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A Point of View: The many faces of Margaret Thatcher

2012-01-29T03:53:00.002Z

A Point of View: The many faces of Margaret Thatcher- bbc

Britain's Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was a decisive and divisive figure, loved and hated in equal measure. Is the complex character behind the Iron Lady facade obscured behind reminiscences fond and hostile, asks historian Lisa Jardine.

Just before Christmas, The National Archives (of which I recently became a director) released its annual set of documents under the 30-year rule, to the year 1981.

This is when hitherto-restricted government papers disclose secret detail about recent historical events.

Among those published this time were several giving intriguing behind-the-scenes insights into Margaret Thatcher's thinking and decision-making shortly after she became Conservative prime minister in 1979.
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On 16 May 1979 - less than two weeks after the election - Peter Walker, Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, wrote to Chancellor Geoffrey Howe, urging him to raise the then state-controlled retail price of milk by 1.5p to 15p a pint - a more than 10% increase.

"I find we have inherited from the Labour government a difficult situation in relation to the retail and wholesale prices of milk," Walker wrote.

"If we do not act quickly, I fear the whole industry will begin to doubt the strength of our commitment to ensuring the health of farming."

The Prime Minister disagreed strongly.

Across the bottom of Walker's typed letter to Howe, she scrawled in her highly recognisable handwriting: "I do not believe such a large increase is possible politically. 1.5p is a great addition to the housewife's budget. 1p is all she will bear.

"Moreover there is the other political point - I abolished school milk in schools!"
Margaret Thatcher's hand-written note about milk prices

Here, we surely detect the woman rather than the prime minister speaking, alert to imputations of lack of housewifely concern.

In April 1971, when she was Education Secretary in the Edward Heath government, she had indeed been responsible for abolishing free school milk for the over seven-year-olds - earning her the enduring derogatory nickname "Maggie Thatcher, milk snatcher".
Daily free milk was once a schoolyard staple

In 1979, in spite of her qualms, the new government did increase the price of milk by 1.5p, and again the following December.

On both occasions the press, as Thatcher had anticipated, made much of what they regarded as the mismatch between the fact that, as a woman, she could be expected to show concern for children, nutrition and the housekeeping budget, and the fact that her public statements on both occasions firmly defended the policy.

Last Tuesday, following the announcement of the 2012 Academy Awards nominations, Meryl Streep became the bookies' favourite to win this year's best actress award for her portrayal of Margaret Thatcher in Phyllida Lloyd and Abi Morgan's acclaimed biopic, The Iron Lady.

Critics are agreed that Streep's is an impressive performance, with (some have even maintained) the tragic intensity of King Lear.

As in Lear, the action is focused on old age - three days in 2005, when, aged 80, Thatcher's faculties are failing and she struggles to come to terms with the life she has lost - vividly recalled in flashback - including the lost companionship of her husband Denis, who died in 2003.

Meryl Streep on playing the Iron Lady

I found The Iron Lady a compelling watch. I was on the edge of my seat emotionally throughout.

Meryl Streep's portrayal of Britain's first woman prime minister is a tour de force, and not simply as an impersonation. Thatcher in old age is unknown to most of us, so Streep's representation of the former prime minister is largely her creation. Streep's Mrs Thatcher is a figure almost shockingly available for our scrutiny - for much of the time in close-up, tempting us to try to read from the intensity of her screen presence the paradox of the passionate woman behind the iron mask.

Morgan's screenplay and Lloyd's direction embed Streep's performance in a beautifully observed collage of public and private moments from Thatcher's life, captured with deft, subtle cinematographic touches.

When the young Denis Thatcher proposes in 1950, just after Margaret has failed to win her first parliamentary seat at Dartford, she tearfully insists that she will "never be one of those women remote and alone in the kitchen doing the washing up".
Meryl Streep as Margaret Thatcher

She has to make a difference to the world: "I cannot die washing up a tea cup". The film's final scene shows her, frail and confused, slowly washing the teacup from which she has just drunk her mid-morning cup of tea.

And the first words she speaks as the film opens - returning from an excursion to the local convenience store, evading her carer and minders, to buy a pint of milk - studiedly recall her two unpopular political brushes with the nation's milk supply.

"Milk's gone up. 49p a pint," she observes across the breakfast table. "Good grief!" retorts husband Denis (actually deceased, and a figment of her imagination). "We'll have to economise."

And yet I found the film troubling.

The 11 years of Margaret Thatcher's premiership were some of the most turbulent I and my like-minded contemporaries lived through. At the time we were opposed to almost every political decision she ever took.

Opinion in the country was sharply divided, of course, hence her victory in three general elections.
She served three terms as prime minister

But we supported the miners in the miners' strike, we were opposed to the Falklands War, horrified by the sinking of the Belgrano. We could hardly believe the unfairness of the proposed per capita poll tax. ("In order to live in this country you must pay for the privilege. If you pay nothing, you care nothing," is Thatcher's characteristically blunt justification in the film.)

What am I to do now with an insightful portrait of the complex personality with its hopes and fears, self-doubts and uncertainties, behind the decisive and politically robust facade? Nothing is thereby altered in the consequences of her sometimes inflexible policies.

My ambivalence about The Iron Lady returned me to a thought I have been turning over in my mind for some time. In the course of my Points of View, I have several times revisited the subject of my beloved paternal grandmother.

“Start Quote
Whether we supported or opposed her during her years in power, Margaret Thatcher's legacy continues to shape the society in which we live today”

Here is how I recalled her in 2007 when speaking about the important example she set me in my life: "I remember my paternal grandmother - a formidable woman, with a razor-sharp intellect and an iron will - as permanently exasperated at the absence of any real role for her outside the domestic.

"By the time I knew her, poor health had confined her to the housekeeping, where she was only happy when performing a really difficult task with panache. I have a vivid mental picture of her with a smile of satisfaction on her face as she whipped two egg whites into stiff, brilliant white peaks to make meringues, on a flat dinner plate with an ordinary fork, the eggs held on the angled plate by the sheer force of her beating."

Eric Taylor of Sheffield, however, who as a young Labour Party activist had encountered my grandmother in political circles in London's Stamford Hill, was not impressed by my sentimental recollections of Mrs Bronowski.

"You described your grandmother as 'a formidable woman', he wrote to me after my meringue-whipping reminiscence. As someone who had the misfortune of encountering her, I'd describe that as a considerable understatement.
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“Start Quote

You described your grandmother as 'a formidable woman' - I'd describe that as a considerable understatement”Eric Taylor to Lisa Jardine

"You referred to her being 'active in local politics'. However, you carefully refrained from mentioning that she was a rabid and fanatical communist, whose only response to anyone who disagreed with her was to hurl a stream of invective and personal abuse at them. I do not think you should allow personal sentiment to prevent you from acknowledging that some aspects of your grandmother's personality, political outlook and career may have left something to be desired."

So have I skewed the historical record with my fond reminiscences of my grandmother?

Did I, perhaps, choose deliberately to omit the fact that she had been active in far-left politics during and after World War II and had stood as a Communist candidate for the London County Council?

I don't think so. My grandmother's legacy went no further than her private life and the model she served as for me, her eldest grandchild.
The Iron Lady became a Baroness

By contrast, whether we supported or opposed her during her years in power, Margaret Thatcher's legacy continues to shape the society in which we live today.

In the opening shots of The Iron Lady, as Thatcher wanders incognito around her local corner-shop, a man on a mobile phone pushes past her to the front of the queue. She is jostled by a young man engrossed with his iPod.

The film hints here that Britain is tougher and less considerate than in the days of Thatcher's confident individualism. "There is no such thing as society," Mrs Thatcher told Woman's Own in 1987. Each of us has to look out for ourselves, not expect "society" to take care of us.

For some of us, that is as much Margaret Thatcher's legacy as the contribution her years in power made to the relative financial strength of our economy today.

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African Union: and Formation and Recognition Somaliland,poleserio in contrast to Eritrea

2012-01-29T02:55:00.000Z

African Union: and Formation and Recognition Somaliland,poleserio in contrast to Eritrea

Written by Ayanle Omer Iden

4.1.1 African Union: and Formation and Recognition Somaliland,poleserio in contrast to Eritrea.

“Somaliland” has reasserted the separate existence it had as the colony of British Somaliland before independence and union with the former Italian Somalia in 1960. It has avoided the devastation of warlordism that has afflicted the rest of Somalia through compromise politics between clan elders.

However, its de facto statehood since 1991 has not received the international recognition accorded Eritrea in 1993.The experiences of Somaliland recognition accorded Eritrea in 1993. The experiences of Somaliland and in the circumstances of their Post Colonial Union with other entities, in their Liberation movements and in their current politics are contrasted. It is suggested that there can be mutual learning form Somaliland’s consociatonal ethnic democracy and Eritrea’s ‘radical social democracy’ of an eventual, orchestrated muti- partism that eschews ethnic and religious divides.
[The member states affirm]......respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each state and for it’s inalienable right to independent existence(Charter of the organization of African Unity(OAU),Article III,paragraph 3).

On the contrary, it will take much courage for the OAU and it’s members to champion this unorthodox but politically beneficent reality.But once it gains local acceptance, bilateral and multi–lateral donors must hearken to the needs of the Eritrea’s and Somaliland republics in precisely the same manner as they have the Baltic republics and other new European states,.

On May 24,1993, Eritrea conduct an internationally monitored referendum to determine it’s future status; the vote was overwhelming for independence.The United Nations, the US, Ethiopia, Italy immediately recognized as the new state.

From May 1991, Eritrea had enjoyed autonomy but two years later it was able to garner international recognition which ‘invests it with a personality in the law of nations’,former Italian and British colonies in Somalia gained independence and formed the Somali Republic in 1960.

On 17 May 1991,the resistance movement and important groups in the former northern British colony,dissolved the union and declared formation of the Republic of Somaliland.This entity has since existed bearing characteristics generally attributed to a ‘state’ but devoid of international recognition. Somaliland’s leaders till–ask why recognition of their statehood has been withheld .

On the other hand, this article seeks to probe such comparisons and provide a considered over all assessment .It offers some historical, constitutional legal context before comparing and contrasting the two liberation movements and their implications.These comparisons with Eritrea allows us a deeper grasp of the Somaliland situation by illustrating it’s uniqueness and salient peculiarities.It also offers a perspective on a general issue of post-cold war Africa is bound to confront : how far the principle of the territorial integrity should be subordinate to what some consider a higher principle..... the principle of self–determination.

From the point of view of the Organization of African Unity(OAU), self–determination is to be exercised only once, at the time of decolonization from European domination,and it is not subject to continuous review.The emerging post cold war environment is beginning to nourish a new thinking that is both flexible and pragmatic,Kenyan intellectual Michael chege recently reignited old Africanist debates with the perspective“there is nothing remiss about altering state frontiers in the nobler interests of domestic tranquility and sustained economic growth,which are now so scarce in these lands”.

This article will sustain such debates: useful insights into the operation of the principle of self-determination and it’s problematic elements could be gained by an analysis of Somaliland’s and Eritrea’s comparative claims to the political sovereignty .African states are more likely to cofront movements demanding out right secession .

