Sri Lanka Guardian

China’s first space lecture

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Thu, 20 Jun 2013 02:59:00 +0000

Shenzhou X astronaut gives lecture today

( June 20, 2013, Beijing, Sri Lanka Guardian) Wang Yaping shows a small ball tied with a string to a holder fixed on a metal plate. She lets the ball go and the ball suspends. Then she pushes the ball gently and the ball moves in a circular motion.

Wang Yaping pushes a static gyro and a moving gyro respectively to change the way they move.

Wang Yaping [Photo by Zou Hong/Asianewsphoto]

A special lecture began Thursday morning, given by a teacher aboard China's space module Tiangong-1 to students on Earth.

Female astronaut Wang Yaping, one of the three crew members of Shenzhou-10 spacecraft, greeted about 330 primary and middle school students at a Beijing high school, through a live video feed system.

More than 60 million students and teachers at about 80,000 middle schools across the country are watching the live broadcast on TV.

Wang will teach about motion in a microgravity environment, the surface tension of liquid, and help students understand the concepts of weight and mass and Newton's Laws.

Born in east China's Shandong Province, the hometown of China's most famous educationist Confucius (551-479 BC), the 33-year-old Wang is the second Chinese female astronaut after Liu Yang, who entered the record books in the Shenzhou-9 mission in June last year.

The world's first teacher in space was Christa McAuliffe, a 37-year-old middle school teacher from the United States, but the Space Shuttle Challenger disintegrated after 73 seconds in flight on January 28, 1986. McAuliffe and her other six crewmates were killed.

Barbara Morgan, McAuliffe's backup in that mission who became an astronaut later, completed the teaching lesson in space in 2007, when she was sent to the International Space Station with Space Shuttle Endeavor. Via a video feed, she showed students how to exercise and drink water in space.

The lesson is aimed at making space more popular, as well as inspiring enthusiasm for the universe and science, according to Zhou Jianping, designer-in-chief of China's manned space program, who added that the lesson will also accumulate experience for similar larger activities.

"The spirit of science of the youth is an important drive for the progress of mankind," said Zhou. "Space activities can help them build up the spirit of seeking science and facing challenges."

The impact of the 17th amendment over the 13th amendment

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Thu, 20 Jun 2013 02:54:00 +0000

The failure to enforce the power sharing and the independent commissions bill

| by Robinhood

( June 20, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The coalition members of the Rajapaksa regime in Sri Lanka who are nationalistic pro government allies who survive under the majority Sinhalese franchise are not in favor of initiating a political solution to the ethnic minority to implement the 13th amendment with the provision of land and Police powers to the Northern Provincial Councils and the 17th amendment to the general population of Sri Lanka. The pro nationalist members such as Sihala Urumaya, National Freedom Front consider the country is owned by the majority Sinhala Buddhist where as other linguistic religious and ethnic minorities are mere guests who cannot claim their fundamental rights but can live under their security and protection.

The mindset of the majority people in Sri Lanka can be easily influenced through ethnic distinction. When the regime unable to meet the pressure and the reasonable demands of the people due to the heaping cost of living to increase wages from trade unions and decrease the price of commodities the habit of the Rajapaksa administration is to sponsor a synthetic mayhem to undermine the peoples legitimate demands. The regime change people’s mindset by allowing to utter nationalistic statements through its coalition partners to undermine rightful demands of the people. When the regime wants to achieve an illicit motive, it influences its coalition members to raise jingoistic statements and make a tenable situation and monitor people’s response. The regime through its nationalist partners creates a synthetic or an evil public opinion arousing the majority targeting the ethnicities to achieve its targeted motives. When the minority political parties react hostile the regime subsidies it by saying that it’s not the official statement of the government but we have given the democratic rights to our alliance members to give their opinion. By influencing and encouraging such third party statements the regime abstains from finding permanent solutions to the burning problems in crisis situations. The evil or synthetic public opinion becomes the mainstream subject of the regime to continue leading its targeted motives undermining the most important burning crisis of the people. Similarly whenever the regime faces crisis within its allies losing its majority in the parliament or popularity among the people or crisis in the country it creates such synthetic and evil opinions through its coalition partners. There are 18 coalition partners in the UPFA regime in the current parliament which has made a synthetic ruling legislature through a corrupt (not free and fair) election. The Rajapaksa administration uses these coalition members to its survival in various forms. Through these nationalistic members the regime sponsors pro government protests to undermine the people’s legitimate protest against the government

If President Rajapakse has a true political will and determination, it has to free itself from pro national members of its alliance who oppose for a political solution, the implementation of the LLRC and the full function of the 13th amendment to all Provincial Councils including the North and East. The way regime nursing and nurturing the pro national parties with its coalition under an alliance allowing to give anti LLRC statements is another clear indication the regime is not genuinely interested to give a political solution to the Tamil national issue. From these it is leant the Rajapaksa administration is purposely avoiding and neglecting the importance to bring a lasting solution for the Tamil national issue is nothing but to protect and undermining the inability of the regime fear of losing its government in power. Legislating the 18th amendment bypassing the 13th and the 17th amendments discloses the government’s best interest in demoting democracy and good governance but to uphold a Rajapaksa monarchy.

The link between the 13th, 17th amendments and the Rajapaksa hegemony

There is a link between the Rajapakse administration, the Tamil national issue (13th amendment) and the establishment of independent commissions. (17th amendment) The moment the regime legislate the 17th amendment and implement its full function that is to hold a free and fair elections under an independent Elections, Police and the Public services commission the Rajapakse administration loses its power. The Rajapaksa government can only sustain its power by not implementing the full function of the 13th amendment in the Northern Province and the 17th amendment to the entire country.

The failure to enforce the 17th amendment has a greater effect of the social instability of the country which the Rajapakse administration deserves. The failure to implement the full function of the 13th amendment expose the Rajapakse administration wants to preserve the Tamil national issue unresolved without a political solution in order to sustain its governance.

