afghanistan strategy, while health care reform and regulation for Wall Street are debated.  More heavy lifting for a President reported to be losing weight.<br />
<br />
Maybe, after all, this is a good time for the President to experience a change of scene &#8212; even if it will seem in Beijing like he&#8217;s on a visit to America&#8217;s banker.<br />
<br />
Hopefully, the East Asian public will be drawn into the novelty of the visit and the &#8220;traveling press&#8221; of the American media will report on the public esteem that Obama enjoys abroad.<br />
<br />
One thing you can bank on:  the White House will not be looking for photo ops in opulent surroundings.  American public diplomacy and White House politics are both best served by images of a hard-working and popular President seen focusing on the tough issues.  That part should not be difficult.<br />
<br />
<i>Published in Foreign Policy Association's Blog: "<a target="_blank" href="http://publicdiplomacy.foreignpolicyblogs.com/">Public Diplomacy: The World Affairs Blog Network</a>", co-hosted by the USC Center on Public Diplomacy.</i><br />
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      <dc:date>2009-11-13T16:59:00-08:00</dc:date>
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      <description>CAIRO --- I&amp;#8217;ve spent the past week in Syria, Qatar, and Egypt, primarily to proselytize about public diplomacy.  In Syria, in a Damascus University lecture (carried by Al Jazeera Live) and a lengthy interview on Syrian National Television, I made the case that Arab states do an exceptionally poor job of conducting public diplomacy and that their standing in the global political community suffers as a result.  I made the same point in Qatar and Egypt, and in all three places I encountered little disagreement, even when I added that the only country in the region to do a decent job of public diplomacy is Israel.

              As evidenced by questions from university students and others, there remains much puzzlement about the meaning and value of public diplomacy.  A query from one student illustrated this: &amp;#8220;If we have diplomatic relations with most of the countries in the world, how can you say that we have weak public diplomacy?&amp;#8221;

              Clearly, public diplomacy&amp;#8217;s proponents have work to do to define the field and build a constituency.  But some in the region, particularly directors of research centers and other scholars, recognize that public diplomacy could be a valuable tool in efforts to win greater political respect for the Arab world.  I found considerable interest in developing research projects that might influence policy and foster collaboration with public diplomacy practitioners and scholars from outside the region.

              Considering how the Arab world has often done damage to itself by embracing insularity, even these first stirrings of an appreciation of public diplomacy are encouraging.  If appropriate initiatives are undertaken and partnerships developed, public diplomacy might begin to gain traction here.</description>

      
<title>Talking about Public Diplomacy In The Middle East</title>

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      <dc:subject>Philip_Seib, Middle East</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[              CAIRO --- I&#8217;ve spent the past week in Syria, Qatar, and Egypt, primarily to proselytize about public diplomacy.  In Syria, in a Damascus University lecture (carried by Al Jazeera Live) and a lengthy interview on Syrian National Television, I made the case that Arab states do an exceptionally poor job of conducting public diplomacy and that their standing in the global political community suffers as a result.  I made the same point in Qatar and Egypt, and in all three places I encountered little disagreement, even when I added that the only country in the region to do a decent job of public diplomacy is Israel.<br />
<br />
              As evidenced by questions from university students and others, there remains much puzzlement about the meaning and value of <a target="_blank" href="http://uscpublicdiplomacy.com/index.php/about/what_is_pd" title="public diplomacy">public diplomacy</a>.  A query from one student illustrated this: &#8220;If we have diplomatic relations with most of the countries in the world, how can you say that we have weak public diplomacy?&#8221;<br />
<br />
              Clearly, public diplomacy&#8217;s proponents have work to do to define the field and build a constituency.  But some in the region, particularly directors of research centers and other scholars, recognize that public diplomacy could be a valuable tool in efforts to win greater political respect for the Arab world.  I found considerable interest in developing research projects that might influence policy and foster collaboration with public diplomacy practitioners and scholars from outside the region.<br />
<br />
              Considering how the Arab world has often done damage to itself by embracing insularity, even these first stirrings of an appreciation of public diplomacy are encouraging.  If appropriate initiatives are undertaken and partnerships developed, public diplomacy might begin to gain traction here. <div class="feedflare">
<a href="http://feeds.feedburner.com/~ff/PublicDiplomacyBlog?a=Ro2eosQjYao:v-cF8SPvdbc:yIl2AUoC8zA"><img src="http://feeds.feedburner.com/~ff/PublicDiplomacyBlog?d=yIl2AUoC8zA" border="0"></img></a> <a href="http://feeds.feedburner.com/~ff/PublicDiplomacyBlog?a=Ro2eosQjYao:v-cF8SPvdbc:dnMXMwOfBR0"><img src="http://feeds.feedburner.com/~ff/PublicDiplomacyBlog?d=dnMXMwOfBR0" border="0"></img></a> <a href="http://feeds.feedburner.com/~ff/PublicDiplomacyBlog?a=Ro2eosQjYao:v-cF8SPvdbc:7Q72WNTAKBA"><img src="http://feeds.feedburner.com/~ff/PublicDiplomacyBlog?d=7Q72WNTAKBA" border="0"></img></a> <a href="http://feeds.feedburner.com/~ff/PublicDiplomacyBlog?a=Ro2eosQjYao:v-cF8SPvdbc:V_sGLiPBpWU"><img src="http://feeds.feedburner.com/~ff/PublicDiplomacyBlog?i=Ro2eosQjYao:v-cF8SPvdbc:V_sGLiPBpWU" border="0"></img></a>
</div>]]></content:encoded>
      <dc:date>2009-11-12T17:20:01-08:00</dc:date>
    </item>


    <item>
      <description>I recently returned from the Middle East where I was part of a three week Arab &amp; American Business Fellowship.  The fellowship, spearheaded by Business for Diplomatic Action and the Young Arab Leaders, is a two-way exchange program designed to engage young, high-potential professionals in bridge-building efforts between the US and the Middle East.   It is a unique program, the only one of its kind designed and driven by business leaders.  
Can Three Weeks Make a Difference? 

We began the trip in Dubai as a diverse group of 12 American fellows, representing every region of the United States and various companies including Dow Chemical, Intel, Wells Fargo, Verizon, Sephora, and DDB.  Having spent time in the region when I worked for the State Department prior to 9/11, I was eager to see if this brief fellowship could really be as &amp;#8220;transformative&amp;#8221; and &amp;#8220;life-altering&amp;#8221; as past fellows had proclaimed.  What I discovered early on in the trip was that it was not only transformative and memorable, but something that I will take with me for the rest of my life.  In three weeks, I made more contacts, and had broader, deeper interactions at every level of Middle Eastern society than I had during my entire time working for the federal government in the region.  How is this possible?  No discussion was off limits, no interaction discouraged.  It was a &amp;#8220;safe&amp;#8221; environment to ask any question, probe any issue, and raise sensitive cross-cultural concerns.  We came to learn and engage&amp;#8230; we came away completely changed.

Smashing Stereotypes and Misperceptions from Egypt to Palestine

Our fearless group of twelve split into two after our first few days in Dubai. Half of us headed to Egypt, the other half to Palestine;  two very different countries, each with their own challenges and opportunities, and two very complex business environments.  Universally, we were welcomed.  People not only welcomed us into their businesses and homes, but into their lives - sharing with us their hopes, passions, concerns, challenges, and joys.  It was remarkable how quickly these discussions smashed every stereotype and misperception on both sides, making us all realize how similar we really are when focusing on that which binds us as people, not on the issues that separate us.  I was struck by how quickly we could come together, build trust and move towards discussions of how to work together in this rare environment.  My conclusion after countless meetings, briefings and discussions confirmed my belief that business is uniquely positioned to accelerate and promote diplomatic action.  In business there is little choice but to engage, seek understanding, build relationships, find ways to collaborate and manage challenges.  Business has perfected the elements of diplomacy often overlooked by scholars and politicians - that of leveraging diplomacy effectively for strategic advantage and building solutions to complex challenges. 
Moving Towards a Global Mindset

We also saw firsthand that successful global businesses, especially the ones operating in the Middle East on a massive scale, develop and invest in their people so that they excel in diverse, challenging cross-cultural environments.  Every executive we met with had a global mindset.  This was not by accident.  How incredibly refreshing and bizarre for Americans to witness.