However, the crucial difference involves historical timing:recent experience suggests militarist suppression of regional autonomy movements could transform them into separatist movements.This comparison has also policy implications for the new States:Eritrea and Somaliland coud learn from each other’s experiences. For Somaliland, Eritrea could gain greater sensitivities and flexibility in matters involving ethnic/clan issues:Somaliland, could profit form Eritrean methods to evolve class and other cross-cutting identities and institutions.Both Eritrea and Somaliland can learn from Somalia’s multi–party parliamentary era(1960-1969).The article provides greater details on Somaliland and only summary analysis of Eritrea because there is hardly any serious publications on Somaliland while publications of Eritrea excel in both quantity and quality.

On the other hand, Eritrea is located along 1,000 kms on the west coast of the red sea on the Horn of Africa.Somaliland(the term utilized here to refer to the former British Somaliland) is similarly located, separatist from Eritrea by the tiny “Republic of Djibouti – formerly French Somaliland”.Eritrea’s modest land surface offers a great range of environmental and ethnic variety: highlands,deserts, the savannah and the severe volcanic ecology of south arabia and the Djibouti zone,some areas suitable for agriculture, others for pastoralism.Hence, Eritrea is a pluralist society of farmers and pastoralists from diverse ethnic groups,languages, religions).

Ayanle Omer Iden

iidaan_20@hotmail.com

Dannish Demining Group- DDG , Hargeisa Office

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SOMALILAND: Clashes in Buhoodle region kill 40

2012-01-29T02:51:00.000Z

SOMALILAND: Clashes in Buhoodle region kill 40

LAS ANOD — At least 40 people have been killed on Thursday in clashes between Somaliland forces and a separatist tribal militia in Somaliland’s disputed border region of Buhoodle.

Five soldiers from the Somaliland army were among the victims of the Buhoodle incident, which lies near the Somaliland-Ethiopian border.

The violence there flared up after a tribal separatist militia held a meeting in the historical town of Taleeh, once the base of Sayid Abdullah Hassan, a religious fanatic and the late 19th century version of Osama bin Ladden, in which they declared the formation of a semi-autonomous state. President Ahmed Silanyo said his government would not tolerate the disintegration of Somaliland during an emergency meeting of both Houses of parliament. An army unit was dispatched to the nearby town of Buhoodle and the conference in Taleeh came to an end.

Reports from Buhoodle indicate the militia lost around 35 fighters and as many as 40 were wounded with half taken to neighboring Somalia’s central town of Galkayo for treatment. The reports add the injured people include a senior figure of the newly announced Khaatumo State but its leader Ali Khalif Galayr is no where to be found.

Somaliland forces said 25 soldiers were also injured in the incident and were transferred to Burao and Hargeisa for medical care. A spokesman for the army said they sustained most of the injuries when the militia loyal to Ali Khalif ambushed one of their cargo trucks.

Somalilandpress
Biggest English-Somali news portal

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Hamas leader, Khaled Meshaal, goes back to Jordan

2012-01-29T02:37:00.002Z

Hamas leader, Khaled Meshaal, goes back to Jordan
Khaled Meshaal's visit to Amman will be his first since he was expelled in 1999

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The political leader of the Palestinian Islamist movement, Hamas, is due to make his first official visit to Jordan, 13 years after Hamas leaders were expelled from the country.

Khaled Meshaal will hold talks with Jordan's King Abdullah.

Mr Meshaal has been based in Syria, but following the violence there he and other exiled Hamas leaders are reported to be looking for a new home.

Jordan is considering whether to re-establish ties with Hamas.

The Jordanian government expelled the Hamas leaders in 1999 for what were deemed "illicit and harmful" activities.

Jordan was forced to clamp down hard on Hamas because of the country's close ties to the United States and its peace treaty with Israel, says BBC correspondent Dale Gavlak in Amman.

However, Jordan is currently looking to build bridges with Islamists who have been gaining ground following the uprisings across the Arab world, our correspondent says.Cautious approach

Jordan is also believed to be trying to raise its profile in efforts to reconcile Hamas with the rival Palestinian faction, Fatah.

The authorities in Amman have already been hosting informal talks to try to get Israel and the Palestinians back to the negotiating table.

Despite the possible rapprochement with Hamas, Jordan does not want to get too close and has made it clear that Hamas cannot set up a base in the kingdom.

Hamas itself has denied any plan to move its headquarters from Syria.

"There is no change, and Hamas has not taken any decision to leave Syria," a spokesman, Fawzu Barhum, told AFP news agency.

The agency also quoted an unnamed Palestinian official in Gaza as saying Hamas leaders would "keep Syria as their base even if they are obliged to stay away from the country a little more than before".

Mr Meshaal will be accompanied on his visit to Jordan by Qatar's Crown Prince, Sheikh Hamad Bin Tamim al-Thani, who will mediate. http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

TACSI KA TIMID LA-TALIAYAHA MADAXWEYNAHA EE DHAQAALAHA IYO GANACSIGA

2012-01-28T19:29:00.000Z

TACSI KA TIMID LA-TALIAYAHA MADAXWEYNAHA EE DHAQAALAHA IYO GANACSIGA

Shuuriye Biixi Cabdi

Anigoo ku hadlaaya magaca Xafiiska La-taliyaha Madaxweynha ee Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsiga iyo Maalgashiga, ka reer Cabdi Carwo iyo kan xaaskayga Amaal Cumar Carte waxaan
dhambaal tacsi ah u dirayaa ehelka, tafiirta, qaraabada, xigto iyo xigaal, iyo shacbiweynaha Somaliland Geerida Naxdinta leh ee ku timid

Shuuriye Biixi Cabdi, waxuu ahaa siyaasi weyn isagoo ahaa raggii gobannimo doonka ahaa, noqdayna xildhibaankii ugu horeeyey ee beesha Gabooye ee Tumaalada, doorasho xor ah oo xalaal ah ku guulaysata welina ayna cidi labayn. Waxuu noqday xildhibaan laga soo doortay Hargeysa 1960 isagoo sidaas ku noqday xubin ka tirsan barlamankii ugu horeeyey ee Soomaliya.

Waxaan ILLAAHAY uga baryayaa Marxuumka inuu naxariistii Janno ka waraabiyo, Qoyskii, Eheladii, Qaraabadii, Asxaabtii iyo Dhamaan Shacbiga Reer Somalilandna uu waafajiyo Samir iyo Imaan iyo duco ay u fidiyaan marxuumka. Amiin.

Axmed Xasan Carwo

La-taliayaha Madaxweynaha ee

Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsiga iyo Maalgashiga

eci.advisor@ymail.com

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Help Somalia fight roots of piracy

2012-01-28T19:08:00.002Z

Help Somalia fight roots of piracy

By Jon Huggins, Special to CNN

A Somali, part armed militia, part pirate, carries his high-caliber weapon on a beach in the central Somali town of Hobyo last year.
STORY HIGHLIGHTS
Jon Huggins says U.S. freed Somali pirate hostages because it had resources to do it
More importantly, he says, Somalia did not; pirates more powerful than weak government
He says world should aim aid at symptoms of piracy, not just spending to fight pirates
Huggins: International effort must engage all stakeholders; coming conference holds hope

Editor's note: Jon Huggins is the director of the Oceans Beyond Piracy project at One Earth Future. The Oceans Beyond Piracy project encourages close cooperation across the international maritime community to develop long-term, sustainable solutions to piracy. He previously served as NATO's operational liaison officer to the European Union Council Secretariat in Brussels.

(CNN) -- The U.S. Navy Seals' dramatic rescue of Poul Hagen Thisted and Jessica Buchanan early Wednesday ended the hostages' three-month ordeal in Somalia. But why was it left to the United States to conduct this operation in a country thousands of miles away?

The short answer is that the United States has the military and intelligence capabilities to conduct the rescue of a U.S. citizen in pressing need of medical attention.

The longer answer is that Somalia lacks the capacity to suppress piracy and other organized crime without international support. This is evidenced by the failed attempt of Somali forces to rescue a Danish family in March 2011, where, as has so often been the case, local authorities found themselves outgunned by the organized criminals.

Jon Huggins

There are no Somali agencies that can effectively fight piracy and other crimes in Somalia, which has existed under a relatively impotent Transitional Federal Government since the central government collapsed in 1991. Most of Somalia is a patchwork of quasi-autonomous regions, across which neither governance nor law enforcement is coordinated.

While most nations recognize the transitional government in Mogadishu as the legitimate government of Somalia, its reach is extremely limited. Local administrations are thus left to manage issues of organized crime with little resources or support. The result: Citizens exist in a precarious truce with a well-armed and organized criminal element.

It is in this context of lawlessness that the United States opted to take direct action to release these two hostages. But such heroic and high-profile moves, by the United States or any other nation equipped for them, are not a long-term solution to Somalia's plague of organized crime, now spilling across borders. To break this cycle of crime, the international community must step up its commitment to investing in Somali stability and addressing the symptoms of the nation's governance vacuum.

A recent report by the Center for American Progress estimated that $9 billion in humanitarian and development aid went into Somalia over the past 20 years. This is a stark contrast to the billions that piracy costs the world each year. A forthcoming One Earth Future report finds that $7 billion was spent on measures to address Somali piracy alone in 2011.

If the international community does not shift toward building sustainable Somali law enforcement capabilities at sea and ashore, the only realistic options to resolve hostage situations will continue to be through military action or ransom payments.

Among the ways money used to combat piracy is spent:

1. International Navies support operations to patrol Somali waters and the Western Indian Ocean.

2. Nations fund suspect and prisoner transfer arrangements and "outsourcing" of prosecution within the region, as well as Europe, North America and Asia. (Even more will be spent to incarcerate convicted pirates.)

3. The maritime industry spends billions on armed guards, extra insurance, "ship hardening" and re-routing.

4. Shipping companies pay expensive ransoms, if other measures fail.

Somali criminal elements have proven themselves to be amazingly resilient and adaptable. And we can expect that this rescue may lead to an even greater escalation of violence and corresponding threats to innocent human life, including the estimated 190 hostages held (one of whom is a recently captured American writer) and the thousands of seafarers who continue to transit this dangerous area.

Indeed, the violence has been increasing as pirates confront private security teams and aggressive naval actions. They have changed their tactics to separate and conceal hostages and are re-investing ransom funds into criminal enterprises. Gangs are also becoming more sophisticated. Hostage takers now demonstrate a familiarity with international law that prohibits negotiation with international terrorist groups. Groups labeled as terrorists simply sell their hostages to middlemen who can legally negotiate.

Yet there has been surprisingly little investment from the international maritime community in a sustainable solution, although for a brief time last fall it appeared there might be a ray of hope. When the radical Islamist group, Al-Shabaab withdrew from Mogadishu in early fall 2011, many saw this as an opportunity to reinvigorate efforts to stabilize Somalia.

In September, key regional leaders from Somalia adopted a "Somali Roadmap" to improve security, the constitution, reconciliation and good governance. But with a fractured political system and roiling conflict between the country's regions, implementation has been slow.