Permitting to continuing its lawlessness depicts the Rajapaksa administration is not interest in a genuine reconciliation, requiring any social stability, a stronger public service for the simple reason to sustain its corrupt governance in power. The Rajapakse administration can survive only under a destabilize environment, an authoritarian administration, a Singhalization concept under a weaker civil society where it can establish its family rule in administering governance to get the support of the majority Bhuddist masses.

The Rajapaksa administration has extracted and centralized all its powers to a single executive location and spread its network in every Grama Sevaka division which could centrally administer. In spite of devolving its powers the regime has centralized all powers into one centrally controlled administrative structure. The network is secured by its brothers, family members, relatives, friends, henchmen’s and underworld stooges to every bend and corner in the public sector and government institutions from higher public post to the elementary Pradeshiya Sabha member. Due to this nepotism the majority of UPFA legislative members are charged with abuse of power for rapes, murders, kidnaps and extortions.

From the above factors and actions of the government in a post war situation the way Rajapaksa administration nurtures and mobilize the state sponsored paramilitaries and pro ethnic political parties it is clear the regime is purposely creating mayhem, avoiding and protecting its administration behind the Tamil national issue which is the burning problem of the country.

If the 13th amendment is functional with the land and police powers in the Northern Province after the northern provincial elections it would not have its full effect unless the 17th amendment is implemented. The 13th amendment should be fully functional under the 17th amendment that is an independent election, police and the public services commission.

A corrupt National Police

When the Sri Lanka Police came under the purview of the ministry of defense the reputation and the accountability of the police department stooped to its lowest. Under the Rajapaksa administration high ranking Police officials are sponsored to commit contract murders behalf of the regime. Police are often obstructed to carry the law enforcement against crimes by political interference. Crimes are fabricated by the powered against the powerless and crimes are undermined according to the whims and fancies. These contracts have often triggered to commit personal murders for extortions and kidnaps from wealthy business community. Using a state force for sponsored murders is a serious collapse in the rule of law.

When the government faces pressure and criticism local and internationally, unable to provide a permanent solution for the Tamil national issue and other critical issues the government diverts the critical attention of the people by instigating and nurturing communal hatred using its pro national political parties between the majority Buddhist and the minority Tamil/ Muslims living in the country. It suppress the war affected ethnic Tamils in the north by abductions and enforced disappearance preventing their freedom of expression and political rights by the use of paramilitaries and government sponsored mobsters. Whoever challenges the government democratically is either attacked, assaulted, abducted using the white van or killed by unexpected accidents. The regime creates chaos among communities by instigating communal hatred through nationalistic movements and uses the recently amended criminal procedure bill to take protesting people and trade union activist into custody using the Prevention of Terrorism Act. By political motivated attacks it oppress anti government voices preventing their fundamental rights to engage in political campaigns, peaceful protests and the freedom of association in all part of the country. The regime uses above methods to salvage its existence and sustain its regime in power.

The only way Rajapaksa administration can survive is to keep alliance with pro national political parties and with members who oppose the 13th and the 17th amendments. The Rajapaksa administration nurturing the pro national political parties is to create and nurture communal hatred between ethnicities is to preserve the support of the majority Singhalese masses for its political survival.

There is a widespread speculation and a view that the Rajapakse Administration is purposely abstaining to implement the full function of the 13th amendment and disinterest to give a political solution in order to sustain its popularity within the Buddhist Singhalese masses. It appears in order to sustain its government in power Rajapakse administration will never implement the above factors which are detrimental to their existence.

Now it has come to a situation where the government ministers, Ministry secretaries, state department secretaries, political appointees are engaged in mass scale corruption which the government has no capacity, choice or ability to stop. Though the government has a synthetic majority in the parliament (obtained by providing perks and privileges) by not a free and fair election the Rajapaksa regime has a major uncertainty about its existence due to the current cost of living, heaping public and trade union protests, lawlessness, International criticism and local political pressures. Due to this the ministers, ministry secretaries, political appointees are engaged in earning black money from the public funds engaging in sordid deals before the collapse of the administration.

When we read above it is clear the stakeholders above are joined in a system where one partner cannot leave or does not wish to be accountable for its actions, counter corruption or promote good governance, and work for the best interest of the people fear of losing benefits. Each partner is engaged in corruption where the centralized power allows it to grow, spectate disinterest to halt. This confirms the Central Power is also part and parcel of corruption. The action of the executive is appearing to be always in the aim of safeguarding its power, strengthening its political network locally in all parts of the country, neglecting the wellbeing of the people. The executive and its surrounded arms are politicized where the activities of the Rajapakse administration do not show any accountability in its governance locally and internationally.

Still Nepalese Monarchy is Popular in Nepal

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Thu, 20 Jun 2013 02:47:00 +0000

| by Dirgha Raj Prasai

( June 20, 2013, Kathmandu, Sri Lanka Guardian) Nepal could remain an independent and sovereign country only because of monarchy. The monarchy was pivotal in integrating Nepal, establishing democratic and just society at par with the modern world. But why are the political parties so averse and negative towards monarchy? It is true that there are many countries which do not have monarchy still they could remain independent and prosperous. Nepalese king has ever acted or walked on the path which is against Nepal's national interest. The Nepalese people must not forget that under king Prithvi Narayan Shah’s leadership 54 separate warring small Hindu states were annexed to form Nepal. Various castes and religious sects came together to form this holy land. Nepal will not be stable in absence of the royal institution. The founder of Nepali Congress Chairman and former PM the late B.P Koirala had a stance in regards royal institution- after 1976, 'If there is no royal institution in Nepal, a nation named Nepal will also not remain in existence. Nepal’s existence is of utmost self-interest of the king. So the kings have saved the country. I want merger of king’s nationalist self-interest and people’s democratic interest.'

The new constitution could not format and CA is expired. There are no other options for king Gyanendra to revive the 1990 constitution and take his throne with support of the people and organs of the state. He must protect the nation. And then it is accepted that the king must become more accessible and reach the people. The political agents have already failed to format the new constitution and move the country and then the failed elements have proposed the leadership of current Chief Justice Khilraj Regmi who has been joining his hand with the traitors for his personal benefits. The appointment of the Supreme Court Chief Justice as the Prime Minister is to damage the democratic norms and the system converts as a dictatorial style.