Of our twelve American fellows, each of us admitted at the outset that we were outliers in our respective communities and hometowns;the &amp;#8220;strange&amp;#8221; ones who actively seek out global experiences beyond Canada, Mexico and Europe.   We all truly enjoyed engaging in thoughtful global discourse with our Middle Eastern counterparts, as so many of them truly have a global mindset.  They see themselves not just as Egyptians, or Palestinians, or as Arabs, but as citizens of the world.  They are connected to and interested in what&amp;#8217;s happening in the world.  This fellowship confirmed for me how critical the cultivation of a global mindset really is for every American.  We no longer have a choice as to whether or not we engage with the world.  We do have a choice in how we engage.  Do we seek to learn and understand or hide behind stereotypes, fear, and ignorance? 
 
Sisyphus Reborn

On our last night in Dubai, we were reminded by our new friends in the region that 10 years ago a program such as the AABF, where Arab and American business leaders come together to dialogue and learn from one another, wouldn't have existed. I returned to the US with an enormous sense of gratitude and hope; an abundance of optimism, energized by the myriad opportunities in the region, eager to build upon the new relationships I cultivated, and perhaps most importantly, to share the learnings and insights with fellow Americans.  Watching the Young Arab Leaders firsthand championing innovative development and mentoring efforts in the Middle East, you can&amp;#8217;t help but be moved to action here at home.  Diplomacy begins at home and it begins with each of us who engage with other cultures and travel the world. It may seem a Sisyphean task, but what is the alternative?  Do nothing?  It will take an army of globally minded Americans to steer America&amp;#8217;s role in the world.  It is a massive, generational task, but one we are equipped and ready for.  Our work has only just begun.  Will you join us?

FOR MORE INFORMATION

Business for Diplomatic Action: http://www.businessfordiplomaticaction.org
Young Arab Leaders:  http://www.yaleaders.org/en/
AABF Building Bridges Blog: http://businessfordiplomaticaction.blogspot.com/2009/11/building-global-mindset.html</description>

      
<title>Business-Led Diplomatic Action</title>

<link />
      
<guid />

      <dc:subject>Cari_Guittard, Middle East</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<br />
I recently returned from the Middle East where I was part of a three week <a target ='_blank' href="http://businessfordiplomaticaction.blogspot.com/2009/11/building-global-mindset.html" title="Arab & American Business Fellowship">Arab & American Business Fellowship</a>.  The fellowship, spearheaded by <a href="http://www.businessfordiplomaticaction.org" title="Business for Diplomatic Action">Business for Diplomatic Action</a> and the <a href="http://www.yaleaders.org/en/" title="Young Arab Leaders">Young Arab Leaders</a>, is a two-way exchange program designed to engage young, high-potential professionals in bridge-building efforts between the US and the Middle East.   It is a unique program, the only one of its kind designed and driven by business leaders.  <p><br />
<i><b>Can Three Weeks Make a Difference? </b></i><br />
<br />
We began the trip in Dubai as a diverse group of 12 American fellows, representing every region of the United States and various companies including Dow Chemical, Intel, Wells Fargo, Verizon, Sephora, and DDB.  Having spent time in the region when I worked for the State Department prior to 9/11, I was eager to see if this brief fellowship could really be as &#8220;transformative&#8221; and &#8220;life-altering&#8221; as past fellows had proclaimed.  What I discovered early on in the trip was that it was not only transformative and memorable, but something that I will take with me for the rest of my life.  In three weeks, I made more contacts, and had broader, deeper interactions at every level of Middle Eastern society than I had during my entire time working for the federal government in the region.  <i>How is this possible?</i>  No discussion was off limits, no interaction discouraged.  It was a &#8220;safe&#8221; environment to ask any question, probe any issue, and raise sensitive cross-cultural concerns.  We came to learn and engage&#8230; we came away completely changed.<br />
<p><br />
<i><b>Smashing Stereotypes and Misperceptions from Egypt to Palestine</b></i><br />
<br />
Our fearless group of twelve split into two after our first few days in Dubai. Half of us headed to Egypt, the other half to Palestine;  two very different countries, each with their own challenges and opportunities, and two very complex business environments.  Universally, we were <i>welcomed</i>.  People not only welcomed us into their businesses and homes, but into their lives - sharing with us their hopes, passions, concerns, challenges, and joys.  It was remarkable how quickly these discussions smashed every stereotype and misperception on both sides, making us all realize how similar we really are when focusing on that which binds us as people, not on the issues that separate us.  I was struck by how quickly we could come together, build trust and move towards discussions of how to work together in this rare environment.  My conclusion after countless meetings, briefings and discussions confirmed my belief that business is uniquely positioned to accelerate and promote diplomatic action.  In business there is little choice but to engage, seek understanding, build relationships, find ways to collaborate and manage challenges.  Business has perfected the elements of diplomacy often overlooked by scholars and politicians - that of leveraging diplomacy effectively for strategic advantage and building solutions to complex challenges. <p><br />
<i><b>Moving Towards a Global Mindset</b></i><br />
<br />
We also saw firsthand that successful global businesses, especially the ones operating in the Middle East on a massive scale, develop and invest in their people so that they excel in diverse, challenging cross-cultural environments.  Every executive we met with had a <i>global mindset</i>.  This was not by accident.  How incredibly refreshing and bizarre for Americans to witness.<br />
<p><br />
Of our twelve American fellows, each of us admitted at the outset that we were outliers in our respective communities and hometowns;the &#8220;strange&#8221; ones who actively seek out global experiences beyond Canada, Mexico and Europe.   We all truly enjoyed engaging in thoughtful global discourse with our Middle Eastern counterparts, as so many of them truly have a global mindset.  They see themselves not just as Egyptians, or Palestinians, or as Arabs, but as citizens of the world.  They are connected to and interested in what&#8217;s happening in the world.  This fellowship confirmed for me how critical the cultivation of a global mindset really is for every American.  We no longer have a choice as to whether or not we engage with the world.  We do have a choice in how we engage.  Do we seek to learn and understand or hide behind stereotypes, fear, and ignorance? <br />
<p> <br />
<i><b>Sisyphus Reborn</b></i><br />
<br />
On our last night in Dubai, we were reminded by our new friends in the region that 10 years ago a program such as the <a href="http://businessfordiplomaticaction.blogspot.com/2009/11/building-global-mindset.html" title="AABF">AABF</a>, where Arab and American business leaders come together to dialogue and learn from one another, wouldn't have existed. I returned to the US with an enormous sense of gratitude and hope; an abundance of optimism, energized by the myriad opportunities in the region, eager to build upon the new relationships I cultivated, and perhaps most importantly, to share the learnings and insights with fellow Americans.  Watching the Young Arab Leaders firsthand championing innovative development and mentoring efforts in the Middle East, you can&#8217;t help but be moved to action here at home.  Diplomacy begins at home and it begins with each of us who engage with other cultures and travel the world. It may seem a Sisyphean task, but what is the alternative?  Do nothing?  It will take an army of globally minded Americans to steer America&#8217;s role in the world.  It is a massive, generational task, but one we are equipped and ready for.  Our work has only just begun.  Will you join us?<br />
<br><br />
<b>FOR MORE INFORMATION</b><br />
<br />
Business for Diplomatic Action: <a href="http://www.businessfordiplomaticaction.org" title="www.businessfordiplomaticaction.org">http://www.businessfordiplomaticaction.org</a><br />
Young Arab Leaders:  <a href="http://www.yaleaders.org/en/" title="http://www.yaleaders.org/en/">http://www.yaleaders.org/en/</a><br />
AABF Building Bridges Blog: <a href="http://businessfordiplomaticaction.blogspot.com/2009/11/building-global-mindset.html" title="http://businessfordiplomaticaction.blogspot.com/2009/11/building-global-mindset.html">http://businessfordiplomaticaction.blogspot.com/2009/11/building-global-mindset.html</a><br />
<br />
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      <dc:date>2009-11-09T18:50:00-08:00</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <description>Twitter has had a phenomenological influence on the international news media in the post-Iranian elections period in June 2009 onwards.  Through the continuous 24 hour- cycle of tweets, the micro-blogging site was challenging the censorship applied by the Iranian government on all news media covering the confrontations following the re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad . After years of state monopoly and censorship twitter and other social media sites and applications are making governments more concerned over news. Social media is placing more power in the hands of citizens in this region. For that reason, I believe that regional governments from now on will have to take a pro-active approach in conducting their public diplomacy campaigns and efforts. Learning from the business world, they have to be PREPARED before crises happen and have their plans in place. 