Now the world's eyes are turning to a high-level conference to be convened by U.K. Prime Minister David Cameron in London on February 23 aimed at tackling the root causes of the problems in Somalia, including piracy. We can only hope that this conference will set the stage for a coordinated and forward-looking international effort that engages all the stakeholders in Somalia and looks past the symptoms.

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Turkey challenges Iran in Somalia

2012-01-28T19:05:00.001Z

Turkey challenges Iran in Somalia

Turkey's relatively newfound interest in engaging with Somalia was triggered by a combination of different events, from the extension of humanitarian assistance during a time of great famine to the desire to establish a foothold in a strategic location so as to benefit from future trade deals.

Not only have a number of Turkish government agencies been actively working on the ground, but also a host of nongovernmental organizations in Somalia are working to bring about positive changes in what many have called a "failed state."

It is not being widely discussed, but there is another underlying reason behind Turkish involvement in Somalia: to curb Iran's meddling in the affairs of Somalia and its immediate neighborhood. All efforts expended by Turkey will undoubtedly bring good fortune in terms of political capital, which Ankara intends to spend on countering Iranian influence in the Horn of Africa -- a place Iran feels is perfect to act as a fallback position when the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria falls to democratic opposition mostly consisting of Sunnis. For years, Iran has been cultivating relationships in Somalia and the surrounding area, hoping to gain a footing in the geostrategic location of the Horn of Africa.

Considering that one of the main Iranian shipping lines crosses through the Arabian Sea and by the Gulf of Aden, Iran certainly values its presence in Somalia from an economic standpoint. In July 2009, Iran had to send two warships to the Gulf of Aden off the coast of Somalia to protect Iranian commercial and oil cargo ships from piracy. But there is another important rationale behind Iranian interest in this region that weighs in heavily against all other considerations.

From there, Iranians believe they can create or incite schisms within a number of African nations while also keeping Sunni Arab Gulf states occupied with mounting unrest and insurgency among Shiite populations in the southern Arabian Peninsula. For example, intelligence reports detail how the Mullah regime in Iran has been providing arms and munitions to the insurgent groups in Somalia, including al-Shabaab. Tehran has been funneling most of its aid to insurgents through the "Christian" dictator of Eritrea, Isaias Afewerki, who has been cozying up to Iranian regime for years. This is kind of ironic, yet a perfect case of the convergence of mutual interests.

The Eritrean opposition claimed that the Iranian Revolutionary Guards provided training to the radical Shiite Houthi rebels in Eritrea when they were fighting the Yemeni and Saudi governments. According to a Saudi official with whom I spoke last month, classified Saudi intelligence reports detail many similarities between the tactics employed by Houthi rebels and those used by pro-Iranian Shiite groups in Iraq. This footprint shows Iranian involvement in both cases. In 2006, then-Somali Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Ghedi publicly accused Iran of providing weapons to Islamic militants who had seized control of much of this country's south. In the same year, the supply of arms by Iran to radical groups in Somalia was also detailed in UN Security Council reports, which found Iran in breach of a 1992 UN arms embargo on the region.

In the last couple of years, Iran seems to have shifted its tactics away from aggressively supporting armed factions towards using soft-power methods to influence Somalia's Transitional Federal Government. The retreat of al-Shabaab militia from Mogadishu and other places amid intense pressure from African Union troops deployed by the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) has undoubtedly accelerated this Iranian shift. Seeing that Somalia is desperate to get international aid, Iran has been using humanitarian assistance programs as vessels to deliver important cover for illicit Iranian government activities in Somalia. At the moment, the Somalia government does not mind this as long as aid is coming in, which is the first and foremost priority for Somali leaders.

Accompanied by two planes full of many Cabinet members, celebrities, journalists, NGO workers, and businessmen, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan visited the Somali capital of Mogadishu on Aug. 19, 2011, making him the first head of a government to do so in 20 years. This certainly ruffled the feathers of the Mullah regime in Tehran. The visit came on the heels of an emergency meeting held by the member countries of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) on Aug. 17 in Istanbul, which secured a pledge of $350 million in aid. On Aug. 23, 2011, just four days after the Turkish prime minister made a landmark visit to Mogadishu, Iranians hastily rushed their foreign minister, Ali Akbar Salehi, to Somalia to hopefully lessen Turkey's rising clout there. Salehi surveyed the camps set up by the Iranian Red Crescent Society (IRCS) and offered to build a hospital and an orphanage in the capital.

Turkey has since opened an embassy, started work on an international airport and on water supply and waste disposal projects, offered Somalis scholarships to study in Turkey, and made plans to build a new hospital and roads. A Turkish fundraising drive among private citizens that was launched during the holy month of Ramadan last year has so far raised $334 million. According to International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimates last October, Turkey topped the list of countries that provided aid to Somalia when comparing the amount of aid given with the countries' gross national income.

Furthermore, Ankara successfully mobilized the rich Gulf nations to extend financial aid to the fragile transitional government in order to build government agencies, including an army. Fearing the Iranian specter looming large over their heads, the Gulf nations have been forthcoming in delivering cash to the Somali government. Somalia is happy to receive financial assistance from Turkish and Arab Gulf donors because it comes with fewer strings attached than that supplied by the West. As a result, Turkey was able to translate international political support into concrete financial help to the cash-strapped Somali government -- a key to consolidating the transitional government while curbing the appeal of terrorism.

Turkey's interest in Somalia did not start with the huge famine that exposed some 3.7 million Somalis at risk of starvation last year. Ankara was also involved with the Djibouti Peace Process (DPP) that started in May 2008 under the auspices of the UN and ended with the election of Sharif Sheik Ahmed as the new president of Somalia in January 2009. It hosted a major UN conference on Somalia in İstanbul in May 2010. Now, it also supports a UN political map for the transition from AMISOM to a UN peacekeeping operation in Somalia, provided that a phased approach is adopted by the Security Council that will not be tied to a rigid timetable but rather set by conditions. Turkey has offered to help train and equip the Somali army as well.

In contrast with the Iranian engagement, Western powers seem comfortable with Turkey leading the charge in Somalia. Especially Americans who realized early on that Turkey is perfectly positioned to invalidate the Western imperialism argument the Iranians are using to agitate sensitivities among the Somali Muslim population and to recruit hardcore militants to insurgent groups appreciate the Turkish role very much. The US and its allies do not seem to mind the rhetoric Erdoğan uses to bash the West as long as it does not transform into a policy and helps curb Iranian influence. For example, just two days before the Mogadishu visit, Erdoğan harshly criticized Western arrogance and the failures of capitalism with respect to Somali famine during his address to the OIC. The US and its allies kept silent to the barrage of criticism leveled by Erdoğan. With Ankara in the lead, the involvement of other Muslim nations such as Pakistan, Malaysia and Indonesia can serve to curtail radical Iranian Shiite ideology from gaining firm ground in the Horn of Africa.

One senior Turkish Cabinet member told me that Turkey is also in contact with al-Shabaab and other insurgent groups in order to encourage reconciliation among disparate groups in Somalia. For example, Turkish recovery and reconstruction efforts are not limited just to areas controlled by the government but also extend to other areas in order to win over the hearts and minds of most Somalis. He said a smear campaign has been launched there by some powers against Turkish efforts but he affirmed the Turkish commitment, saying the negative campaigning will not deter them from actively pursuing engagement with Somalia. While he did not state so outright, he implied that Iran tops the list of those spreading black propaganda against Turkey in the Horn of Africa, an unexpected place where Turkey and Iran vie for influence.

Ethiopian troops to leave Somalia 'as soon as feasible': PM

2012-01-28T19:04:00.000Z

Ethiopian troops to leave Somalia 'as soon as feasible': PM

(AFP) – 1 day ago

ADDIS ABABA — Ethiopian Prime Minster Meles Zenawi said Friday he would pull troops out of Somalia "as soon as feasible," admitting for the first time that forces had crossed into the war-torn neighbouring country.

"The decision has all along been to help the TFG and we will withdraw our troops as soon as feasible," Meles told reporters in the Ethiopian capital, referring to Somalia's transitional government.

"We are not going to create a vacuum, we expect the AMISOM troops to be able to fill in the gaps before we withdraw," he added.

Columns of Ethiopian soldiers rolled into Somalia in November to fight al-Qaeda linked Islamist rebels, but Addis Ababa had previously denied their presence.

The African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) has some 10,000 troops in the Somali capital Mogadishu to protect the fragile Western-backed Somali government.

On Tuesday, a Shebab suicide bomber blew himself at an Ethiopian army base in the central Somali town of Beledweyne.

Ethiopia first deployed troops in Somalia in 2006 to oust an Islamist movement that ruled much of southern Somalia, but withdrew three years later after failing to stamp out the group.

Armies from neighbouring countries are converging on the Shebab. Kenya sent in troops and tanks into southern Somalia in October to fight the rebels it accuses of carrying out cross-border raids and kidnappings.

The attack in Beledweyne was the latest in a string of blasts including roadside bombs and grenade explosions set off in recent months in the war-torn Horn of Africa nation.

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

Ogeysiis KULMIYE UK

2012-01-28T18:58:00.001Z

Ogeysiis KULMIYE UK

Asalaamu Caleykum,

Waxa Bulsho-weynta ku nool Dalka Britain ee taageerta Xisbiga KULMIYE la ogeysiinayaa in lagu qaban doono shirweynihii 4aad ee xisbiga KULMIYE laantiisa UK, magaalada London maalinta Axadda ee taariikhdu tahay 05/02/2012. Waxa taageereyaasha xisbiga si xishmad leh looga codsanayaa inay la xidhiidhaan Guddiyada laamaha Xisbiga deegaannada ay ku nool yihiin, halkaas oo ay ka heli karaan faahfaahin dheeraad ah oo la xidhiidha shirweynaha.

Cinwaanka madasha shirku waa sidan:
Harrow Civic Centre
Station Road, London, HA1 2XF

Waqtiga shirku waa: 14:00 ilaa 19:00pm.

Train station: Harrow Wealdstone – Bakerloo line.
Buses: 182, 140,183, 340.

Wixii faahfaahin dheeraada ah kala fadlan xidhiidh Guddiga qabanqaabada
Ali-07957396330, Xariir-07588570023, Ibrahim-07983408914

Allaa Mahad leh,

Guddiga Qabanqaabada Shirweynaha KULMIYE UK

Shuuriye Biixi Cabdi Halgamaa Waynaa Ee Reer Somaliland

2012-01-28T17:00:00.001Z

Shuuriye Biixi Cabdi Halgamaa Waynaa Ee Reer Somaliland

Scwr wbr, inkasta oo aan qoraal kaliya lagu soo koobi karayn taariikh nololeedkii ale ha u nax ariisstee halgamaagii waynaa ee reer Soomaliland Maxamed Biixi Cabdilaahi balse waxaan isku dayi doonaa inaan wax ka sheego taariikhdiisa. SHURIYE 1925, alaha unaxariistee waxa uu ku dhashay xaafadaJameecada ee magaalada Har gaysa caasimada jamhuuriyada somaliland, waxa uu ahaa halgamaa door wayn ka ciyaaray madaxbanaanida iyo qaranimada somaliland.