It is point able, in 2001 when NC leader and then Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba handed over the governance to the king; all political leaders had hoped to gain a position of PM by the King. NC leader former Girija sent an emissary while UML leader Madhav Nepal wrote an application to the king. But, it was not possible that everyone could have been accommodated in the government. When the desires went unfulfilled power hungry corrupts politicians started accusing the king of dictatorship, which has developed into the current scenario. What can be a bigger crime for politicians than to put all the blame on the king to hide their crimes? They took advantage of the monarch’s compulsion to isolate him. The corrupt Panchas as Surya Bahadur Thapa, Lokendra Bahadur Chand, Pashupati Shumsher, whom had become powerful during the king’s direct rule, but they also accepted the foreign support overnight to betray the palace. However, all Nepalese are not like such traitors. Nepal’s misfortune is the misdeeds of these brokers and traitors.

The Indians reassure us that they will not intervene whenever their previous acts of intervention are revealed. They always have an antagonistic underlying attitude towards Nepal. Maoist leaders Baburam Bhattarai and Prachanda including leaders of Madhesi parties have openly lent their support to Nepal’s foreign enemies. The uprising of 2006 took place with direct Indian support and the fear instilled by the Maoists’ arms. Indian Intelligence Agency- RAW had given assurance to the leaders of Nepali Congress, UML and Maoist party that if they agreed the 12-point agreement, they would find the leadership of the new government. Then, Indian intelligence wing ‘RAW’ itself had an active role in the uprising, providing the economic and other material support. In accordance to the 12-point understanding UNMIN was invited in Nepal. The 12-point agreement and the presence of UNMIN became a matter of crisis. After coming to Nepal UNMIN started to develop a special relation with the Maoist in name of peace treaty. The UNMIN was against the Nepalese identity and unity. These nefarious activities were the result of policy based conspiracy of India and America.

After the uprising 2006, the so called 12-point understanding and the activities of UNMIN and UN's other Org. RAW, EU and CIA became the base of retrogression of this country. They contrived a design to weaken the national army and intentionally joined the hands with the Maoist army. This was the most dangerous subject faced by Nepal. However, the leaders of Nepali Congress, UML and Maoist did not utter a single word despite the nation’s perilous condition. They had already signed treaties under the protection of Indian intelligence agency and have become slavish with their dependency on India, America and the European nations.

In name of world peace and human rights America has been trying to impose its influence over the world by forwarding UN and NATO. America through its intelligence agency ‘CIA’ has been trying to incite an ethnic and religious conflict in the world so as to disintegrate sovereign nations. UN could have straightened such controversial policy of America. But with its restraint UN has also become controversial by allowing itself to be trapped in the imperialist network. Then, it is requested to all imperialistic nations and their intelligence Agencies should be backed from Nepal for the sake of Nepal's stability.

During the visit of Tarai, King Gyanendra says-- 'I had left the throne in the agreement with the political leaders but it was not implemented. I had left the throne for a purpose but it could not be fulfilled. Now what the people want will happen.' The leaders of NC, UML and Maoist party have not only axed their own heads but dragged the country into crisis. These leaders do not have any moral to speak in national politics. The political situation in the country is not satisfactory and it caused the worry. All are not happy with the political situation in the country. We need to improve the situation in the country. In the contest of national builder King Gyanendra says- 'to remember the good deeds of great man are always worth the efforts.'

After the overthrow of the royal institution in 1958, Iraq plunged into a civil war among the Kurdish, Sunni and Siya Muslims. Thousands were killed in that holy land. What did Iraq gain? After Iran’s monarch -Reja Shah Pahalbi left his thrown in 1979, an Islamic revolution started during which thousands of Iranian people were killed. Iran fell into a religious dictatorship. In 1979 royal institution was removed in Afghanistan under Soviet pressure. Now the country is faced with a civil war and the Afghans are swimming in a pool of blood. In 1970 monarchy was removed in Cambodia, after which thousands of Cambodian people died under strict communist rule. In 1993 Cambodian people brought back their king Naroddam Simhanuk to the regime and peace prevailed.

In England monarchy was disposed in 1649 and reestablished in 1661. Spain’s monarch Alfonso III was disposed and Franco took the throne in 1969 after which Spain became stable. In many places monarchy has been reestablished after being disposed. The people’s major concern is to establish peace, good governance and independence in their nation. It is customary to impart a young prince lesson on subjects of nation’s independence, system of rule, and the interest of the people. Due to such lesson in childhood a king develops a special bond towards his royal duties. A great Hindu scholar Chanakya has written before BC- 'If we start to find people without faults we will not have any friends.' So, it is wise for us to study the situation before pointing a finger at king Gyanendra.

There was once a system to which we could appeal at times of distress- 'the monarchy’. The people are orphaned as the king, out of compulsion, was forced to back off. In name of CA Nepal is being drowned. NC leader and former minister P.L Singh has analyzed the current scenario. He writes- 'The political parties are pushing the nation towards destruction by singing hymns of CA and destroying democracy in name of democracy. The people had not thrown away the 1990 constitution. The 1990 constitution is still appropriate for the people.' The naïve political leaders are keeping the Nepalese society in illusion with promises of constitutional monarchy, parliamentary system, and sometimes republic and People’s Republic. In this way they take power. Now NC, UML and the Maoists are becoming wary. The increasing popularity of the king has concerned Baburam Bhattarai, who became the PM with the Indian support.

The country is a common property of all Nepalese people. It is our duty to save it. This land must be rid of traitors and foreign activity. A sovereign Nepal will not exist by disposing the monarchy. In Vietnam the people show their respect to king by bowing before his statue. The people of Laos, to parry dangers from Vietnam and Thailand, are showing that they had been a sovereign country from the ancient times with the monarch. They have found a picture of their late king and with it they are constructing a statue. In Thailand king is worshipped like a God. The reasons are that these countries want to prove that they are sovereign and will continue to be in future. However, Nepal has been made a prisoner of indecision. Let us find a path of solution through 1990 constitution as a medium. The royal institution is the symbol Pillar of Nepal’s unity. In order to increase the prestige of sovereign Nepal we must commit ourselves to save the nation by endorsing the 1990 constitution with the presence of the monarchy.