One good example of indirect and productive public diplomacy efforts in this region is the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia&amp;#8217;s (KSA) prestigious project, the King Abdullah University of Science and Technology(KAUST).  KAUST is meant to be a leading research university and has been received very well in the foreign media, bringing very good publicity to the country in the international press. The promising project of the Saudi King has been a significant source of controversy in the Saudi media since its inauguration on the Saudi National Day on September 23, just a few weeks ago. Many of the Arab leaders were present at the inauguration ceremony,  to mark the significance of the project to the Arab world at large including the Syrian and Yemeni presidents and the Lebanese prime minister, Senyourah, among others. The King presented this university as the realization of a 25 year-long dream, allocating about 12 billion US $ to its endowment.  

Much of the domestic criticism of this project has related to the way in which social life on campus is planned. Unlike all other educational institutes in Saudi Arabia, new rules have been applied to this university. The university is not administered by the Ministry of Education and is dealt with as an independent entity in order to circumvent the ministry&amp;#8217;s rules.  KAUST has a non segregated campus in which men and women freely move around, use and interact in the same spaces, classrooms and offices. Moreover, on campus women are allowed to drive, a privilege they are not allowed elsewhere. Following the inauguration of KAUST, Sheikh al-Shatri, a member of the KSA&amp;#8217;s higher religious council, issued a fatwa (an advisory opinion) stating that the lack of segregation in KAUST is haram -- forbidden in Islam. The sheikh, according to many, was asked by the King to resign and he was out of office very soon after announcing his fatwa on Al- Majd TV. Many considered the KAUST story as part of the ongoing conflict between the kingdom&amp;#8217;s conservatives and liberals. Both the supporters of King Abdullah over KAUST (or, the liberals) and the conservative opponents have been using social media to bring about more support for their stance on this issue. Many groups were created on Facebook in support of Sheikh Shatri, and according to The National, many of the videos featuring him reciting Quranic verses and giving religious talks were downloaded on YouTube after his resignation. 

The campaign in support of KAUST is very active online too, as many of the students have created their own pages and groups. The university itself has clearly incorporated a social media policy;if you visit the university&amp;#8217;s multimedia homepage, it will take you to its pages on Flickr, Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, in addition to embedded mini-videos of several university professors and employees praising the University. KAUST has a channel of its own on YouTube displaying videos of conferences, symposiums and campus life and community. The strategic goal of this use of social media is to appeal to an international audience. By depicting a new image compatible with the appreciation of scientific research and scholarship, it can move away from the international context within which the country has been viewed in the post 9/11 period and its identification with conflict and terrorism.</description>

      
<title>KAUST and Social Networking: the New Face of Saudi Arabia</title>

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<guid />

      <dc:subject>Abeer_Al_Najjar, Middle East</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[Twitter has had a phenomenological influence on the international news media in the post-Iranian elections period in June 2009 onwards.  Through the continuous 24 hour- cycle of tweets, the micro-blogging site was challenging the censorship applied by the Iranian government on all news media covering the confrontations following the re-election of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad . After years of state monopoly and censorship twitter and other social media sites and applications are making governments more concerned over news. Social media is placing more power in the hands of citizens in this region. For that reason, I believe that regional governments from now on will have to take a pro-active approach in conducting their public diplomacy campaigns and efforts. Learning from the business world, they have to be PREPARED before crises happen and have their plans in place. <br />
<br />
One good example of indirect and productive public diplomacy efforts in this region is the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia&#8217;s (KSA) prestigious project, the <a href="http://www.kaust.edu.sa/" title="King Abdullah University of Science and Technology">King Abdullah University of Science and Technology</a>(KAUST).  KAUST is meant to be a leading research university and has been received very well in the foreign media, bringing very good publicity to the country in the international press. The promising project of the Saudi King has been a significant source of controversy in the Saudi media since its <a href="http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20091016/REVIEW/710159994/0/national" title="inauguration on the Saudi National Day">inauguration on the Saudi National Day</a> on September 23, just a few weeks ago. Many of the Arab leaders were present at the inauguration ceremony,  to mark the significance of the project to the Arab world at large including the Syrian and Yemeni presidents and the Lebanese prime minister, Senyourah, among others. The King presented this university as the realization of a 25 year-long dream, allocating about 12 billion US $ to its endowment.  <br />
<br />
Much of the domestic criticism of this project has related to the way in which social life on campus is planned. Unlike all other educational institutes in Saudi Arabia, new rules have been applied to this university. The university is not administered by the Ministry of Education and is dealt with as an independent entity in order to circumvent the ministry&#8217;s rules. <a href="http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20091016/REVIEW/710159994/0/national" title=" KAUST has a non segregated campus"> KAUST has a non segregated campus</a> in which men and women freely move around, use and interact in the same spaces, classrooms and offices. Moreover, on campus women are allowed to drive, a privilege they are not allowed elsewhere. Following the inauguration of KAUST, Sheikh al-Shatri, a member of the KSA&#8217;s higher religious council, issued a fatwa (an advisory opinion) stating that the lack of segregation in KAUST is haram -- forbidden in Islam. The sheikh, according to many, was asked by the King to resign and he was out of office very soon after announcing his fatwa on Al- Majd TV. Many considered the KAUST story as part of the ongoing conflict between the kingdom&#8217;s conservatives and liberals. Both the supporters of King Abdullah over KAUST (or, the liberals) and the conservative opponents have been using social media to bring about more support for their stance on this issue. Many groups were created on Facebook in support of Sheikh Shatri, and <a href="http://www.thenational.ae/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20091016/REVIEW/710159994/0/national" title="according to The National">according to The National</a>, many of the videos featuring him reciting Quranic verses and giving religious talks were downloaded on YouTube after his resignation. <br />
<br />
The campaign in support of KAUST is very active online too, as many of the students have created their own pages and groups. The university itself has clearly incorporated a social media policy;if you visit the university&#8217;s multimedia homepage, it will take you to its pages on Flickr, Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, in addition to embedded mini-videos of several university professors and employees praising the University. <a target ="_blank" href="http://www.youtube.com/user/KAUSTvideo" title="KAUST has a channel of its own on YouTube">KAUST has a channel of its own on YouTube</a> displaying videos of conferences, symposiums and campus life and community. The strategic goal of this use of social media is to appeal to an international audience. By depicting a new image compatible with the appreciation of scientific research and scholarship, it can move away from the international context within which the country has been viewed in the post 9/11 period and its identification with conflict and terrorism. <br />
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      <dc:date>2009-11-02T19:03:00-08:00</dc:date>
    </item>


    <item>
      <description>This post was originally presented as a speech to the Taiwanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Taipei, Taiwan, on October 29, 2009, and is reproduced here with the permission of the author.

 For those interested in the evolution of the practice and the profession of public diplomacy, we have arrived at an interesting moment in its history, a moment of innovation and adaptation. I wish to point to two trends in this global evolution, and then underscore several challenges they pose to the future of the field.  One trend occurs at the global level, where several universal conditions are worth noting. The second trend is unfolding within the United States with the advent of the administration of President Barack Obama, which manifests some of the global trends but also presents unique elements worth noting.*
   
      Global Trends in Public Diplomacy

The three trends I identify below are of relatively recent occurrence, and have not always been a part of the long history of the field. First, prime ministers, presidents and other high level government leaders across a wide variety of states increasingly have come to recognize that public diplomacy (PD) is a useful element of statecraft, along with traditional elements like war fighting, standard diplomacy or the exercise of economic leverage.  No longer restricted to states like France or the Nordic nations in the global North, senior government officials around the world believe that they can advance their national interests through the judicious use of PD. 