Waxbarashada Dugsiga Hoose iyo Dhexe waxa uu ku qaatay magaalada HARGAYSA,alaha u na xariistee, Shuuriye waxa uu ka qalinjabiyay dugsigii sare ee Sheekh waxaanu madax ka noqday wasaaradii hawlaha guud ee ay boqortooyadii ingiriisku kulahayd somaliland PWD ,isagoo markii dambana kanoqday madixii ugu sareeyay, 1948 waxa uu alaha u naxariistee Shuuriye Biixi Cab dilahi kooras utagay dalka ingiriiska.

Shuuriye alaha unaxariistee waxa uu furay caymiskii ugu horeeyay ee laga furo somaliland isagoo Hargaysa uga wakiil ahaa xafiiskii shirkadii caymiska ee kutaalay magaalada cadan.

Alaha u naxariistee marxuumku 40dii, waxa uu kujiray dhaqdhaqaaqyadii gobonimo doonka ee lagaga soo horjeeday maxmiyadii ingiriiska isagoo ahaa xubnihii ugu firfircoonaa ee hogaaminayay dhaqdhaqaayadaasi gobonimo doonka ah sida uu ku xusay alaha u naxariistee Maxamed X. Iibraahim Cigaal , 1993 qudbad uu ka jeedinayay khayriyada magaaladaHargaysa , ayaa Cigaal uu ku sheegay qudbadiisa in isagoo jooga Laascaanood uu badhisaabkii ingiriiska u fadhiyay Ha rgaysa fariin u diray Cigaal, si uu u soo galo Hargaysa, markii cigaal Hargaysa yimidna uu badh isaabku u sheegay in nin Shuuriye Biixi la yidhaahdaa uu miiska ku garaacay kuna hanjabay ha dii ay xornimada si dhakhso ah ingiriisku u siin waayo ay dhegta dhiiga u dari doonaan.

Sanadkii 1954 , waxa uu Shuuriye Biixi , si rasmiya ugu biiray xisbigii SNL , isagoo ka mid ahaa siyaasiyiintii ololaha wayn u galay in ale aha u naxariistee Maxamed X. Ibraahim Cigaal uu noq do Xoghayihii Guud ee Xisbigii SNL 1956ki.

Alaha u naxariistii Shuuriye waxaa uu ka mid noqday barlamankii ugu horeeyay ee ay somaliland yeelato, isagoo ka mid noqday shakhsiyaadkii ugu codka badnaa doorashadii baarlamaankii xiligaa.

1969 kadib markii dawladii miltariga ahayd ay xukunka boobtay waxa uu marxuumku u baydhay dhanka ganacsiga isagoo caana ku ahaa ka soo horjeedka maamulkii siyaad bare oo uu ku ahaa mucaarid.

shuuriye biixi waxa uu ahaa nin aad unaxariisbadan,gaar ahaan wuxuu ahaa nin si fiican u xidhiidhiya qaraabadiisa,marka laga yimaad xilka siyaasiga ah ee qaranka ugu suntanaa waxa kale oo uu ahaa hogaamiyaha guud e beesha uu ka dhashay ee tumaalada,xilkaa hogaamiyaha guud ee beesha waxaa maanta haya wiilka uu dhalay ee maxamed shuuriye cabdi oo runtii ah hogaamiye wax badan kashabaha aabihii inkastoo beel ahan aanay jirin xilkii siyaasiga ahaa ee uu hayay cid badashay hadii ay jiraana ay yihiin qaar fadhiida oo dalka iyo beesha midna aan waxba ugu filnayn tasina ay sabaab u tahay aqoon la,aan iyo iyaga oo aan ehel u ahayn shaqada ay hayan. shuuriye biixi cabdi waxa uu kasoo jeedaa qoys magac kuleh jamhuuriyada somaliland.

shuuriye biixi waxa ay walaalo ahayeen oo aan ka xusi karnaa gabyaagii waynaa suldaan haybe biixi cabdi.waxa kale oo ay ilmaadeer yihiin,suldaanka caanka ah ee maanta haya talada beesha tumaalada suldaan baashe cilmi aadan.
alaha u naxariistee shuuriye biixi cabdi waxa uu ku geeriyooday magaalada Jabuuti 1993

geesiga dhulkiisa
guusha u horseeda.
geerida dishaay
gedkaa ha ba,o

cabdijaylaani@hotmail.com

'There is a tendency for poets and painters in the Arab world to be politically engaged'

2012-01-28T02:35:00.000Z

Adonis: a life in writing
'There is a tendency for poets and painters in the Arab world to be politically engaged'

Maya Jaggi
guardian.co.uk,

Adonis … the Syrian-born poet, critic and essayist sees himself as a 'pagan prophet'. Photograph: © Magali Delporte

Adonis, the greatest living poet of the Arab world, ushers me down a labyrinthine corridor in a stately building in Paris, near the Champs Elysées. The plush offices belong to a benefactor, a Syrian-born businessman funding the poet's latest venture – a cultural journal in Arabic, which he edits. Fetching a bulky manuscript of the imminent third issue of the Other, Adonis hefts it excitedly on to a coffee table, listing the contributors "from west and east", many of them of his grandchildren's generation. He turned 82 this month. His eyes spark: "We want new talents with new ideas."

A Syrian-born poet, critic and essayist, and a staunch secularist who sees himself as a "pagan prophet", Adonis has been writing poetry for 70 years. He led a modernist revolution in the second half of the 20th century, exerting a seismic influence on Arabic poetry comparable to TS Eliot's in the anglophone world. Aged 17, he adopted the name of the Greek fertility god (pronounced Adon-ees, with the stress on the last syllable) to alert napping editors to his precocious talent and his pre-Islamic, pan-Mediterranean muses. Since the death of the Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish in 2008, it would be hard to argue for a poet of greater stature in a literary culture where poetry is the most prestigious form as well as being popular.

He moved to Paris in 1985, and was named a commander of France's Order of Arts and Letters in 1997. Last year he was the first Arab writer to win the Goethe prize in Germany, and each autumn is credibly tipped for the Nobel in literature – the only Arab recipient of which to date was the Egyptian novelist Naguib Mahfouz in 1988. Though Adonis was Ladbroke's favourite in the year of the Arab spring, he does not begrudge the Swedish poet Tomas Tranströmer his laurels, having introduced him to audiences on a tour of Arab countries. When the uprisings began in Tunisia and Egypt last year, he wrote "little poems to express my joy and happiness". Yet joy gave way to caution, and warnings of tragedy. "It's the Arab youth that created this spring, and it's the first time Arabs are not imitating the west – it's extraordinary," he says. "But despite this, it's the Islamists and merchants and Americans who have picked the fruits of this revolutionary moment." His reservations sparked impatience and were widely attacked: Sinan Antoon, an Iraqi poet, novelist and assistant professor at New York University, claimed that the Arab spring has "consigned Adonis, the self-proclaimed revolutionary, to irrelevance".

There is, Adonis says, a "tendency for poets and painters in the Arab world to be politically engaged. There's a lot to fight for: for human rights and the Palestinians; and against colonialism, Arab despotism and closed thinking among fundamentalists. I'm not against this engagement, or against them – but I'm not like them. A creator always has to be with what's revolutionary, but he should never be like the revolutionaries. He can't speak the same language or work in the same political environment." He adds that he is "radically against the use of violence – I'm with Gandhi, not Guevara."

Like VS Naipaul, a friend who has praised him as a "master of our times", Adonis can be a contrarian, though he lacks Naipaul's acidity and irrascibility. For critics, some of his pronouncements on the "extinction" of Arab culture, or the "Arab mind", have an orientalist taint. Yet his translatorKhaled Mattawa, an Arab American poet, sees it as measured iconoclasm: "He's been unsparing against the deeply rooted forces of intolerance in Arab thought, but also celebratory of regenerative streaks in Arab culture."

Although English translations of his poetry have lagged behind French, in the past decade there have been five collections: Mattawa's Adonis: Selected Poems won the Saif Ghobash-Banipal prize for Arabic translation. Adonis will be coming to London for the award ceremony next month, and also to take part in a two-month celebration of his work, "A Tribute to Adonis", at West London's Mosaic Rooms starting on February 3, which includes an exhibition of the poet's recent art works. He began making small collages using Arabic calligraphy 10 years ago, during a listless period of poet's block, and friends suggested he exhibit them. "I found another way to express my relation to things, other than the word." He uses parchments and rags, "bits and pieces of nothing, thrown away. I rarely use colour; I prefer ripped things," adding fragments of his own poems, as well as classical Arabic poetry "as a homage".

Last June, amid the bloody crackdown on the Syrian uprising, Adonis wrotean open letter to Syria's President Bashar al-Assad in the Lebanese newspaper al-Safir - "as a citizen," he stresses. Describing Syria as a brutal police state, he attacked the ruling Ba'ath party, called on the president to step down, and warned that "you cannot imprison an entire nation". He was none the less taken to task for addressing a tyrant as an elected president, and criticising the "violent tendencies" of some of his opponents. "That's why I said I'm not like the revolutionaries," he says. "I'm with them, but I don't speak the same language. They're like school teachers telling you how to speak, and to repeat the same words. Whereas I left Syria in 1956 and I've been in conflict with it for more than 50 years. I've never met either Assad [Bashar or his father, Hafez]. I was among the first to criticise the Ba'ath party, because I'm against an ideology based on a singleness of ideas.

"What's really absurd is that the Arab opposition to dictators refuses any critique; it's a vicious circle. So someone who is against despotism in all its forms can't be either with the regime or with those who call themselves its opponents. The opposition is a regime avant la lettre." He adds: "In our tradition, unfortunately, everything is based on unity – the oneness of God, of politics, of the people. We can't ever arrive at democracy with this mentality, because democracy is based on understanding the other as different. You can't think you hold the truth, and that nobody else has it."

His mother, aged 107, still lives in Syria. For 20 years after he left the country (when released from a year's imprisonment for membership of an opposition party), he was unable to see her. From 1976, he visited each year until two years ago, when "friends said it might be dangerous". But he is adamant that family circumstances have "never stopped me from saying what I think". Of those who accuse him of tardiness or equivocation in condemning the Syrian regime, he says wearily: "I've written many articles – I have a book of them coming out that's 200 pages long. These people don't read."

He lives on the outskirts of Paris, beyond la Défense, with his wife, Khalida Said, a literary critic. "For me she's a great critic, one of the best. Sometimes we agree, sometimes we disagree." They have two daughters: Arwad, who is director of the House of World Cultures in Paris; and Ninar, an artist who moves between Paris and Beirut. Adonis shows little sign of having just spent seven months in Lebanon convalescing from two major operations. Before that, he had announced his retirement from poetry. It was while writing a long poem against monotheism, "Concerto for Jerusalem". "Jerusalem is a city of three monotheistic religions," he says. "If there's one God, it should be beautiful. Instead, it's the most inhuman city in the world. I said I was stopping poetry as an act of defiance." But alluding to his muses, he laughs: "The pre-monotheistic goddesses didn't let me retire."