Aha! An Election Is Near!

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Wed, 19 Jun 2013 09:36:00 +0000

| by Helasingha Bandara

Road of neglect

Rathnayaka (husband)-“Soma said that she saw some road-construction machinery have been parked at Mawathagama”

Bandaramenike (wife) “No doubt an election may be near”

( June 19, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) People sighted heavy machinery, mostly stationary, under the shades of trees, in February this year, along the Nikaweratiya- Ambanpola road. They concluded that it was a sure sign of an election approaching. They weren’t wrong; the Government has announced that it would hold North Western Provincial Council elections in September.

The arrival of machinery, re-laying of a foundation stone, and digging a bit here and there have been repeated so many a time throughout the last fifteen years that people have become wise to the truth; it is an election gimmick! It started with T.B.Ekanayaka, then Minister of Highways, followed by many others and finally with Namal Rajapaksha promising to construct the road. It was only four kilometers to be constructed.

It has been 4 years since the article “The Road That Gets The Eternal Blind Eye” has drawn attention to this road. A few elections have come and gone. Only one kilometer of the road has been constructed. At this speed it needs another 12 years and at least 9 elections for the road to be completed. The irony is that when it is completed at one end the other end may need reconstruction as it is being very badly constructed with the cheapest raw-material. This means that the road will never be complete in our lifetime.

As soon as the people see the movement of machinery they predict an election is coming. Despite that knowledge the fools do not stop voting nonetheless.

No gravel roads

One strong trump card in the government’s pack is that they have developed a very good road network in the country and they continue to do so. We generously appreciate that, while questioning the second class treatment that we the rurals receive in this regard.

Unfortunately we cannot buy into Minister Basil Rajapaksha’s proclamation at the opening ceremony of the Southern Expressway that there are no more gravel roads in Sri Lanka. As far as we are concerned the only truth in the statement is that, yes, we do not have gravel roads. Instead we have earthen roads, we are not fortunate enough to have even gravel on our roads. This is a fact for the entire road network into the villages along the Nikaweratiya-Ambanpola main road, of which at least three kilometers are still gravel.

Arrest of Vass Gunawardena

Is the arrest of Gunawardena an election gimmick? Gunawardena has been accused of many crimes including murder, abduction and extortion. The case of Nipuna, a student of Malambe who was beaten by Gunwardene’s wife, son and the bone licking constables was a much publicized case against Gunawardena. Gunawardena has always been an Agunawardena. Was timely action taken against this shameless police officer? Had that been so a few lives could have been saved.

Possibly thanks to some elections coming people can live without the fear of Gunawardena at least for some time while he is behind bars.

Dispelling of NWP Councilor

Is the dispelling of Sarath Kumara, a Provincial Councilor of the North Western Provincial Council also an election gimmick? Although the rogue deserves what he got and more, there is ample reason for the public to believe that it can be an election gimmick. He may have been thrown out as he is an anchovy among the sharks.

We want to believe that the actions of the government against those two beasts have been taken in good faith. Having experienced that many people being seen to be punished but coming back into higher positions with more power to harass people, we are wary of believing the action of the government. There is no doubt that the government is aware of the rogue elements of the country that make the land lawless and unsafe for the powerless. If the authorities allow the law enforcement agents to do their jobs without the fear of political interference, it is still not too late to save a few more valuable lives.

Michael Hastings, dies in car accident in Los Angeles

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Wed, 19 Jun 2013 05:30:00 +0000

| by Associated Press

( June 19, 2013, Los Angeles, Sri Lanka Guardian) Award-winning journalist and war correspondent Michael Hastings, whose unflinching reporting ended the career of a top American army general, died early Tuesday in a car accident in Los Angeles, his employer and family said.

Hastings, who was 33, was described by many of his colleagues as an unfailingly bright and hard-charging reporter who wrote stories that mattered. Most recently, he wrote about politics for the news website BuzzFeed, where the top editor said colleagues were devastated by the loss.

“Michael was a great, fearless journalist with an incredible instinct for the story, and a gift for finding ways to make his readers care about anything he covered from wars to politicians,” said Ben Smith, BuzzFeed’s editor-in-chief.

Smith said he learned of the death from a family member.

Authorities said there was a car crash early Tuesday in the Hancock Park neighborhood of Los Angeles that killed a man, but coroner’s officials could not confirm whether Hastings was the victim.

Hastings won a 2010 George Polk Award for magazine reporting for his Rolling Stone cover story “The Runaway General.”

His story was credited with ending Gen. Stanley McChrystal’s career after it revealed the military’s candid criticisms of the Obama administration.

Hastings quoted McChrystal and his aides mocking Obama administration officials, including Vice President Joe Biden, over their war policies.

At a Pentagon ceremony for his subsequent retirement in 2010, McChrystal made light of the episode in his farewell address. The four-star general warned his comrades in arms, “I have stories on all of you, photos of many, and I know a Rolling Stone reporter.”

When he died, Hastings was a contributing editor at Rolling Stone, where Managing Editor Will Dana was quoted Tuesday saying Hastings exuded “a certain kind of electricity” that exists in great reporters whose stories burn to be told.

“I’m sad that I’ll never get to publish all the great stories that he was going to write, and sad that he won’t be stopping by my office for any more short visits which would stretch for two or three completely engrossing hours,” Dana said.

Hastings was also an author of books about the wars. “The Operators: The Wild and Terrifying Inside Story of America’s War in Afghanistan” was published late last year and details shocking exploits of the military overseas.

In 2010, with the publication of “I Lost My Love in Baghdad,” Hastings told the story of being a young war correspondent whose girlfriend died in Iraq.

In the summer 2013 issue of Vermont Life magazine, Hastings was quoted telling an audience at the Burlington Book Festival that he doesn’t believe in objectivity in journalism.