Second, over the past several years many governments&amp;#8217; leaders have actually acted on this recognition by allocating money and manpower to design, organize and implement PD.  They have created new directorates within their ministries of foreign affairs as well as entirely new free standing agencies, staffing them with senior officials and allocating government funds to support them. 

For example, in June I met with a senior government official in India whose public diplomacy department has a fascinating portfolio that includes informing domestic audiences of the importance of India&amp;#8217;s international PD, reaching out to its increasingly powerful diaspora, and using its popular film culture to leverage national interests. Similar departments have been created in Canada, Germany and other nations. The MPD program at USC Annenberg is attracting a growing number of students from around the world, including mid-career professionals, who come seeking the most relevant individual skills and the &amp;#8216;best practices&amp;#8217; for their organizations back home.  Canada and Germany have created and funded separate units for PD, as have Mexico and Brazil.  The People&amp;#8217;s Republic of China is also beefing up the organizational and budgetary capacities of its PD agencies. USC Annenberg has been invited by several states in the Gulf to offer customized courses on strategic communications and public diplomacy. 

Third, a wide variety of non-governmental interest groups are learning the language of &amp;#8220;public diplomacy&amp;#8221;.  Business associations, civic groups and human rights movements are increasingly incorporating PD language and tactics into their relations with like-minded groups around the world (this is also true for public units below the national levels, as cities and states vie for greater visibility and appeal in a globalizing world.)  Non-governmental groups are also using the language of PD to try to influence their own governments to pursue policies in the international arena that support their own values and views of what is important.  

      PD Trends in the Obama Administration 

Some of these same trends are visible in Washington, but to varying degrees and influenced by other trends that are unique to a superpower and unique to American culture.  For example, one can see the global trend toward more dialogue with civil society groups in Obama&amp;#8217;s greater reliance on two-way conversation with non-governmental organizations (and with governments) than in the preceding administration of George W. Bush.  President Obama&amp;#8217;s speech to the Muslim world delivered in Cairo is one example. 

This administration&amp;#8217;s visible movement toward greater diplomacy, whether public or private, is running into the imperatives and expectations of a dominant super power which possesses unparalleled military and intelligence assets. From the Middle East to Europe, from trade to terrorism, the still-young administration is trying to calibrate its use of military power and diplomacy, its balance of hard power and soft. The current Secretary of State and her immediate team are on record in favor of reaching beyond traditional government parameters to engage women&amp;#8217;s organizations and local self-help bodies, and her senior policy advisor in the Policy Planning office (Anne-Marie Slaughter)  has written persuasively in Foreign Affairs and other outlets about the need to engage all segments of society in a &amp;#8216;global network&amp;#8217; of mutually beneficial ties in order to  modernize foreign policy &amp;#8211; not just governments, but companies, NGOs and knowledge centers. But for some problems like terrorism, and some nations like Afghanistan and Pakistan, PD&amp;#8217;s appeal and utility is limited. 

But most importantly, and most obviously, America&amp;#8217;s reliance on more public diplomacy has an obvious asset in the person of President Obama.  As the first American president with the heritage of rising from a despised minority, he has judiciously but consistently called on his minority status &amp;#8211; and his experience living abroad in a Muslim society &amp;#8211; as an important basis for his global appeal to people in other socially-difficult conditions around the world, going over the heads of their governments to claim unique understanding and sympathy for the excluded and the impoverished.  Translating this personal charisma into sustainable policies and organizational reforms will be more challenging, which leads me to the final section on the remaining challenges confronting all those who are interested in institutionalizing and expanding the reach and impact of public diplomacy.

      Remaining Global Challenges in the Design and Conduct of Public Diplomacy

Despite the impressive spread of public diplomacy as an important instrument to achieve one&amp;#8217;s international purposes, critical challenges remain.  Let me identify challenges which are internal to PD, external, technological and political.


      Internal challenges.  Within the domain of public diplomacy, how should governments (and significant NGOs) combine the multiple constituent elements of PD into one organic whole so they are mutually reinforcing and not pulling in different directions toward chaos and failure? (cf Nicholas J. Cull on this issue) PD consists of the pursuit of quite distinct purposes that employ quite different instruments.  International broadcasting, citizen exchanges, cultural diplomacy and policy promotion are used to achieve different goals, and governments confuse them at the risk of weakening the impact of all. The daily briefing from the president&amp;#8217;s office, and the attendant &amp;#8216;strategic communication&amp;#8217; message imposed across all government agencies should not try to achieve purposes of exchanges which take a generation to bear fruit. 

      External challenges.  How should government leaders find the correct balance between its soft power instruments of conversation and persuasion on the one hand, and the hard power instruments of armies and coercion on the other? All governments by definition have armies and police forces, and they sometimes use threats and coercion to achieve their international purposes.  What individuals in a country, and what institutions, have the breadth of understanding necessary to design &amp;#8216;smart power&amp;#8217;  through the integration  of the ingredients of &amp;#8216;hard power&amp;#8217; and &amp;#8216;soft power&amp;#8217;?  Public diplomacy and soft power are not ends in themselves; they should be seen as ingredients of 'smart power.'

      Technological challenges.  What is one to make of the new communications and information technologies like the Internet and its equally-radical modern updates, known as social media?  NGOs  from health organizations to terrorist cells are better at deploying these assets than governments,  and these technological changes have proved profoundly disruptive to government&amp;#8217;s plans to conduct &amp;#8216;public diplomacy&amp;#8217;. The tension between access and control has proved unsettling, and will remain so for some time.

      Political challenges &amp;#8211; who really cares about public diplomacy?  In a world where other instruments of state power have influential lobbies, who stands up for PD? International trade has its powerful trade associations and lobbyists. The military establishment is powerful everywhere, whether current and retired generals or arms makers and sellers. Will domestic coalitions emerge that learn to press government consistently and insistently to do more PD? And how will governments respond &amp;#8211; by heeding calls for more PD from civil society groups, or will they try to co-opt or crush them? Do NGOs run the risk of becoming mere tools of state power? Will government PD agencies become the captive of the loudest PD advocate?

These challenges are not open to easy or immediate resolution. But for those who care about the long term health of global international affairs, they do constitute the next steps in enhancing the design and implementation of global and national public diplomacy.  Meeting these four challenges requires hard work, immediately, to start reforming the institutions and training the PD experts of tomorrow. Creating the public diplomacy field of the future is an important task for all of us.

*These observations flow from my work as a member of the team at the Center on Public Diplomacy and a lecturer in the Master of Public Diplomacy degree program at the University of Southern California, and recent conversations in India, China, Taiwan.  I also served on the Presidential Transition Team of President Obama, with responsibilities in the area of public diplomacy.</description>

      
<title>Innovations in Global Public Diplomacy: The Implications for Foreign Policy and National Security</title>