He was born Ali Ahmad Said Esber in 1930, in Qassabin in western Syria, a "poor village isolated in the mountains". His parents were farmers, and he had no early formal schooling. "I'd never seen a car, electricity or a telephone till I was 13. I always ask myself how I was transformed into this other person; it was almost miraculous." His love of poetry was nurtured by his father, and at Qur'anic school. Aged 13, when he impressed the president of the newly established Syrian republic by reciting one of his own poems, his reward was a scholarship to the French lycée. He studied philosophy at Damascus university, and later did a doctorate in Lebanon.

During a year in Paris in 1960, he found his voice in the poem Mihyar of Damascus: His Song (1961), with echoes of Noah, Adam, Ulysses and Orpheus. While for him, poetry and religion are rivals, Sufi mysticism is a force for renewal. Sufism and Surrealism – the title of his 1995 book – are united in the idea, as he expressed it in a poem, that reality is "nothing but skin that crumbles as soon as you touch it". He is also drawn to a mystical view that identity is not fixed: "A human being creates his identity in creating his oeuvre." Yet Sufism is more profound than surrealism or existentialism, he says, "because it's related to a revolutionary idea – that the other is me; that I am the other. If I travel towards myself, I must go through the other."

This is no philosophical nicety. His family belonged to the Shia minorityAlawites, and it is sometimes suggested that this gives him his sense of being apart. "It's not being Alawite that gives me a sense of difference," he objects, "but the present state of the Arab world. A man isn't Protestant, Catholic, Sunni or Shia by birth; it's through projects and pathways that men become Shia or Alawite. I never subscribed to that." He joined the secularSyrian Social Nationalist party, opposed to the colonisation and partition of Syria, "partly to get out of concepts of minorities and majorities". He was duly jailed during his military service in the mid-1950s. Since he quit the party in 1960, he has never belonged to another. "I was only 14 or 15 when I joined – a child. Later, I said I can't be both poet and politically engaged. Ideology is against art."

Beirut, where he fled with his wife into exile in 1956, was a "second birth". He co-founded influential magazines, Shir (Poetry) and Mawaquif (Position), embracing colloquial Arabic and opposing both Arab nationalism and poetry as propaganda. TS Eliot was one of the first poets they interviewed, and Adonis collaborated on translations of The Waste Land, as well as on the works of Ezra Pound, Stephen Spender, Philip Larkin and Robert Lowell. He combined new sources with an encyclopaedic, "virgin" reading of Arabic classics. True creation, he says, is "always modern because it speaks to us – Ovid, Heraclitus, Homer, Dante. What's not modern are the imitators. In classical Arabic poetry, you have to know how to distinguish between the greats and their imitators."

His long poem This Is My Name (1970) was spurred by shock at the Arab defeat of 1967. The Book of Siege (1982) came out of the Lebanese civil war that began in 1975, and the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon, which he lived through, before leaving for Paris. As he wrote in the opening lines: "The cities dissolve, and the earth is a cart loaded with dust. / Only poetry knows how to pair itself to this space." The six-day war "was terrible, but I wasn't conscious then of its tragic nature, as I was in 1982," he says.

He had first welcomed the Iranian revolution of 1979, but swiftly rejected its reactionary turn. His book The Fixed and the Changing (1974) on a struggle between creativity and intolerance in the Arab world, identified an Arab malaise of "pastism", which he defines now as seeing the past as the "source you must return to, despite the river running on with time. One has to break this circular time. You can't have a revolution to go back to the past."

As the Arab uprisings spread, Adonis said in a television interview that he could not take part in a revolution that emanated from the mosques. He was accused of siding with the regimes, and being out of touch with the dire circumstance of revolt. Asked whether he supports the peaceful protests, he spreads his arms as though pulling a concertina: "If you have a petition, I'll sign it." Does he worry that his words echo Arab dictators who pose as bulwarks against Islamists? "But with a difference," he says. "I'm against the regimes of Ben Ali and Assad, and against the Islamist opposition, because I don't want to fight one despotism for the sake of another ... If we don't separate religion from the state, and free women from Sharia law, we'll just have more despots. Military dictatorship controls your mind. But religious dictatorship controls your mind and body."

What of Islamist power through the ballot box? "In that case, democracy won't be a criterion of progress, so the notion of democracy has to be rethought. Truth is not always on the side of democracy – what can you do?" He concedes that democracy, "with all its failings, is much less bad than dictatorship". Rule by democratically elected Islamists would, "absolutely be better – but I'd be against it".

With Syria teetering on civil war – and speaking before President al-Assad rejected Arab League calls to step down – Adonis was unequivocal that "the present regime absolutely has to go. The Ba'ath party has to go, and another regime to be put in place that's secular, democratic and pluralist." Yet he is against both armed uprising and foreign intervention. "Guns can't resolve these problems. If everyone took up arms, there'd be civil war." Outside military intervention has "destroyed Arab countries, from Iraq to Libya". As for its humanitarian rationale, "it's not true – it's to colonise. If westerners really want to defend Arab human rights, they have to start by defending the rights of the Palestinians."

Calls for intervention from within Arab countries "are wrong; it doesn't make sense. How can you build the foundations of the state with the help of the same people who colonised these countries before?" At a talk this month in the House of Poetry in Paris, he held up a photograph published in al-Quds of some US soldiers in Iraq apparently desecrating the dead. "American soldiers pissed on Iraqi corpses," he says indignantly. "So these are the same people they want to call in to liberate Arabs, and piss on the living?"

Yet within the west, he argues "there are many wests – of Rimbaud, Whitman and Eliot, and of Bush, Sarkozy and Cameron." Explaining his view of Arab culture as extinct, he says: "What is civilisation? It's the creation of something new, like a painting. A people that no longer creates becomes a consumer of the products of others. That's what I mean by the Arabs being finished – not as a people, but as a creative presence."

Adonis holds no hope that poetry can change society. To do that, "you have to change its structures – family, education, politics. That's work art cannot do". Yet he believes it can change the "relationship between things and words, so a new image of the world can be born." Theorising about poetry is "like speaking about love. There are some things you can't explain. The world is not created to be understood, but to be contemplated and questioned."

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

Syria activists report 'massacre' in Homs

2012-01-28T02:31:00.002Z

Syria activists report 'massacre' in Homs

Head of Arab League mission says violence is rising "in a significant way" ahead of UN Security Council meeting.

Civilians, including children, were said to have been killed by Syrian troops after a raid on the town of Homs [LCC Syria]

Fresh violence has erupted in the besieged Syrian city of Homs, a day after armed forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad barraged residential buildings with mortars and machine-gun fire and killed at least 30 people, activists have said.

Heavy gunfire erupted for a second day on Friday in the city, which has seen some of the heaviest violence of the 10-month-old uprising against Assad's rule. Activists said at least 61 people have been killed across the country on Friday.

Elsewhere, a car bomb exploded on Friday at a checkpoint outside the northern city of Idlib, the British-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights (SOHR) said, citing witnesses. The number of casualties was not immediately clear.

The head of the Arab League monitoring mission in Syria said that the violence has risen "in a significant way" in the last three days, particularly in Homs, Hama and Idlib.

"The situation at present, in terms of violence, does not help prepare the atmosphere ... to get all sides to sit at the negotiating table," General Mohammed Ahmed Mustafa al-Dabi said in a statement.

The Sudanese general called for "an immediate end to the violence to protect the Syrian people and clear the way for peaceful resolutions" to the crisis.

'Terrifying massacre'

The pre-dawn assault in Homs, and reports of similar offensives against Hama and other cities, came hours after the United Nations said it could no longer keep track of the death toll in Syria, which it put at more than 5,400 over a month ago.

The Homs raid began in the Karm Al-Zeitoun neighbourhood, with the Syrian Human Rights Observatory reporting 33 people killed in Syria's third-largest city, 160km north of the capital.

Details of Thursday's wave of violence in Homs were emerging from an array of residents and activists on Friday, though they said they were having difficulty because of continuing gunfire.

"There has been a terrifying massacre,'' Rami Abdul-Rahman, director of the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, told the Associated Press news agency on Friday, calling for an independent investigation of Thursday's killings.

The Local Co-ordination Committees (LCC), which organise protests on the ground, said that by Friday regime forces had pounded the Bab Seba neighbourhood with heavy artillery and rocket fire.

Fighting was also heard in Baba Amro district. The LCC said three people were killed early on Friday in Homs and said two more were killed in Idlib province in the northwest and one in the Damascus suburbs.

The SOHR said another flashpoint central city, Hama, also came under assault in the early hours of Friday, with intense firing from heavy machine guns and loud explosions heard.

Embassy stormed

Meanwhile, in the Egyptian capital, Cairo, scores of opponents of Assad's government stormed the Syrian embassy on Friday before being dragged away by security forces.

At least 200 protesters forced their way into the building in the Garden City neighbourhood in Cairo, breaking doors and windows, before Egyptian security officials arrived and took them out, the AFP news agency reported.

No arrests were made. The embassy was empty because Friday is a weekend day in Egypt.

Yusef Ahmed, the Syrian ambassador, went to the embassy after the incident and said he would formally complain to authorities.

"The Syrian embassy is being targeted. We will be sending a formal letter calling for the embassy to be protected. The protection today was very weak," Ahmed told AFP.

The protesters "went into the building. They reached the floor where the ambassador's office is located. Unfortunately they were not resisted," he said as he walked over broken glass and into the building.

"This is a very serious development," he said.

http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2012/01/2012127132326703799.html

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

KENYA: UN SCALES UP REFUGEE TRAINING TO IMPROVE ASSISTANCE IN CAMPS

2012-01-28T01:34:00.000Z

KENYA: UN SCALES UP REFUGEE TRAINING TO IMPROVE ASSISTANCE IN CAMPS

The United Nations refugee agency today announced new strategies to ensure uninterrupted assistance and services in its largest complex in Kenya, including training and mentoring of refugees as well as involving them in the day-to-day running of the Dadaab camps.

"Refugees have always had a role in making camps work. However, at Dadaab that role is being expanded," said Andrej Mahecic, spokesperson for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), during a press briefing in Geneva. "Hospitals, for example, have remained open throughout this difficult period, staffed by refugees, nationals, and a limited number of international staff," he said.

Part of the new strategy includes reaching out to different groups within the refugee population such as elders, the business community and youth so they can contribute in distinct ways. Mr. Mahecic stressed that refugee leaders and refugees working for partner agencies are being trained to identify individuals who require urgent attention so they can get life-saving assistance immediately.

"In situations when international or national staff cannot get to camps the health posts are managed by refugee staff who have been trained over the years to provide basic medical services and refer more serious cases to the camp hospitals," Mr. Mahecic said. "Refugee staff are also getting refresher courses on management of sensitive cases of sexual or gender-based violence," he added.