“What I try to do is be intellectually honest in my writing,” he said.

Hastings’ family moved to Vermont when he was 16, a state he told the magazine was his “spiritual home.” According to the magazine, he lived in New York with his wife.

Remembering B Raman: A role model for Indian espionage

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Wed, 19 Jun 2013 04:38:00 +0000

| by RK Raghavan

( June 19, 2013, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) As I pen my tribute to Bahukutumbi Raman, former special secretary of Research and Analysis (RAW), who passed away in Chennai earlier this week, CBI interrogation of a senior IB officer is going on in Ahmedabad in connection with the Ishrat Jahan case. This episode has raised several questions about the role of an intelligence officer. Did the IB officer go overboard? Some of us who have worked sometime or the other in both organizations are intrigued and pained at this development which casts a shadow on all clandestine operations involving terrorists or suspected terrorists. More about this later. The point that I would like to make is how Raman, despite his strong views on many contentious matters, never allowed his zeal to sidestep the law. He combined theory with the practical, and earned international reputation, the envy of many a counterpart of his, both in RAW and IB.

Raman was two years senior to me in the IPS. I ran into him for the first time in the dingy corridors of the South Block where IB was housed in late 1960s, till it moved home to the North Block. I did not get to know him well in those few years before RAW came into being from the nucleus that IB was. Raman moved over to the prestigious IB to take care of reporting on Burma (now Myanmar). I saw very little of him thereafter, because he went on a posting to Europe under an assumed name. (The fiction is no longer in vogue. Our RAW officers posted abroad are now known by their real and not assumed names.)

Our contacts resumed after both of us retired from the IPS and settled down in Chennai. It was during this period—possibly the most productive phase of Raman’s life—that we came to know each other better. Even then the links were formal, one based on mutual respect.

What was remarkable about Raman was that he was modest about his prowess in an area that was full of riddles and conundrums. He wore his stature lightly. He was a regular invitee to many international forums where he was heard with great admiration and respect. He never paraded his wares. Nor did he impose his views on others. He could not care less when he was ignored by those in the South Block who claimed they knew better than him.

Raman will be remembered long for his impressive and thought provoking columns. He wrote with amazing clarity, and pulled no punches. He was no great admirer of the US intelligence community. He actually thought they were indulging in duplicity when it came to collaborating with intelligence agencies of other countries. The Headley episode in particular invited many acerbic comments from him. He wrote: “His (Headley’s) extradition is legally out of question since as part of the plea bargain entered into with him, the USA’s Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has made a commitment to him that he will not be extradited to India…… In my reading, the extradition door is still open in the case of Tahawur Hussain Rana, Headley’s Chicago-based accomplice. Intriguingly, the FBI did not consider it necessary to enter into a plea bargain with him. Only one logical explanation is possible for the FBI’s double standards in the case of Headley and Rana. The FBI wanted to protect Headley from independent Indian interrogation because he was an agent of the Drug Enforcement Agency. Rana was apparently not an agent of the Agency. The FBI, therefore, did not feel the need to protect him through a plea bargain.”

Writing on the same subject, as recently as January 2013, after he had been afflicted with cancer, Raman alleged that there had been a cover-up on the part of India which played into the hands of a deceitful foreign agency. He added: There has been a huge cover-up of the LET iceberg in India that helped Headley and Rana. While the NIA has shown considerable persistence in repeatedly questioning a few Hindus who had allegedly indulged in some acts of reprisals against Muslims in the Malegaon and Samjauta Express explosions, it has scrupulously avoided identifying and questioning the contacts of Headley and Rana in the Indian Muslim community.

Indian analysts and political parties have not shown much interest in exposing this cover-up by the partisan Ministry of Home Affairs and demanding an end to this. One must raise this issue strongly and demand thorough enquiries into the matter.

This eloquent commentary on what Raman considered to be a shameful chapter in Indo-US relations on the counterterrorism front would itself indicate why the Indian establishment was not particularly enamoured of Raman, although it could not ignore him either and had to accommodate him some important committees.

Raman wrote a lucid prose and never indulged in incomprehensible rhetoric. ‘Keep it simple’ was his mantra, and he lived up to this till his last breath. He was conscious of the poverty of his early days in life. Hence he lived austerely, and unpretentiously. He never found the time to marry, and devoted all his life to spreading the message that India needed to protect itself from terror and from the machinations of the West and Pakistan.

His life is a model to future intelligence officials. The lesson to learn from him is: Flamboyance does not always pay in the tricky game of intelligence; perseverance and a level head alone are the main keys to success.

(The writer is a former Joint Director in the Intelligence Bureau, New Delhi and a former CBI Director.)

A brother’s tribute to a brother

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Wed, 19 Jun 2013 04:33:00 +0000

| by B. S. Raghavan

B. Raman… A sharp mind and critical analytical powers

B. Raman was always so full of life, so full of ideas on security, intelligence and the fight against terrorism.

( June 19, 2013, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) Closely following the career of my brother, B. Raman, “analyst and commentator extraordinaire”, as Siddharth Varadarajan described him in his tweet, I knew the impressive niche he had carved out for himself in the field of security, intelligence and strategic analysis and the tremendous influence he had begun to wield among his vast circle of admirers both for his acumen and audacity. But, truth to tell, even I was unprepared for such a flood of expressions of grief and flow of tributes from far and near on his passing.

When he was fighting for his life in the hospital, President Pranab Mukherjee wrote to me a gracious personal letter in which he said he was “saddened to learn” that Raman was not keeping well, and called him “one of the few surviving officers” who had been witness to the creation of the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). He paid tribute to Raman’s “sharp mind and critical analytical powers (which have) always been great asset to the nation, especially the community which specialises in strategic matters”.

Narendra Modi too had his concern and best wishes for recovery conveyed to Raman, offering to arrange for his best treatment at the State Government’s expense. This is a remarkable display of the esteem in which he was held because Modi had figured in some of Raman’s frank and critical views on some of his policies and approaches.