<link />
      
<guid />

      <dc:subject>Ernest_J_Wilson_III, Americas, Asia Pacific</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<i>This post was originally presented as a speech to the Taiwanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Taipei, Taiwan, on October 29, 2009, and is reproduced here with the permission of the author.</i><br />
<br />
 <p>For those interested in the evolution of the practice and the profession of public diplomacy, we have arrived at an interesting moment in its history, a moment of innovation and adaptation. I wish to point to two trends in this global evolution, and then underscore several challenges they pose to the future of the field.  One trend occurs at the global level, where several universal conditions are worth noting. The second trend is unfolding within the United States with the advent of the administration of President Barack Obama, which manifests some of the global trends but also presents unique elements worth noting.*<br />
   <br />
      <b>Global Trends in Public Diplomacy</b><br />
<br />
The three trends I identify below are of relatively recent occurrence, and have not always been a part of the long history of the field. First, prime ministers, presidents and other high level government leaders across a wide variety of states increasingly have come to recognize that public diplomacy (PD) is a useful element of statecraft, along with traditional elements like war fighting, standard diplomacy or the exercise of economic leverage.  No longer restricted to states like France or the Nordic nations in the global North, senior government officials around the world believe that they can advance their national interests through the judicious use of PD. <br />
<br />
Second, over the past several years many governments&#8217; leaders have actually acted on this recognition by allocating money and manpower to design, organize and implement PD.  They have created new directorates within their ministries of foreign affairs as well as entirely new free standing agencies, staffing them with senior officials and allocating government funds to support them. <br />
<br />
For example, in June I met with a senior government official in India whose public diplomacy department has a fascinating portfolio that includes informing domestic audiences of the importance of India&#8217;s international PD, reaching out to its increasingly powerful diaspora, and using its popular film culture to leverage national interests. Similar departments have been created in Canada, Germany and other nations. The <a target="_blank" href="http://annenberg.usc.edu/Prospective/Masters/PubD.aspx" title="MPD program">MPD program</a> at USC Annenberg is attracting a growing number of students from around the world, including mid-career professionals, who come seeking the most relevant individual skills and the &#8216;best practices&#8217; for their organizations back home.  Canada and Germany have created and funded separate units for PD, as have Mexico and Brazil.  The People&#8217;s Republic of China is also beefing up the organizational and budgetary capacities of its PD agencies. USC Annenberg has been invited by several states in the Gulf to offer customized courses on strategic communications and public diplomacy. <br />
<br />
Third, a wide variety of non-governmental interest groups are learning the language of &#8220;public diplomacy&#8221;.  Business associations, civic groups and human rights movements are increasingly incorporating PD language and tactics into their relations with like-minded groups around the world (this is also true for public units below the national levels, as cities and states vie for greater visibility and appeal in a globalizing world.)  Non-governmental groups are also using the language of PD to try to influence their own governments to pursue policies in the international arena that support their own values and views of what is important.  <br />
<br />
      <b>PD Trends in the Obama Administration </b><br />
<br />
Some of these same trends are visible in Washington, but to varying degrees and influenced by other trends that are unique to a superpower and unique to American culture.  For example, one can see the global trend toward more dialogue with civil society groups in Obama&#8217;s greater reliance on two-way conversation with non-governmental organizations (and with governments) than in the preceding administration of George W. Bush.  President Obama&#8217;s speech to the Muslim world delivered in Cairo is one example. <br />
<br />
This administration&#8217;s visible movement toward greater diplomacy, whether public or private, is running into the imperatives and expectations of a dominant super power which possesses unparalleled military and intelligence assets. From the Middle East to Europe, from trade to terrorism, the still-young administration is trying to calibrate its use of military power and diplomacy, its balance of hard power and soft. The current Secretary of State and her immediate team are on record in favor of reaching beyond traditional government parameters to engage women&#8217;s organizations and local self-help bodies, and her senior policy advisor in the Policy Planning office (Anne-Marie Slaughter)  has written persuasively in <a target="_blank" href="http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/63722/anne-marie-slaughter/americas-edge"><i>Foreign Affairs</i></a> and other outlets about the need to engage all segments of society in a &#8216;global network&#8217; of mutually beneficial ties in order to  modernize foreign policy &#8211; not just governments, but companies, NGOs and knowledge centers. But for some problems like terrorism, and some nations like Afghanistan and Pakistan, PD&#8217;s appeal and utility is limited. <br />
<br />
But most importantly, and most obviously, America&#8217;s reliance on more public diplomacy has an obvious asset in the person of President Obama.  As the first American president with the heritage of rising from a despised minority, he has judiciously but consistently called on his minority status &#8211; and his experience living abroad in a Muslim society &#8211; as an important basis for his global appeal to people in other socially-difficult conditions around the world, going over the heads of their governments to claim unique understanding and sympathy for the excluded and the impoverished.  Translating this personal charisma into sustainable policies and organizational reforms will be more challenging, which leads me to the final section on the remaining challenges confronting all those who are interested in institutionalizing and expanding the reach and impact of public diplomacy.<br />
<br />
      <b>Remaining Global Challenges in the Design and Conduct of Public Diplomacy</b><br />
<br />
Despite the impressive spread of public diplomacy as an important instrument to achieve one&#8217;s international purposes, critical challenges remain.  Let me identify challenges which are internal to PD, external, technological and political.<br />
<br />
<br />
      <i>Internal challenges. </i> Within the domain of public diplomacy, how should governments (and significant NGOs) combine the multiple constituent elements of PD into one organic whole so they are mutually reinforcing and not pulling in different directions toward chaos and failure? (cf <a target="_blank" href="http://annenberg.usc.edu/Home/Faculty/Communication/CullN.aspx" title="Nicholas J. Cull">Nicholas J. Cull</a> on this issue) PD consists of the pursuit of quite distinct purposes that employ quite different instruments.  International broadcasting, citizen exchanges, cultural diplomacy and policy promotion are used to achieve different goals, and governments confuse them at the risk of weakening the impact of all. The daily briefing from the president&#8217;s office, and the attendant &#8216;strategic communication&#8217; message imposed across all government agencies should not try to achieve purposes of exchanges which take a generation to bear fruit. <br />
<br />
      <i>External challenges.</i>  How should government leaders find the correct balance between its soft power instruments of conversation and persuasion on the one hand, and the hard power instruments of armies and coercion on the other? All governments by definition have armies and police forces, and they sometimes use threats and coercion to achieve their international purposes.  What individuals in a country, and what institutions, have the breadth of understanding necessary to design &#8216;smart power&#8217;  through the integration  of the ingredients of &#8216;hard power&#8217; and &#8216;soft power&#8217;?  Public diplomacy and soft power are not ends in themselves; they should be seen as ingredients of 'smart power.'<br />
<br />
      <i>Technological challenges.</i>  What is one to make of the new communications and information technologies like the Internet and its equally-radical modern updates, known as social media?  NGOs  from health organizations to terrorist cells are better at deploying these assets than governments,  and these technological changes have proved profoundly disruptive to government&#8217;s plans to conduct &#8216;public diplomacy&#8217;. The tension between access and control has proved unsettling, and will remain so for some time.<br />
<br />
      <i>Political challenges &#8211; who really cares about public diplomacy?</i>  In a world where other instruments of state power have influential lobbies, who stands up for PD? International trade has its powerful trade associations and lobbyists. The military establishment is powerful everywhere, whether current and retired generals or arms makers and sellers. Will domestic coalitions emerge that learn to press government consistently and insistently to do more PD? And how will governments respond &#8211; by heeding calls for more PD from civil society groups, or will they try to co-opt or crush them? Do NGOs run the risk of becoming mere tools of state power? Will government PD agencies become the captive of the loudest PD advocate?<br />
<br />
These challenges are not open to easy or immediate resolution. But for those who care about the long term health of global international affairs, they do constitute the next steps in enhancing the design and implementation of global and national public diplomacy.  Meeting these four challenges requires hard work, immediately, to start reforming the institutions and training the PD experts of tomorrow. Creating the public diplomacy field of the future is an important task for all of us.<br><br />
<br />
*These observations flow from my work as a member of the team at the <a target="_blank" href="http://uscpublicdiplomacy.org/">Center on Public Diplomacy</a> and a lecturer in the <a target="_blank" href="http://annenberg.usc.edu/Prospective/Masters/PubD.aspx" title="Master of Public Diplomacy">Master of Public Diplomacy</a> degree program at the University of Southern California, and recent conversations in India, China, Taiwan.  I also served on the <a target="_blank" href="http://annenberg.usc.edu/AboutUs/News/090106WilsonObama.aspx" title="Presidential Transition Team">Presidential Transition Team</a> of President Obama, with responsibilities in the area of public diplomacy.<br />
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      <dc:date>2009-10-30T18:45:00-08:00</dc:date>
    </item>


    <item>
      <description>Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is spending a few days in Pakistan, ostensibly to build up trust. It should be of great concern to the Obama administration, however, that one prominent Pakistani greeted her with a Daily Beast column headlined, &amp;#8220;Hillary, Go Home.&amp;#8221; That column was penned by Fatima Bhutto, the young and progressive journalist and poet who just happens to be the niece of the late Benazir Bhutto.  Fatima&amp;#8217;s concerns include this:


Clinton, who has fondly reminisced about her decades-long friendship with President Zardari, dating back to the time when they were both first spouses, promised when she landed in Islamabad today to stand &amp;#8220;shoulder to shoulder&amp;#8221; with Pakistan in its fight against terrorism. 