<"http://www.unhcr.org/4f22a26c6.html">According to UNHCR, since the beginning of this year, over 150 vulnerable people and families have been identified by the agency and its partners, and brought to the agency's offices in Dadaab where they have received medical and psychological help.

Refugees are also helping to improve the camps' conditions by building new latrines on sandy and rocky ground, and by collecting and transporting solid waste by donkey carts to allocated waste disposal sites.

In addition, UNHCR is also engaging with young refugees to enhance their skills and work experience. "More than 30 camp schools remain open and are run by refugee teachers. Despite insecurity, the Kenyan National Exams took place in the camps at the end of last year and the results were an improvement in the average score in comparison to last year. The exams were made possible because the community patrolled the schools and guarded the gates," Mr. Mahecic said.

He stressed that UNHCR will continue to identify specific groups for outreach such as business and religious leaders, and would also strengthen awareness through radio and other means such as free mobile texting.

The Dadaab refugee complex shelters more than 460,000 refugees. A third of this refugee population arrived in 2011 alone, fleeing the conflict, drought, famine and human rights abuses in Somalia. The camps in Dadaab opened two decades ago and were originally designed to host some 90,000 refugees.

Ayat ul-Kursi after Fardh Salat

2012-01-28T01:33:00.001Z

Abu Umamah (radi Allahu anhu) narrated that the Messenger of Allah (sal Allahu alaihi wa sallam) said, "Whoever recites Ayat ul-Kursi immediately after each prescribed Prayer, there will be nothing standing between him and his entering Paradise except death." [Nasai, Ibn Hibban, Darimi]

Ayat ul-Kursi is so important because it contains a description of the attributes of Allah (subhana wa ta'ala). The only way we can know Him is through His sifaat/characteristics.

One of the attributes of Allah (subhana wa ta'ala) mentioned in Ayat ul-Kursi is that He is always awake and fully alert. No sleep overtakes him, nor does He ever get drowsy. To sleep is one of the attributes of created beings, and all of creation is limited in many ways.

Bani Israil asked Musa (alaihis salam) to ask Allah (subhana wa ta'ala) if He ever slept. Allah's response to Musa (alaihis salam) was to tell him to take two glass bottles and remain standing with them. A day passed, and then two. Finally Musa (alaihis salam) was overcome by tiredness and sleep. For the fraction of a second that his eyes closed and his grip on the bottles loosened, the bottles crashed to the ground and shattered into tiny fragments. Allah (subhana wa ta'ala) told Musa (alaihis salam) that if He were to sleep for the blink of an eye, the universe would similarly be destroyed.

Knowing that Allah (subhana wa ta'ala) does not sleep allows us to sleep soundly. We put our trust in Him since no one can do a better job than Him in watching over us.

__,_._,___

Xiisadda Magaalada Buuhoodle

2012-01-28T00:51:00.002Z

Xiisadda Magaalada Buuhoodle

Colombo - Mascadde | Washington, DC

Xaaladda Buuhoodle ayaa degan kaddib dagaal xooggan oo dhexmaray cidamada Somaliland iyo maleeshiyada deeggaanka ee maamulka Khaatumo.

Labada dhinac ayaa mid-ba uu midka kale ku eedeynayaa inuu dagaalka isagu bilaabay.

Waxaa jirta dhimasho dhinacyada dagaalku dhexmaray, balse lama xaqiijin karo khasaaraha rasmiga ah ee dagaalku dhaliyay sababo ay ugu wacan tahay iyadoon aysan jirin ilo madaxbanaan.

Qeybta hoose ee qoraalkan ka dhageyso wareysi ay VOA la yeelatay wasiir ka tirsan Somaliland iyo mid kamid ah madaxda maamulka Khaatumo, iyo waliba falanqeyn la xidhiiidha sida lagu xalin karo colaadda Buuhoodle.

Guji linka hoose oo dhegeyso

http://www.voanews.com/somali/news/Xiisadda-Magaalada-Buuhoodle-138212334.html

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

UPDATE OF LONDON SOMALI CONFERENCE

2012-01-27T16:37:00.001Z

Lord Luce (Crossbench)

To ask Her Majesty’s Government, further to the Written Answer byLord Howell of Guildford on 21 December 2011 (WA 391-2), who has been invited to the London conference on Somalia on 23 February; and whether they have invited the president of Somaliland.

Lord Howell of Guildford (Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office; Conservative)

As we noted previously, we have invited Governments and multilateral organisations that are active and influential on Somalia, as well as representatives from Somalia.

We are pleased to say that we have secured very senior attendance from representatives from the region (for example Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda) and the international community (for example Turkey, Qatar, Nigeria, Sweden, and the European Union) alongside a host of Somali representatives; as well as theAfrican Union and United Nations Secretary-General.

We have invited Somaliland to attend the London conference on Somalia. We are following up the invitation with discussions with the Somaliland authorities, working to find a basis for their attendance that is acceptable to them and to us. We very much hope that President Silanyo will attend: Somaliland has much useful experience to share of creating relative stability in the region.

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

Somaliland: Presenting a noble case

2012-01-27T16:25:00.006Z

Somaliland: Presenting a noble case

By Yusuf Dirir Ali, MD

I am in favor of attending the London conference on Somalia in February because I believe Somaliland sovereignty will not be adversely affected in any way, shape or form. We will achieve more by attending this conference – thanks to Her Majesty’s government for offering this generous grant to Somaliland. This opportunity will spare us both time and money for hiring multinational posh lobby firms to argue on our behalf.

This is a life time opening. For the first time in more than two decades, we will be able to present our case to the leaders of more than 40 countries; these include among others, our immediate neighbors and friendly members of the Security Council. This is an Allah (God) sent blessed opportunity for Somaliland.

We have nothing to fear, because we have to tell the story of Somaliland history and democracy that can not be claimed, denied or opposed by our opponents. Remember, our opponents consist of sea pirates, warlords and former Al-shabaab allies; they must have all the reasons of fearing us not the inverse, because they have no rational case to present against our cause. This is the right time to trounce them with the power of logic and irrefutable facts.

We will present our case and state that our well-merited sovereignty is not negotiable. We can ask the international community to recognize our sovereignty right away and if not to arrange for internationally monitored referendum. I have no worries what so ever regarding the international community forcing us into the abhorred union with Somalia. In the worst case scenario, Somaliland will get easy on the pocket, unprecedented and long-awaited international exposure and I think this is a chance that merits being highlighted, grasped and not wasted.

The downside of not attending the conference includes; maintaining the status quo of talking to our selves about our aspirations, but not to the international community. Risking losing whatever sympathy and support we get from the international community. Furthermore, wasting this opportunity will mount to a political disaster for Somaliland government. We can’t afford to cowardly cover ourselves with a blanket and talk to ourselves about recognition. We have to be bolder than that, no one; I say no one can take away what we have today.

Attending this London conference will tip the scale to our side; therefore, we must all be in favor of attending this conference. Yet still, we can ask for protocol alterations here and there, for instance, we can ask the host country to grant us a conference protocol status equal to other attending states, because apart from Djibouti, we will be the only Somali entity with a democratically elected, functioning government and with a real constituency. We can also ask for the schedule before hand and then decide which sessions to attend and which not to attend.

We must start preparing and rehearsing for our presentation from today. This conference will decide our destiny and we must present our case in the most eloquent and powerful fashion. How about getting Raqiya Omaar involved in this process or may be asking her to do the presentation on behalf Somaliland government? A good presentation of our case will get us all the support that we need from the international community and a bad presentation will make us lose our case, so we must pay a great attention to the presentation of the infinitesimal details of our case.

The anarchic TFG and its allies have lethal forces and evil ideas to destroy their country and the lives of their people, but Somaliland has noble ideas and democracy for building its country and the lives of its people, so let us face them and let the international community be the witness.

Dr Yusuf Dirir http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

TACSI KA TIMID LA-TALIAYAHA MADAXWEYNAHA EE DHAQAALAHA IYO GANACSIGA

2012-01-27T15:52:00.001Z

TACSI KA TIMID LA-TALIAYAHA MADAXWEYNAHA EE DHAQAALAHA IYO GANACSIGA

MARXUUM DR. IDRIS IBRAAHIM

MARXUUM DR. IDRIS BRAAHIM, wasiirkii hore ee Xanaanada Xoolaha oo ku geeriyooday Magaalada Hargeysa maanta 27/01/2012. Waxaan si gaar ah u tacsiyadeynayaa xaaska marxuumka Marwo Aamina Siciid iyo ubadkiisa.

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Marxuumku waxa uu ka mid ahaa aqoonyahanada dalka dib ugu laabtay bilowgii sagaashanaadkii isagoo xilka wasaaradda Xanaanada Xoolaha muddo badan hayey wax weyna ka qabtay.

Axmed Xasan Carwo

La-taliayaha Madaxweynaha ee

Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsiga iyo Maalgashiga

eci.advisor@ymail.com

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

YAA KA SHAKISAN QANANNIMADA IYO JIRITAANKA SOOMALILAND..

2012-01-27T15:35:00.003Z

YAA KA SHAKISAN QARANNIMADA IYO JIRITAANKA SOOMALILAND..!

Axmed Xasan Carwo

La-taliyaha Madaxweynaha ee Dhaqaalaha

Waxa Soomaliland jirtay 22 sano oo nabad ah iyo 10 sano oo halgan ah iyo 76 Sano oo isticmaar ah. Waxa midnimo niyad sano oo lagu doonaayo mideynta shanta Soomaaliyeed ay ku jirtay 21 Sano ( !960-1981). Taasi waxay marag u tahay in muddada ay Soomaaliya wax wadaageen ahayd muddo aad u yar kolka aad u eegto inta ay goonida u jirtay. Muddadaas dheer ee ay goonida ka ahayd Soomaliya, waxa unkumay beelaha Soomaliland oo is-dhexgalay oo abuuray degaano beelahu isku dhafan yihiin, waxayna yeesheen dabci, dhaqan, iyo hiddo ay wadaagaan ooy Soomalida inta kale kaga duwan yihiin. Waxa abuurmay hab iyo dhawaaq hadalka iyo ereyo u gooni ah, hab-guurka iyo dhismaha qoyska oo mideysan, iyo nidaamka maamulka oo ah mid ku salaysan habka dawladda UK. Intaasi waxay u yeeshay astaan iyo aragti u gooni ah oo reer Soomaliland mideysa. Waxaana ka markhaati ah hadalka laf-jabka ah ee mataaneentii Soomaliya lagala kulmay iyadoo dadka reer Soomaliland min Ceelaayo iyo Lowyacaddu reer Soomaliya ay ugu yeedhaan “Soomali Qaldaan”..yacnii dadka iyaga ka duwan uun dhe.

Soomaliland oo beelaha dega dhammaantood ay si xor ah ugu shireen magaalada Burco, islana qaateen inay midnimadii ay Soomaliya sida xorta ah ula galeen oo dhib, hadardaamo ay weheliso cadaalad darro iyo horumar laáan ay ka baxeen ayna yihiin dal madaxbanaan oo qaran gooni u taagan ah, ikhtiyaarkoodna ay ku gaadheen dhismaha qaran dimuquraadi ah oo dunida ka tirsan. Waxa dhidibka loo aasay Jamhuuriyadda Soomaliland 18 May 1991 iyo kheyriyadda Burco.Waxa xigay dastuur loo codeeyey haa 97%, doorashooyinka degaanka, kan wakiilada iyo ka madaxtooyada. Waxa soo maray laba Madaxweyne oo beelahu doorteen si dadban iyo laba si dimuquraadi ah codka muwaadiniintu ku doorteen.