On coming to know of Raman’s death, Nicholas Manring, Acting US Consul General in Chennai, was one of the first to convey the entire Consulate General’s “deepest condolences” and “heartfelt sympathies”, and praised him as “an important member of Chennai’s strategic affairs community” who “impressed numerous Foreign Service Officers over the years with his breadth and depth of knowledge and his willingness to engage in thought-provoking discussions”. Manring held Raman’s demise to be “a great loss to the think-tank community in India and to his friends in the diplomatic community”.

MOST NOTABLE ACHIEVEMENT

The print and electronic media in India, and the tweets and blogs of all those who had been keenly following his views, are overflowing with similar sentiments. Raman, to my mind, was among the first to have mastered the great scope and sweep of tweets and blogs for forging enormous networks of audiences in a given field of interest. That he could make them instruments in campaigning for a point of view or cause and in creating instant and widespread public awareness is perhaps his most notable achievement. Within a very short time, he built up a huge following and with each of his close and constant aficionados avidly reproducing his stand through their own tweets and blogs, he was able to reach out to, and make an impact on, netizens on a global scale.

For instance, one of his tweets asking for Narendra Modi being given a chance to become Prime Minister created a firestorm on the Internet for days. He not only had clearcut opinions on issues, however complicated, but had the ability to make it the centre-piece of spirited advocacy by all the means of communication at his disposal.

For all his occasionally frontal and unsparing critiques of persons and policies, Raman was universally held to be a professional to his fingertips, with no personal axe to grind. That was why both the National Democratic Alliance and United Progressive Alliance governments readily made him a member of various bodies such as the National Security Advisory Board, the Kargil Inquiry Committee and the Naresh Chandra Committee on redesigning the security architecture.

Professional he was, masterly in marshalling facts and arguments, impeccable in distilling the essence to the last nuance of an event or an issue, and forceful in articulation often characterised by words tumbling out at a fast and furious rate, but he was also too pungent and too consumed by likes and dislikes in respect of official and non-official actors in diplomacy, governance and politics. He himself admits to one such situation when, having kept a poker face for much of his period in service, on reaching home on the day of retirement, he loudly shouted “bastards”, a reference to the US State Department officialdom.

CONCRETE SOLUTIONS

Having myself been at one time part of the security and intelligence community, and having had a hand in the drafting of the original paper for the creation of RAW and the Border Security Force (BSF), I used to caution Raman during our conversations to temper his judgments in the interests of greater credibility and acceptance.

My “chiding” of Raman to which Swati Parashar refers in her feelingly written tribute to his memory, was perhaps one such occasion.

Subjects falling within the domains of security and intelligence are necessarily intricate and complex, and their treatment will understandably tend to be erudite. This is why the political class — even informed but lay readers — for no fault of theirs, may not be quick to grasp the implications.

If they have to be fully involved in decision-making, a commentator should not just stop with expounding the various dimensions and ramifications of issues, but also give in intelligible terms his recommendations for possible courses of action to be adopted by state actors. I was happy to find Raman appreciating my advice and giving concrete solutions in his later writings,

I never thought I would be one day writing about his passing. He was always so full of life, so full of ideas on what was his life blood: security, intelligence and the fight against terrorism.

All his waking hours he was holding on to his iPad, poring over the day’s national and international news, commentaries and columns, tweeting, blogging and churning out essay after essay of his own, two or three per day sometimes, on what he found to be right or wrong with happenings around the world.

Even when he had slipped in his last days into a delirious state (I later learnt from a study of write-ups on Web sites that this was one of the pointers to the inevitable hour with regard to terminally ill cancer patients), his mutterings were all about measures to banish the scourge of terrorism from the face of the earth and ways of reordering political and strategic relations among the existing and emerging global powers.

He was the last of four siblings, including myself and two sisters, but, true to his penchant, has forged ahead, leaving the three of us behind to mourn his loss.

Who is Hardeep Puri?

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Wed, 19 Jun 2013 02:51:00 +0000

| by Upul Joseph Fernando

( June 19, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Well-known columnist, D.B.S. Jeyaraj, had stated that India may send a special envoy to discuss matters connected with the 13th Amendment, which has now become a contentious issue, in light of the fact that the government is considering bringing in amendments to it. The special envoy, as has been revealed, is Indian Diplomat, Hardeep Puri, who, at the time of signing the Indo-Lanka Agreement in 1987, was the Political Secretary at the Indian High Commission in Colombo. He was also the former Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York.

His wife too served in the High Commission as the Secretary of Information. Puri's name has been popping up in recent times, in respect of some controversial statements he had made in an article published in the 'Hindu.' His accusations were vehemently rejected by Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. An extract of Puri's article in the 'Hindu' titled, 'Why India is right on Sri Lanka' is reproduced below:

13A – only safeguard

"India can be against the LTTE but cannot afford to be against the Tamils. The problem, both amongst the Tamil minority in Sri Lanka and large sections of the Tamil population in India, is that the LTTE successfully manipulated Tamil opinion by projecting itself as the only physical shield against Sinhala repression. We cannot wish away this sentiment. The only safeguard for the Tamils in Sri Lanka is delivery of the promised devolution based on the 13th Amendment.

Puri's commitment in the discharge of his duties at the time of the signing of peace agreement has come for high praise from Dixit. Puri's name makes reappearance in the news headlines as India's Permanent Representative to the UN during the days when Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's panel was deliberating alleged war crimes and human rights violations against Sri Lanka at last stages of the war with LTTE. It was no secret that Puri maintained close connections with the panel members.

"Both the AIADMK and the DMK, along with the smaller parties in Tamil Nadu are on the same page on the Sri Lanka issue. The problem will continue to fester till Colombo has a genuine change of heart. Recent signals are anything but encouraging. Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa said on 27 March 2013: "Could we afford to have a provincial administration here, which pointed a gun at the national leadership at the drop of a hat? We don't want to be at the mercy of scheming provincial administrations." Let alone the 13 Amendment, the Defence Secretary seems to be suggesting the winding up of provincial councils' altogether!