Hillary, I think we&amp;#8217;re standing close enough as it is. This government, feted by Clinton as a much ballyhooed ally, doesn&amp;#8217;t have a very solid handle on what&amp;#8217;s what. President Zardari&amp;#8217;s party, the PPP, is run more like a corporation, negotiating billion-dollar aid packages for Pakistan from anyone who&amp;#8217;s willing to foot the bill. 

Bear in mind that Fatima has been a vocal critic of her own dynastic family. She and many Pakistanis believe that Zardari and Benazir may have shared responsibility for the politically motivated murder of her father. Even while a resurgent Benazir was the toast of Westerners who hoped for renewed democracy in Pakistan, Fatima spoke out bitingly in a Los Angeles Times op-ed about her aunt&amp;#8217;s alleged corruption, hypocrisy and unfitness to govern.  

So it is no surprise that she would view almost anything that Benazir&amp;#8217;s widower Zardari does as opportunism. Then again, I believe any reasonable person would agree with her. That leads to another complaint from her this week, which should be even more concerning for Washington:


Pakistan&amp;#8217;s sovereignty was signed over to Hillary and Barack some time ago. With a government willing to use U.S. drone technology against its own people, bomb various parts of its country when directed to, and allow a revolving-door policy for American officials, it&amp;#8217;s no wonder Washington is hell bent on supporting the disastrous Zardari government. 

Many Pakistani nationalists and traditionalists, prone to conspiracy theories, believe that Washington is taking over Pakistan, as I wrote in a previous post. But Fatima represents a supple, modernized and fully progressive Pakistani spirit. If Secretary Clinton is to have any meaningful effect on American diplomacy and public diplomacy in the region, she will need to begin by winning over the hearts and minds of people like her. 

Allow me to make one final observation on the occasion of Hillary&amp;#8217;s visit. I&amp;#8217;d been a staunch critic of President Bush&amp;#8217;s policies in his war on terror and had been given new hope by Obama&amp;#8217;s demonstrated willingness to understand and address root causes of anger. Bush&amp;#8217;s aggressiveness seemed to unleash a Hydra effect, occupying a nation to kill five terrorists while inciting ten others to join the cause against the occupation. Obama seems to be operating the same way&amp;#8212;openly in Afghanistan and by military proxy in Pakistan. 

As both military strategy and public diplomacy, his approach has been unfruitful so far.</description>

      
<title>That&amp;#8217;s Not A Red Carpet in Pakistan - That&amp;#8217;s A Blood-Stain</title>

<link />
      
<guid />

      <dc:subject>Rob_Asghar, South Asia</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[Secretary of State Hillary Clinton is <a href="http://edition.cnn.com/2009/POLITICS/10/30/clinton.pakistan/" title="spending a few days in Pakistan">spending a few days in Pakistan</a>, ostensibly to build up trust. It should be of great concern to the Obama administration, however, that one prominent Pakistani greeted her with a <a href="http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2009-10-28/hillary-go-home/?cid=hp:beastoriginalsL1" title="Daily Beast column">Daily Beast column</a> headlined, &#8220;Hillary, Go Home.&#8221; That column was penned by Fatima Bhutto, the young and progressive journalist and poet who just happens to be the niece of the late Benazir Bhutto.  Fatima&#8217;s concerns include this:<br />
<br />
<blockquote><br />
Clinton, who has fondly reminisced about her decades-long friendship with President Zardari, dating back to the time when they were both first spouses, promised when she landed in Islamabad today to stand &#8220;shoulder to shoulder&#8221; with Pakistan in its fight against terrorism. <br />
<br />
Hillary, I think we&#8217;re standing close enough as it is. This government, feted by Clinton as a much ballyhooed ally, doesn&#8217;t have a very solid handle on what&#8217;s what. President Zardari&#8217;s party, the PPP, is run more like a corporation, negotiating billion-dollar aid packages for Pakistan from anyone who&#8217;s willing to foot the bill. <br />
</blockquote><br />
Bear in mind that Fatima has been a vocal critic of her own dynastic family. She and many Pakistanis believe that Zardari and Benazir may have shared responsibility for the politically motivated murder of her father. Even while a resurgent Benazir was the toast of Westerners who hoped for renewed democracy in Pakistan, Fatima spoke out bitingly in a <a href="http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/asection/la-oe-bhutto14nov14,0,2985133.story" title="Los Angeles Times op-ed">Los Angeles Times op-ed</a> about her aunt&#8217;s alleged corruption, hypocrisy and unfitness to govern.  <br />
<br />
So it is no surprise that she would view almost anything that Benazir&#8217;s widower Zardari does as opportunism. Then again, I believe any reasonable person would agree with her. That leads to another complaint from her this week, which should be even more concerning for Washington:<br />
<br />
<blockquote><br />
Pakistan&#8217;s sovereignty was signed over to Hillary and Barack some time ago. With a government willing to use U.S. drone technology against its own people, bomb various parts of its country when directed to, and allow a revolving-door policy for American officials, it&#8217;s no wonder Washington is hell bent on supporting the disastrous Zardari government. <br />
</blockquote><br />
Many Pakistani nationalists and traditionalists, prone to conspiracy theories, believe that Washington is taking over Pakistan, as I wrote in a <a href="http://uscpublicdiplomacy.com/index.php/newswire/cpdblog_detail/should_i_stay_or_should_i_go_making_sense_of_an_american_invasion/" title="previous post">previous post</a>. But Fatima represents a supple, modernized and fully progressive Pakistani spirit. If Secretary Clinton is to have any meaningful effect on American diplomacy and public diplomacy in the region, she will need to begin by winning over the hearts and minds of people like her. <br />
<br />
Allow me to make one final observation on the occasion of Hillary&#8217;s visit. I&#8217;d been a staunch critic of President Bush&#8217;s policies in his war on terror and had been given new hope by Obama&#8217;s demonstrated willingness to understand and address root causes of anger. Bush&#8217;s aggressiveness seemed to unleash a Hydra effect, occupying a nation to kill five terrorists while inciting ten others to join the cause against the occupation. Obama seems to be operating the same way&#8212;openly in Afghanistan and by military proxy in Pakistan. <br />
<br />
As both military strategy and public diplomacy, his approach has been unfruitful so far.<br />
<br />
<br />
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      <dc:date>2009-10-30T18:20:00-08:00</dc:date>
    </item>


    <item>
      <description>Undersecretary of State Judith McHale's October 15 speech to the 2009 global Public Affairs Officers conference provides some useful insights into PAOs' concerns and Secretary McHale's thinking.

McHale remains optimistic, citing what she perceives as "a genuine wish to see a revival of American leadership&amp;#8230;grounded in partnership and respect."  That is probably true, at least among people around the world who recognize that a leadership vacuum will likely be filled by chaos, and with the United States taking the lead at least they will be able to deal with "the devil we know."

Based on McHale's comments, the PAOs had apparently informed her that if they are to be successful they must emerge from within the fortresses in which they work and engage more frequently and directly with foreign publics.  McHale indicated that proposals for American Centers are gaining traction.  Related to this was the PAOs' recommendation that offering English language instruction is a sure way to connect with people throughout the world.  McHale also noted with approval the PAOs' endorsement of using American science and technology to reach even those people who dislike many aspect of U.S. foreign policy.