Waxa ayaamahan la hadal hayaa shirka dawladda UK ay u qabanayso Soomaalida. Waxa xog-waranka dawladda UK ay baahisay ka mid ah dadka lagu casuumay Dawlad KMG, Ahlu sunna, Puntland, Gal Mudug iyo Soomaliland. Haddaba iyadoo xukuumadda Soomaliland cadaysay inay ka-qaybgalka ay kala tashan doonto axsaabta qaranka, wakiilada iyo waxgaradka Soomaliland, ayaa halkii rayi dhiibasho iyo taageero loo fidin lahaa xukuumadda xiligan loo baahan yahay midnimada iyo wadajirka ayaa waxa muuqata in dad danta gaarka ah ka hormariya tan guud oo indhehoodu arkaan waxa ay doonaan dhegahooduna maqlaan waxa ay doonaan, ayaa ula kala baxay fidinta dacaayado aan meesha oolin oo kas gaabka iyo maatada lagu beeraayo shaki iyo cabsi aan meesheed oolin.

Waa ayo cidda qarannimada dalka hooyo burburinaysaa, ma cidda soo halgantay ee labataneeyo sano u samirtay ee manta hoggaanka ku guulaysatay, ee sharaf, magac iyo maamuus maqaamkii ugu sareeyey ku gaadhay ayaa laga dardaar warinayaa..Waa fikir lunsan oo u baahan in qashinka lagu rido. Inta been abuurka lagu jiro miyeyna ka fiicnayn inaynu eegno oon ku taageerno la-tashiga xukuumaddu ku dhawaaqday. Weli ma jirto go’aan shirka laga gaadhay. Waxaana habboon inaynu isla eegno sifaha iyo shuruudaha aynu ku tegi karno, amba ku diidi karno..labaduba wey inoo furan yihiin. Haddaan diidno, iyo haddaan tegno midna ma keeni kato burburka Soomaliland oo waa dal hano qaaday oo dadkiisu yihiin ilaalayaaha jiritaankeeda, ayna diyaar u yihiin badbaadintiisaa cid kasta oo gar darro ula timaada. Taas ninka ka cabsi qaba iyo kan ka shakisani waa nin cidla ka didey, ayna ka tahay fulaynimo amba nin isagu muraad kale leh.

Waxa manta aan helay su’aal lagu weydiiyey guriga guurtida ee UK ( House of Lords) mudane ah Wasiiro Dawlaha arrimaha Debedda ee UK Lord Howell oo ka jawaabaaya su’aal ay weydiisay Lord Luce..waa kan iyagoo aan sideeda idiinku soo naqiley oo af Ingiriis ah deedna aan turjumaada idiinku xigsiiyey:

Lord Luce (Crossbench)

To ask Her Majesty's Government, further to the Written Answer byLord Howell of Guildford on 21 December 2011 (WA 391-2), who has been invited to the London conference on Somalia on 23 February; and whether they have invited the president of Somaliland.

Lord Howell of Guildford (Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office; Conservative)

As we noted previously, we have invited Governments and multilateral organisations that are active and influential on Somalia, as well as representatives from Somalia.

We are pleased to say that we have secured very senior attendance from representatives from the region (for example Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda) and the international community (for example Turkey, Qatar, Nigeria, Sweden, and the European Union) alongside a host of Somali representatives; as well as theAfrican Union and United Nations Secretary-General.

We have invited Somaliland to attend the London conference on Somalia. We are following up the invitation with discussions with the Somaliland authorities, working to find a basis for their attendance that is acceptable to them and to us. We very much hope that President Silanyo will attend: Somaliland has much useful experience to share of creating relative stability in the region.

Lord Luce waxay weydiisay Wasiirka cidda lagu casuumay shirka iyo in Madaxweynaha Soomaliland lagu casuumay…

Waxuu ku jawaabay Lord Howell: “Sidaan hore u sheegnay waxaanu casuumnay xukuumadaha iyo ururada caalamiga ah ee ay khusayso arrimaha Soomalidu iyo wakiilo ka socda Somaliya. Waxaanu ku faraxnay inaanu helno inay ka soo qayb galayaan dad muhiim ah ee mandaqadda( Matalan Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda) iyo mujtamaca adduunweynaha (sida Turkey, Qatar, Nigeria, Sweden, and the European Union) iyo cid ka socota. oo matasha Soomaalida iyo African Union and United Nations Secretary-General

Waanu casuumnay Somalialnd inay shirka timaado Shirweynaha London ee Somaliya. Waanu dabasoconaa oo waxaa noo socda wadohadal sidii loo heli lahaa hab iyo wax keeni kara inay ka soo qayb galaan oo u cuntama iyaga iyo anaga. Waxaan rajeynayaa inuu Madaxweyne Siilaanyo yimaado: Soomaliland waxay leedahay khibrad faaíido badan oo ay u soo tebin karto lana qaybsan karto deganaansha gobalka.”

Haddaba waxa manta loo baahan yahay ma aha in qof waliba sida uu doono uu u arko oo siyaasad madhalays ah iyo aragti gaaban wax lagu eego. Waa in la darsaa oo la helaa wadatashi loo dhan yahay oo qaraar cad laga gaadho deedna bulshada si wada jir ah loo wacyi galiyaa, lagana daayaa shaki abuurka iyo fidnada laga abuuraayo meel ayna ku juirin.

Waxaad ogaataan marxaladda dalku marayo dhinaca gobalada bari iyo ololaha kala qaybinta ee ay wadaan dawlad xafadeedka Xamar. Waxa inala gudboon inaynu is barbar taagno xukuumadda aynu sida dimuquraadiga ah ku dooranay, taas mecnaheedu ma aha indho-la’aan in lagu raaco. Waa in nidaamka la ilaashaa oo la-xisaabtanka dhaleeceyntu ahaadeen qaar xadkooda haysta iyo inaan loo faaídeyn cadowga.

Wakiiladu ha gutaan waajibkooda oo ha ka baxaan xilkas la’anta ka muuqata iyagoo laba maalmood fadhigu u buuxsami waayey.

Warbaahintuna ha noqdaan kuwa muujiya dareenka dhabta ah ee dadweynha ee aan noqon qaar si dadban ugu adeega cadowga.

Tvga qaranka waxa saran xil weyn oo ah inuu kor u qaado midnimada iyo wadajirka ummadda, iyo inuu yeesho birtilmaameed wacyigelin iyo faaqidaad amuuraha khuseeya qaranka iyagoo makarafoonka si xor ah looga soo qaybgeliyo xusbiyada mucaaridka ah, aqoonyahannada iyo qurbajooga dalka. Waa kaalin gaabis ah ee marxaladdan ha laga faa’ideysto.

Qadyadda qarannimdu ma laha mucaarid iyo muxaafid waa mid muwaadin kasta waajib ay ku tahay difaaceeda iyo ilaalinteeda. Qaranka cidina marti kuma aha, cidna marti loogama aha. Soomaliland waxa leh reer Soomaliland oo dhan oo si siman u leh xuquuq iyo waajibaad saran.Min Ceelaayo ilaa Lowyacaddu min Buuhoodle ilaa Berbrera waa dal iyo dad mideysan, una baahan inay helaan qorshe iyo siyaasad lagu hawl galo oo khilaafkooda si nabad ah u suuliya. Waa waajib ina wada saran si gaar ahna u saran mas’uuliinta siyaasadeed mid hoggaanka haya iyo mid sugaayaba.

Waxa iyana habboon in inta xukuumadda ka tirsan ee xilka haysaa ahadaan duul ilaaliya midnimadooda oo doodaha ay ka yeeshaan hawl-qabadka xukuumadda ayna noqon mid ay ku muujiyaan warbaahinta, Ma jirto xukuumad aan dhexdeeda afkarta ku kala qaybsanayni, waxa se sharcigu yahay in afkaarta lagu qaybsamo ee lagu doodo ay gun yeelato, taas oo ah go’aanka leysla gaadho in dhammaan la wado daafaco, oo ninkii fikirkiisa Golaha lagaga xoog bataa ilaaliyo ga’aanka Golaha oo ay waajib ku tahay inuu daafaco. Waa sida keliya ee xukuumad dimuquraadi ahi ku shaqayn karto.Waa in wadajir xukuumaddu u daafacdaa go’aamada ka soo baxa. Waa in sirta Golaha la ilaaliyaa oon suuqyada la gelin.Cidda nidaamkan aasaasiga ah aan dhowreyni waa in wax laga qabtaa oo la joojiya nabarka boogtiisu fideyso.

Aqoonyahanka waxa habboon inay fikir wax ool ah u gudbiyaan xukuumadda ooy noqdaan dar ku soo biiriya afkaar horumar siyaasadeed, bulsho, dhaqaale iyo ganacsigba dhali kara. Waxaan halkan idinku balan qaadayaa inaan gacanta ka geliyo Madaxweynaha waxii talo ah ee waxtar u leh dalkeena, iyo waxii tabasho iyo dhaliil ah ee si asluub ah oo dhammays ah loo soo bandhigo. Mid run iyo marag leh

. Dalkeena waxa yaal dhibaatooyin badan ooy barbar socoto faa’idooyin iyo kheyraad aan la taaban, fursado dhaqaale iyo baahi is huwan. Waxa aynu kaga bixi karnaa inagoo waqtiga ku qaadana inaynu ku fakirno danta guud iyo horumarinta dalka, inaynu ilaalino dakhliga yar ee inoo soo hoyda, si gaar ah waa waajib saran xukuumadda iyo shaqaalaheedu inay noqdaan qaar ilaaliya khrashka, oo kol walba ka fakira baahida dalka taal iyo itaal yarida cidda lacagta laga soo xareeyey.

Maanta waa maalintii Midnimda, waa maalintii Wadajirka, waa ayaantii Gacmaha leys-qabsan jiray, waa dharaartii cududa Mucaaridka iyo Muxaafidku mataanoobi jireen, waa ayaantii waxgarad, waayeel, dhalin iyo dumar danta guud la dhowri jiray. Waa dharaar qarannimada la qadarinaayo ee muwaadin gudo waajibkaaga.

Tan iyo maqaal kale, ammaano Alla.

Mahad oo dhan Alle ayaa leh,

Ahmed Hassan Arwo

La-taliyaha Madaxweynaha ee arrimaha

Dhaqaalaha, Ganacsiga iyo Maalgashiga

samotalis@gmial .com

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

Syria: Arab League chief to head to UN

2012-01-26T22:43:00.004Z

Syria: Arab League chief to head to UN
The head of the Arab League Nabil al-Arabi and Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim Al-Thani are to head to the UN on Saturday to seek support for an Arab plan on Syria.