"Notwithstanding assurances to India, the 'Brothers' running Sri Lanka appear to have no intention to move on political reconciliation and devolution. This 'majoritarianism' in total disregard of respecting and protecting the rights of minorities, is a narrow and calibrated political strategy designed to safeguard Sinhalese parliamentary strength. The recent attacks on the Muslim trading community in the heart of Colombo by fanatic Sinhalese, allegedly led by Buddhist monks, are manifestations of similar callous and cynical disregard for the rights of linguistic, religious and cultural minorities. India did the right thing by supporting the resolution on war crimes.

"Exaggerated projections of Chinese inroads and influence are a bogey which many of our smaller neighbours periodically try on us. Apart from being practical, the Chinese are also hard- headed. They will pursue economic and commercial opportunity irrespective of the way India votes. Support for Sri Lanka up to 2012 did not prevent them from looking for commercial projects there. Many Chinese successes have something to do with our own inability to deliver commercial projects on time.

"Sri Lanka is not only India's closest neighbour but in many respects, culturally and emotionally, closest to us as well. We need to reach out to Colombo and drive home the point that it takes two to tango. Relations between countries are assiduously built, step by step. Unless Colombo treats its Tamil citizens with dignity and respect, New Delhi will continue to have limited options. If New Delhi continues to base its choices on misplaced 'perceptions' and does not effectively articulate the reasons for the choices so made; only brickbats will be in the offing."

'India could never absolve itself'

Gotabhaya Rajapaksa's rebuttal to Puri's controversial statement is also reproduced below:

"Had India acted responsibly, Sri Lanka would not have experienced a 30-year-war," Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, had said.

According to the local publication, 'Daily News,' Rajapaksa, who is a brother of President Mahinda Rajapaksa, had said India could never absolve itself of the responsibility for creating terrorism here, though some of those directly involved in subverting Sri Lanka were blaming the Rajapaksa administration for the plight of the Tamil-speaking people here.

The news report quotes him as having said, "people of all communities would have been still suffering the horrors of war, if not for the eradication of terrorism in May 2009, following a three-year combined security forces campaign."

The Defence Secretary said, Puri was involved in the Indian operation against the Jayewardene Government, ahead of the India-Sri Lanka Accord in July 1987.

"He was one of those aware of the Indian operations here," he said, adding that both Puri and his wife, Lakshmi, were attached to the Indian mission here during the tenure of J.N. Dixit as High Commissioner.

Responding to Puri's call for investigation into "specific allegations of war crimes during the last 100 days of military operations," Rajapaksa said: "Those demanding accountability on Sri Lanka's part for alleged atrocities committed during the last 100 days of the conflict were silent on the origin of terrorism here." Indian intervention had resulted in a major regional crisis, when Sri Lankan terrorists, trained by Indians, raided the Maldives in early November 1988. "The international community should consider a comprehensive investigation into the issue beginning with the Indian intervention," he said.

Puri could aid an investigation by revealing what had been going on at that time. Dixit, in his memoirs, had said that arming Sri Lankan Tamil youths was one of the two major policy blunders of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, Rajapaksa said.

Puri is the only surviving diplomat today, who had met Prabhakaran, one to one. J.N. Dixit makes reference to their meeting in his book as follows.

"I rang up the First Secretary (Political) at our mission in Colombo, Hardeep Puri, to tell him to proceed to Jaffna immediately and to inform Prabhakaran about the details of the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and to get his response as well as on his willingness to come to Delhi for an exchange of views. Puri was explicitly told not to show the agreement to Prabhakaran and give him only an outline of it. Puri went to Jaffna the same day. It had been decided to show the agreement to Prabhakaran in the presence of a competent Tamil interpreter later.

Puri returned from Jaffna after holding discussions with Prabhakaran on 19 and 20 July. Puri confirmed that Prabhakaran was generally agreeable to the proposed Accord and that he had only two pre-conditions: (a) the Sri Lankan Forces should close down all the military camps set up in the Vadamarachchi region after 25 May 1987, and withdraw to older camps/barracks; and (b) he would like to be taken to Madras and Delhi in an Indian Air Force plane, implying thereby New Delhi's recognition of the LTTE.

He also expressed a wish to call on M.G. Ramachandran and Rajiv Gandhi. This information was conveyed immediately to the Prime Minister, who confirmed that the demands would be met. Rajiv Gandhi directed that Prabhakaran be airlifted from Jaffna on 22 July and brought to Delhi.

In the meanwhile, First Secretary Puri, had proceeded to Jaffna to organize the airlift of Prabhakaran, four members of the LTTE political committee, Prabhakaran's wife and children, to Delhi via Madras. Prabhakaran and party were airlifted in two helicopters of the Indian Air Force from the grounds of the Suthumalia Amman Kovil Temple on 24 July to Trichy, from where they were taken by special aircraft to Madras. Prabhakaran called on the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu and proceeded to Delhi, leaving his wife and children behind in Madras. His Political Adviser in Madras, Balasingham, was also asked to go to Delhi.

The assault of Gandhi

This is how the assault on Rajiv Gandhi is described in Dixit's book.

"Rajiv mounted the saluting dais, the two national anthems were played, the combined guards presented arms, and the Prime Minister proceeded to inspect the guard of honour accompanied by the Chief of Naval Staff of Sri Lanka. Hardeep Puri had walked down the lane where the cars were parked, as Rajiv commenced his walk down the red carpet, along to the front row of the guard. We had walked out about 30 yards down the lane when he heard a commotion behind us. A couple of Sinhalese with their lungies tied up above their knees were running away from the square where the guard of honour was being held. One of them was shouting something in Tamil. I asked him what had happened. He said something had happened to the Prime Minister of India and there was going to be shooting.

Hardeep and I rushed back to find Rajiv calmly standing with Sonia beside him, looking tense and not conversing with Jayewardene, as his official limousine was being lined up for his departure. I found a very distraught Gamini Dissanayake standing near the VIP group. To my anxious query, he replied that he did not exactly know what had happened, but some member of the guard of honour had apparently fallen out of line and disturbed the Prime Minister's inspection. By this time, Rajiv and Sonia had got into their cars.