Whether this apparent meeting of the minds translates into substantive policy remains to be seen, but at least McHale seems to appreciate the value of listening to the women and men who are actually doing diplomacy.</description>

      
<title>Judith McHale and the PAOs</title>

<link />
      
<guid />

      <dc:subject>Philip_Seib, Americas</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[Undersecretary of State Judith McHale's <a target="_blank" href="http://uscpublicdiplomacy.com/media/McHale-Speech-%20PAO%20conference%20101509.doc" title="October 15 speech">October 15 speech</a> to the 2009 global Public Affairs Officers conference provides some useful insights into PAOs' concerns and Secretary McHale's thinking.<br />
<br />
McHale remains optimistic, citing what she perceives as "a genuine wish to see a revival of American leadership&#8230;grounded in partnership and respect."  That is probably true, at least among people around the world who recognize that a leadership vacuum will likely be filled by chaos, and with the United States taking the lead at least they will be able to deal with "the devil we know."<br />
<br />
Based on McHale's comments, the PAOs had apparently informed her that if they are to be successful they must emerge from within the fortresses in which they work and engage more frequently and directly with foreign publics.  McHale indicated that proposals for American Centers are gaining traction.  Related to this was the PAOs' recommendation that offering English language instruction is a sure way to connect with people throughout the world.  McHale also noted with approval the PAOs' endorsement of using American science and technology to reach even those people who dislike many aspect of U.S. foreign policy.<br />
<br />
Whether this apparent meeting of the minds translates into substantive policy remains to be seen, but at least McHale seems to appreciate the value of listening to the women and men who are actually doing diplomacy.<br />
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      <dc:date>2009-10-28T18:20:00-08:00</dc:date>
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      <description>The U.S. and Europe both value multilateral action, &amp;#8220;contrary to public perceptions,&amp;#8221; but American and European governments have different motivations and goals.

That was the message from Liechtenstein&amp;#8217;s Ambassador to the United States, Claudia Fritsche, who delivered an address  on truth and transparency at USC on Tuesday.

Much of Ambassador Fritsche&amp;#8217;s address focused on the role of her country and its prominent financial sector in the global economy and in diplomacy. But her analysis of multilateralism and its differing practices on the different shores of the Atlantic was intriguing:

&amp;#8220;Some foreign policy experts have argued in the past that there is a transatlantic divide over the utility of international organizations &amp;#8211; and diplomacy more generally,&amp;#8221; she noted. But then she argued that this was not entirely correct: 

&amp;#8220;Contrary to public perceptions, however, this divide is not because the United States has acted on occasions in a unilateral way and Europeans prefer more the multilateral approach,&amp;#8221; she said. &amp;#8220;The actual difference is more about the process than the outcome. For Americans, multilateralism is often a means to an end; for Europeans, multilateralism is an end in itself.&amp;#8221;

Ambassador Fritsche traced this to Europe&amp;#8217;s history &amp;#8211; perhaps especially acute from the perspective of a country she described as &amp;#8220;small -- the size of Washington DC -- as well in size as in population -- 36,000.&amp;#8221; And she predicted that the U.S. and Europe are on a path to increasingly shared approaches to multilateralism:

&amp;#8220;I doubt however that this divergence over multilateralism will continue to persist,&amp;#8221; she said. &amp;#8220;The long-term distribution of power, the medium-term distribution of threats and the shared sense of social purpose will make us all realize that cooperation on all levels will be the most beneficial approach.&amp;#8221;</description>

      
<title>U.S., Europe Both Value Multilateral Action, but With Different Motivations and for Different Goals</title>

<link />
      
<guid />

      <dc:subject>Adam_Clayton_Powell_III, Eurasia</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[The U.S. and Europe both value multilateral action, &#8220;contrary to public perceptions,&#8221; but American and European governments have different motivations and goals.<br />
<br />
That was the message from Liechtenstein&#8217;s Ambassador to the United States, Claudia Fritsche, who delivered an <a target ='_blank' href="http://uscpublicdiplomacy.com/index.php/events/events_detail/8463/" title="address ">address </a> on truth and transparency at USC on Tuesday.<br />
<br />
Much of Ambassador Fritsche&#8217;s address focused on the role of her country and its prominent financial sector in the global economy and in diplomacy. But her analysis of multilateralism and its differing practices on the different shores of the Atlantic was intriguing:<br />
<br />
&#8220;Some foreign policy experts have argued in the past that there is a transatlantic divide over the utility of international organizations &#8211; and diplomacy more generally,&#8221; she noted. But then she argued that this was not entirely correct: <br />
<br />
&#8220;Contrary to public perceptions, however, this divide is not because the United States has acted on occasions in a unilateral way and Europeans prefer more the multilateral approach,&#8221; she said. &#8220;The actual difference is more about the process than the outcome. For Americans, multilateralism is often a means to an end; for Europeans, multilateralism is an end in itself.&#8221;<br />
<br />
Ambassador Fritsche traced this to Europe&#8217;s history &#8211; perhaps especially acute from the perspective of a country she described as &#8220;small -- the size of Washington DC -- as well in size as in population -- 36,000.&#8221; And she predicted that the U.S. and Europe are on a path to increasingly shared approaches to multilateralism:<br />
<br />
&#8220;I doubt however that this divergence over multilateralism will continue to persist,&#8221; she said. &#8220;The long-term distribution of power, the medium-term distribution of threats and the shared sense of social purpose will make us all realize that cooperation on all levels will be the most beneficial approach.&#8221;<br />
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      <dc:date>2009-10-26T16:51:00-08:00</dc:date>
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      <description>It was a strange feeling to wake this morning to news of President Obama's Nobel Prize on the radio.  For an instant I really thought I might still be dreaming.  My first reaction to the news was that it is extremely premature, as if they had given him the Nobel Prize for Literature for Dreams of My Father.  On reflection I think it is a powerful illustration of the hope embodied by President Obama, especially in contrast to the despair which we Europeans felt when we looked at the Bush administration with its wars and taste for unilateral foreign policy.  It is also a reminder to the world just how remarkable it is to see a major nation choose a president from a once ostracized and still disadvantaged minority.  In a world where so much conflict comes from racial divides, Obama is a great symbol of peace.  But while this -- like the recent rise of the US to the top of the Anholt nation brand index -- is a great shot in the arm for US public diplomacy, it has its limits.  It is wonderful to know that Europe loves Obama and identifies him with peace; but the reality is that he is still running two wars, and some of his choices reflect continuity with Bush policy.  I wonder what the reaction to this news will be in Pakistan, where well over a thousand civilians have been killed in drone attacks?  

Much as I admire the president, the trick for American diplomacy is now to fulfill the promise of its leader and deliver policies to match the promise.</description>

      
<title>Obama&amp;#8217;s Nobel Prize</title>

<link />
      
<guid />

      <dc:subject>Nicholas_J_Cull, Americas</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<br />
It was a strange feeling to wake this morning to news of <a target = '_blank' href="http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/8298689.stm" title="President Obama's Nobel Prize">President Obama's Nobel Prize</a> on the radio.  For an instant I really thought I might still be dreaming.  My first reaction to the news was that it is extremely premature, as if they had given him the Nobel Prize for Literature for <i>Dreams of My Father</i>.  On reflection I think it is a powerful illustration of the hope embodied by President Obama, especially in contrast to the despair which we Europeans felt when we looked at the Bush administration with its wars and taste for unilateral foreign policy.  It is also a reminder to the world just how remarkable it is to see a major nation choose a president from a once ostracized and still disadvantaged minority.  In a world where so much conflict comes from racial divides, Obama is a great symbol of peace.  But while this -- like the recent rise of the US to <a target ='_blank' href="http://uscpublicdiplomacy.com/index.php/newswire/cpdblog_detail/obamas_america_conquers_the_world/" title="the top of the Anholt nation brand index">the top of the Anholt nation brand index</a> -- is a great shot in the arm for US public diplomacy, it has its limits.  It is wonderful to know that Europe loves Obama and identifies him with peace; but the reality is that he is still running two wars, and some of his choices reflect continuity with Bush policy.  I wonder what the reaction to this news will be in Pakistan, where well over a thousand civilians have been killed in drone attacks?  <br />
<br />
Much as I admire the president, the trick for American diplomacy is now to fulfill the promise of its leader and deliver policies to match the promise.<div class="feedflare">
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</div>]]></content:encoded>
      <dc:date>2009-10-09T16:52:00-08:00</dc:date>
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    <item>
      <description>Throughout the week Washington and the media have been buzzing about the relationship between President Obama and General McChrystal. McChrystal, who is leading the United States and United Nation efforts in Afghanistan, recently proposed a shift in strategy that involves more engagement within the region along with more U.S. troops to fulfill this mission. According to the New York Times,  &amp;#8220;The strategy General McChrystal has promoted is based on the one unveiled by Mr. Obama in March, concentrating on protecting the Afghan population, training Afghan security forces and building economic opportunity and better governance&amp;#8221;.  Without visiting or personally knowing the countries of Afghanistan or Pakistan, it is difficult to assess what smart strategy should be. However, it is impossible to see how the military will succeed in this strategy without fundamentally changing the way the United States is viewed in these areas and in effect, engaging in public diplomacy. 