Demonstrators gather during a protest against Syria's President Bashar al-Assad near Damascus Photo: REUTERS

The two will “hold a meeting with the UN Security Council on Monday to seek ratification of the Arab League decision on Syria,” for President Bashar al-Assad to hand power to his deputy, Arabi said.

Arab League ministers meeting in Cairo last week had asked for UN support in their efforts to resolve the crisis in Syria, where a crackdown on protests has left more than 5,400 people dead since March.

The League called on Assad to delegate powers to his vice president and clear the way for a national unity government to be formed within two months.

Syrian troops meanwhile reportedly stormed a flashpoint suburb of Damascus, rounding people up in house-to-house raids and clashing with army defectors, according to activists.

The offensive against Douma came two days after Syrian Foreign Minister Walid al-Moallem said his government will continue with the "security solution" to end the crisis. It was the latest evidence that the Assad regime was rejecting pressure to stop the bloody crackdown, and the Arab League was powerless to curb it.

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Arab League observers in Syria, depleted by a pullout of their Gulf Arab colleagues, meanwhile resumed work for the first time in a week during which a bloody struggle between President Bashar al-Assad and his opponents has raged on.

Security forces deployed across the Damascus suburb of Douma on Thursday according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said. Douma, a protest hotbed that has recently seen a rise in rebel activity, was rocked by loud explosions overnight, according to activists living there.

The British-based Observatory said army operations under way in parts of the countryside around the capital had led to fighting on Wednesday night but said there were no signs of clashes in Douma on Thursday since security forces deployed.

The Arab League, while extending the monitoring mission for another month, called on Sunday for Assad to step down as part of a transition plan for which it is seeking U.N. support.

France and Britain have joined efforts at the United Nations to end Assad's 11-year rule, but Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said his country remained opposed to sanctions on Syria and reiterated its opposition to military intervention.

"The UN Security Council must support the Arab League's courageous decisions which are trying to end the repression and violence in Syria and find a solution to the political crisis," French Foreign Ministry spokesman Bernard Valero said.

The Security Council could vote as early as next week on a Western-Arab draft resolution, council diplomats said.

A group of Arab monitors planned to visit the troubled Damascus suburb of Irbin, one of them said. It would be their first outing since Friday. The mission had put its activities on hold until Arab foreign ministers met to decide its future.

Gulf Arab states have since withdrawn their 55 observers from the 165-strong team, saying they were sure "the bloodshed and killing of innocents would continue". Arab League officials said they would be replaced and work would go on.

An Algerian observer in the team heading to Irbin said he was nervous because some opposition groups had said they would not co-operate with the mission. "We don't know what to expect," he told Reuters, declining to be named.

Another monitor said he was confused about the purpose of prolonging the mission for another four weeks. "The report has been written and the (Arab League) decisions have been taken, so another month to do what? We are not sure," he said.

Syrian opposition groups have accused the observer mission, which deployed on Dec. 26, of giving Assad diplomatic cover to pursue a crackdown on protesters and rebels in which more than 5,000 people have been killed since March, by a UN tally.

The head of the Syrian Arab Red Crescent in the northern town of Idlib was shot dead on Wednesday, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) said, in an attack which Damascus blamed on "terrorists".

The Arab League has suspended Syria and called for Assad to hand over to his deputy, pending the formation of an unity government, constitutional and security reform, and elections.

Source: Agencies

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

Printing the Qur’aan is not one of the things that zakaah should be spent on

2012-01-26T22:20:00.002Z

Printing the Qur’aan is not one of the things that zakaah should be spent on

There is a charitable organization that distributes and prints the Holy Qur’aan, and translates its meanings into many different languages. Is it permissible to give zakaah money for this project?

Praise be to Allaah.

The apparent meaning of the Qur’aan indicates that zakaah should not be spent on this project, because it is not one of the groups on which zakaah is to be spent, as mentioned in the aayah (interpretation of the meaning):

“As-Sadaqaat (here it means Zakaah) are only for the Fuqaraa’ (poor), and Al-Masaakeen (the poor)…”[al-Tawbah 9:60]

The Council of Senior Scholars issued a statement saying that zakaah money should not be given to this project, as stated above.

And Allaah knows best.

Majmoo’ Fataawa wa Maqaalaat Mutanawwi’ah lil’Shaykh Ibn Baaz, vol. 14, p. 300.

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

Naseem Abdur Rahman - How I came to Islam?

2012-01-26T22:15:00.000Z

RETURN OF UN POLITICAL PRESENCE TO MOGADISHU ‘HISTORIC’ STEP, SAYS ENVOY

2012-01-26T18:09:00.001Z

RETURN OF UN POLITICAL PRESENCE TO MOGADISHU 'HISTORIC' STEP, SAYS ENVOY

The re-establishment of the United Nations political presence in Mogadishu will allow the world body to work more closely with Somalia during a crucial period in its peace process, the UN envoy to the country said today.

On Tuesday Augustine P. Mahiga, the Secretary-General's Special Representative, moved to the capital of the Horn of Africa nation from Nairobi along with a number of his core staff from the UN Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS).

The move comes one and half months after Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon announced during his visit to Mogadishu that the UN office will relocate to the city to provide further assistance at what he called a "critical juncture" for the future of the Somali people.

"This is a historic step," Mr. Mahiga wrote in a letter to the Somali people today. "It is now up to us to make up for lost time."

The last Special Representative of the Secretary-General to be based in Mogadishu was James Victor Gbeho, who worked with the now defunct UN Operations in Somalia II (UNOSOM II), and left in early 1995. UNPOS was established shortly afterwards and has since been based in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi.

"Being on the ground will allow us to be closer to all the stakeholders – the Transitional Federal Institutions and other administrations, civil society, NGOs [non-governmental organizations], business people, journalists and ordinary Somalis," stated Mr. Mahiga.

"Daily interaction will help us understand each other and to work together in a more imaginative and constructive manner at this crucial period in the peace process."

He cited the need to move ahead with the roadmap that was agreed in September and which spells out priority measures to be implemented before the current transitional governing arrangements end next August, in the areas of security, the drafting of a new constitution and reconciliation.

"We also are faced with a parliamentary crisis and a continuing terrorist threat from insurgents," Mr. Mahiga noted. "There is a lot of ground to be covered in the next seven months."

He stressed that finalizing the draft constitution before the May deadline must be a top priority, and also underlined the need to resolve the ongoing impasse within the Parliament.

War deg deg ah : Dagaal hadeer Ka socda Magaalada Buuhoodle iyo Cali Khaliif oo

2012-01-26T17:29:00.000Z

War deg deg ah : Dagaal hadeer Ka socda Magaalada Buuhoodle iyo Cali Khaliif oo La sheegayo in uu magaalda Ku sugan yahay una yimid sidii uu Dabka u Shidi lahaa.

Waxaa magaalada Buuhoodle ka qarax dagaal aad u culus oo dhex maraaya ciidamada Qaqranka Somaliland iyo Kooxihii Somaliland Diidka ahaa kuwaas oo Sida aanu wararka ku helayno uu Dagalku gaystay Khasare Naf iyo maalba ah .

Mar aanu la xidhiidhnay Qaar ka mid ah sarakiisha Hogaaminayaa Cidamada Qaranka Mdi ka mid ah ayaa waxa uu Noo Xaqiijiyey In Dagaalku uu Qarxay Uuna Wali Socdo. Dagaalkan ayaa La Sheegayaaa In u Qarxay Kadib Markii Ay Yimaadeen Qaar Ka Mid ah Hormoodkii Maamulkii dhawaan Lagaga Dhaqaaay Magaalada Taleex Taas oo Sida La Sheegayo Ay Arintaas Sabab u Ahayd Daqaalka Qarxay.

Waxaa Hadeer ku Sugan Magaalada Buuhoodle Cali Khaliif Galaydh iyo saraakiil uu Hogaaminaayo kuwaas oo la shegay in ay u Yimaadeen Buuhoodle si ay Dab Uga Shidaan Goobtaasi.

Ilaa iyo hada lama hayo Khasaaraha Dhabta ah ee uu Gaystay Dagaalkaasi Waxaanaan Gadaal Idinka Soo dayn Doonaaa Warka iyo Khasaaraha uu Gaystay.
Warqabadka Togaherer
Hargaysa.

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/

Gadabuursis Need Somaliland More than Somaliland Needs them

2012-01-26T17:10:00.000Z

Gadabuursis Need Somaliland More than Somaliland Needs them

There is a clear distinction between being nationalist and tribalism and while the majority of Somaliland people are happy to show the world how much they care about their independence, there are however, very few individuals from Somaliland who are in agreement with Somaliland’s enemies, because their tribal way of understanding things made them to believe that the pride of their particular clan is more important than the national interest and the social developments that Somaliland is crying out for today

And at a time of heightening tension between the loyal Somalilanders and the anti-Somaliland forces, it is every Somalilanders obligation to speak the truth even when the truth may upset those who we share tribal affiliations. Because in my humble opinion the national interest serves for all when at the same time tribalism does nothing for anyone including those who practice and preach tribalism day and night.

So for these reasons as a Somaliland citizen who was born and bred in Awdal region of Somaliland I believe it is time the silent majority in Awdal community to speak up and speak loudly in favor of Somaliland’s sovereignty which we have been part of it for the last two decades.

Today some Awdalites who support Somaliland cause in the past seem to be struggling with their conscious and they cannot bring themselves to support Siilaany’s government but that should not be the case and it should not prevent us to continue supporting Somaliland’s sovereignty.

We need to maintain the ability to separate between the Somaliland’s sovereignty and the current administration which will only remain in power for limited period of time.

There is no question that the majority of sensible Gadabuursi people are pro Somaliland at all cost, however there are young naïve men and women from Awdal who are always ready to declare their allegiance to their racist causes but that shall not deter the decent Awdalites to defend what is right for them and for the whole Somaliland nation before it is too late.

We all have moral obligation to defend our peace and the future of our children, and let us not forget that if we feel Siilaanyo is mishandling Somaliland’s affairs we have a choice to support his opponent within Somaliland’s political circle since we have different political parties, and we certainly do not need to seek help from elsewhere.

The clannish argument that very few anti-Somaliland individuals from Awdal use as weapon, which says “we are nothing and we got nothing in Somaliland” should meet the same level of argument and we should ask them, where on earth the Gadabuursi clan which they feel sorry for has more shares or more powers than we have in Somaliland .

Today we do not have any influences on anything that goes in Mogadishu’s TNG government, and God forbid if Somaliland loses its sovereignty the people from Awdal will be in the mercy of unknowing forces and that would be a disaster for Gadabursi people.

Finally we, the Gadabursis need the existence of Somaliland independence more than any other clan, because Dhulbahante can use Daroodism umbrella if things go wrong. Isaaqis also have more influence on Somalia’s affairs than we have. And geographically Mogadishu is a far away land for the boys and the girls from Awdal region. And the sooner we realize all these realities the sooner we stop feeling sorry for ourselves

Abdale Farah Sigad

http://samotalis.blogspot.com/