Over the summer I have been especially struck by a handful of reports documenting the Taliban in the Pashtun region from GlobalPost Executive Editor Charles Sennott who has been reporting on the Afghanistan and Pakistan region since 1995. Sennott has recently put together a special report on the Taliban. 

In an NPR Fresh Air report he explains that one of the problems the U.S. military is having while trying to establish relationships of trust with local Afghan leaders is the U.S. staying power.  Referencing an earlier interview with a former Defense Intelligence Agency analyst, Owen Sears,  Sennott explains that the Taliban understand if they can convince the local village leaders they will outlast the US military and are therefore the better side with which to align, they will maintain their stronghold. Sennott explains they are &amp;#8220;making the message more convincing through a climate of fear, through burning girl&amp;#8217;s schools, through going after anyone who cooperates with the U.S. military or coalition.&amp;#8221; 

So, how can the military make the argument that they deserve faith and trust, and that the United States will continue to support and defend those who help them, even when the military presence is gone? Furthermore is there a role for the common U.S. citizen to play in support of stabilizing the region and building relationships?

Greg Mortenson, founder of the Central Asian Institute and co-author of Three Cups of Tea is an extreme, yet powerful example of the potential impact citizen involvement can make. His goal has been to &amp;#8220;promote and support community-based education, especially for girls, in remote regions of Pakistan and Afghanistan.&amp;#8221;  He came to this goal after living in the region and determining that increasing the number of literate women in this region was one of the most influential ways to improve the standard of living.

Recently, Hillary Clinton spoke on Oprah about supporting girls as a national security issue. She said, &amp;#8220;Those who stand against us, stand against the rights of women, so we do have to integrate this into our national security&amp;#8230; We have to invest in girls and women around the world.&amp;#8221; Dialogue even among elites is changing to include the education and protection of women as one of the pressing issues in the 21st century. 

I specifically target girls as a way to connect cultures and positively influence stability in the region based on positive research from the Girl Effect  that systematically makes the case why improving the lives of girls significantly improves society. According to a report the war torn areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan have some of the highest female illiteracy rates in the world.  An astounding half of the girls do not have opportunities to attend school or become educated.  Additionally, educating girls will have long-term effects as they mature to become mothers raising both boys and girls and pass the gift of education along with their new-found worldview along.

Based on the idea that the United States values and supports educated women and that this value is shared by Muslims as stated in the Qur&amp;#8217;an, while opposed by the Taliban, I conclude with three questions:

1)	What is the U.S. strategy to continue to support the education of girls despite bullying from the Taliban? 
2)	Could this effort have a significant impact on stabilizing the region and diminishing extremist Taliban control? 
3)	And is there an opportunity for U.S. citizens to participate through donations and partnerships?</description>

      
<title>Considering the &amp;#8220;Girl Effect&amp;#8221; in Strategic Military Operations</title>

<link />
      
<guid />

      <dc:subject>Tori_Horton, South Asia</dc:subject>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[Throughout the week Washington and the media have been buzzing about the relationship between President Obama and General McChrystal. McChrystal, who is leading the United States and United Nation efforts in Afghanistan, recently proposed a shift in strategy that involves more engagement within the region along with more U.S. troops to fulfill this mission. According to the <a target = '_blank' href="http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/03/world/asia/03mcchrystal.html?_r=1&ref=world" title="New York Times">New York Times</a>,  &#8220;The strategy General McChrystal has promoted is based on the one unveiled by Mr. Obama in March, concentrating on protecting the Afghan population, training Afghan security forces and building economic opportunity and better governance&#8221;.  Without visiting or personally knowing the countries of Afghanistan or Pakistan, it is difficult to assess what smart strategy should be. However, it is impossible to see how the military will succeed in this strategy without fundamentally changing the way the United States is viewed in these areas and in effect, engaging in public diplomacy. <br />
<br />
Over the summer I have been especially struck by a handful of reports documenting the Taliban in the Pashtun region from GlobalPost Executive Editor Charles Sennott who has been reporting on the Afghanistan and Pakistan region since 1995. Sennott has recently put together <a target = '_blank' href="http://www.globalpost.com/taliban " title="a special report on the Taliban">a special report on the Taliban</a>. <br />
<br />
In an <a target = '_blank' href="http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=111773305" title="NPR Fresh Air">NPR Fresh Air</a> report he explains that one of the problems the U.S. military is having while trying to establish relationships of trust with local Afghan leaders is the U.S. staying power.  Referencing an earlier interview with a former Defense Intelligence Agency analyst, Owen Sears,  <a href="http://www.theworld.org/2009/07/14/the-resurgence-of-the-taliban/" title="Sennott explains">Sennott explains</a> that the Taliban understand if they can convince the local village leaders they will outlast the US military and are therefore the better side with which to align, they will maintain their stronghold. Sennott explains they are &#8220;making the message more convincing through a climate of fear, through burning girl&#8217;s schools, through going after anyone who cooperates with the U.S. military or coalition.&#8221; <br />
<br />
So, how can the military make the argument that they deserve faith and trust, and that the United States will continue to support and defend those who help them, even when the military presence is gone? Furthermore is there a role for the common U.S. citizen to play in support of stabilizing the region and building relationships?<br />
<br />
Greg Mortenson, founder of the <a target = '_blank' href="https://www.ikat.org/" title=" Central Asian Institute">Central Asian Institute</a> and co-author of <a target = '_blank' href="http://www.threecupsoftea.com/" title="Three Cups of Tea">Three Cups of Tea</a> is an extreme, yet powerful example of the potential impact citizen involvement can make. His goal has been to &#8220;promote and support community-based education, especially for girls, in remote regions of Pakistan and Afghanistan.&#8221;  He came to this goal after living in the region and determining that increasing the number of literate women in this region was one of the most influential ways to improve the standard of living.<br />
<br />
Recently, Hillary Clinton spoke on Oprah about <a target = '_blank' href="http://www.oprah.com/dated/oprahshow/oprahshow-20090925-nicholas-kristof " title="supporting girls as a national security issue">supporting girls as a national security issue</a>. She said, &#8220;Those who stand against us, stand against the rights of women, so we do have to integrate this into our national security&#8230; We have to invest in girls and women around the world.&#8221; Dialogue even among elites is changing to include the education and protection of women as one of the pressing issues in the 21st century. <br />
<br />
I specifically target girls as a way to connect cultures and positively influence stability in the region based on positive research from the <a target='_blank' href="http://www.girleffect.org/" title="Girl Effect ">Girl Effect </a> that systematically makes the case why improving the lives of girls significantly improves society. According to a <a target ='_blank' href="http://www.girleffect.org/downloads/Girl_Effect_Your_Move.pdf" title="downloadable pdf">report</a> the war torn areas of Pakistan and Afghanistan have some of the highest female illiteracy rates in the world.  An astounding half of the girls do not have opportunities to attend school or become educated.  Additionally, educating girls will have long-term effects as they mature to become mothers raising both boys and girls and pass the gift of education along with their new-found worldview along.<br />
<br />
Based on the idea that the United States values and supports educated women and <a target= '_blank' href="http://www.dhuha.net/en/content/islam/islam/women-and-education-in-Islam" title="that this value is shared by Muslims">that this value is shared by Muslims</a> as stated in the Qur&#8217;an, while opposed by the Taliban, I conclude with three questions:<br />
<br />
1)	What is the U.S. strategy to continue to support the education of girls despite bullying from the Taliban? <br />
2)	Could this effort have a significant impact on stabilizing the region and diminishing extremist Taliban control? <br />
3)	And is there an opportunity for U.S. citizens to participate through donations and partnerships?<br />
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      <dc:date>2009-10-09T16:28:00-08:00</dc:date>
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