I approached Jayewardene and asked him what the commotion was about. He looked me coolly in the eye and said: "Nothing serious. Rajiv tripped a little and slightly lost his balance as he was reaching the last group of soldiers in the guard of honour." As we rushed back to our cars, an Indian TV journalist told me that one of the Sri Lankan soldiers had tried to hit Rajiv with the butt of his rifle as he was reaching the end of the front row of the guard.

On getting into the aircraft, I found Sonia seated in tense quietude. I walked up to Rajiv and apologized for not reaching in time to bid him farewell. I put the burning question to the one person who could give the correct answer.

Rajiv had taken off his Bandgala and was in the act of removing his bulletproof vest when I brought up the incident. He smiled ruefully and said. "What is all this nonsensical speculation? Of course, I was hit." He pulled down his shirt and vest from his shoulder and said, "Mani have a look."

There were big blue welts a little away from the base of his neck, and on the shoulder blade, and on the flesh at the back of his shoulder. He put on his shirt, shook me by the hand and said: "Don't worry. You and your colleagues have done a difficult job, wonderfully. Such things keep happening."

Puri's commitment in the discharge of his duties at the time of the signing of peace agreement has come for high praise from Dixit. Puri's name makes reappearance in the news headlines as India's Permanent Representative to the UN during the days when Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's panel was deliberating alleged war crimes and human rights violations against Sri Lanka at last stages of the war with LTTE. It was no secret that Puri maintained close connections with the panel members.

All in all, Puri's supposed arrival in the country as a special envoy may not augur well for the Rajapaksa Government in the coming days.

Iran: An Example Too Early for Sri Lanka?

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Wed, 19 Jun 2013 00:29:00 +0000

| by Laksiri Fernando

( June 19, 2013, Sydney, Sri Lanka Guardian) If there is any example that Sri Lanka could emulate as a result of the Iranian presidential election held on 14 June, then that is to strengthen the prospects of moderate ‘cleric’ Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha winning the next presidential election against the Sri Lankan counterpart and friend of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, President Mahinda Rajapaksa. Only snag seems to be that the example is little too early for the Sri Lankan voters to emulate even if our presidential election is held in 2014 or otherwise, the divide between the ‘conservatives’ and the ‘moderates’ in Sri Lanka would be very much similar to Iran at present.

There are obviously similarities and differences of the two cases. Unlike our Man (President) extending his term limit beyond the two terms stipulated in the Constitution, Ahmadinejad didn’t do so by bringing a dishonourable constitutional amendment like the 18A. Therefore, he didn’t contest at the last election at all and the electoral apparatus as a result remained fairly neutral unlike in the 2009 presidential election. Judging by all present indications and past behaviour of our present regime, any keenly contested election including elections for Provincial Councils would be manipulated let alone a future presidential election. This was exactly the case in Iran in 2009 and the main contenders of Ahmadinejad disputed the results until recently and the voters flocked to the streets in protest. The slogan was ‘Where is my vote?’

Better Than Sri Lanka

Iran’s presidential system at least appears to be better than the Sri Lankan system. No President could hold the office for more than two terms and a single term is restricted to only four years unlike in Sri Lanka. Six years for one term is obviously too long and this is a matter that JR Jayewardene himself expressed reservations on, of course after he completed full twelve years (1977-1989)! With the term limit completely removed through the inglorious 18A, the thinking of the Rajapaksa regime is obviously to keep a continuous grip on presidential powers as a ‘royal’ or family prerogative, if there is no viable contender like Hassan Rohani at the next election or through complete rigging of elections if it at all possible.

Whatever criticisms one could extend to the Iranian political system on human rights and democratic practice, it has proved to be a flexible system than Sri Lanka at least as far as the possibilities of ‘regime change’ are concerned. As an engineer and a former teacher from a poor background, Ahmadinejad also was a modest leader, although an arch conservative, unlike his friend in Sri Lanka was concerned. There were no direct allegations against him like ‘Helping Hambantota’ although he was severely questioned by the Iranian Parliament on corruption allegations last year while he was in office as the President of the country.

This is something unimaginable in Sri Lanka given President’s constitutional impunity and political culture of parliamentarians both within the government and the opposition at present. This is no way of saying that Ahmadinejad was a democratic leader. He may have to answer many charges against human rights and other violations and he has already been summoned by a Criminal Court in Tehran.

Example

It is in the above background that the presidential election in Iran last Friday was exemplary for Sri Lanka to emulate in the future to break away from the present political impasse. The opposition which was built up against the 2009 election rigging through the Green Movement managed to achieve two key objectives. First was to ensure that at least voting and counting should be free and fair as much as possible although even at the election thuggery and harassment were predominant tactics of the conservative candidates and the ruling coalition. Second and most important was to enlist confidence among the voters that their participation matters and they could make a change from conservatism to moderation. This was achieved through massive campaigns throughout the country. People were asking for freedom and rights accompanied by social and economic justice.

Out of 50.5 million registered voters, there was an impressive turnout of 36.7 million or 72.7 per cent. Hassan Rohani, a moderate cleric and a former nuclear negotiator won the election outright, polling 18.6 million votes or 50.68 per cent of ballots cast. The most decisive at the election was that there was only one moderate candidate and all others were conservatives, splitting their vote bank among themselves. This may be difficult to achieve in the Sri Lankan context, given our perennial party and personal rivalries, but that should be the aim as much as possible. Otherwise there could be a second count in which the Rajapaksa regime would be in a better position to manipulate. It is high time that all aspirants to the presidential position give up their personal ambitions for a national cause.

In Iran, there were five conservative candidates; two of those predicted as likely winners, Mohammad Qalibaf polling 16.55 per cent and Saeed Jalili only 11.3 per cent. The others were well behind. There is opinion to perceive that the ‘regime change’ in Iran has come about as a result of the UN and Western sanctions on the nuclear issue. This may well be the case considering that Qalibaf and Jalili being nuclear hardliners following Ahmadinejad and Rohani promising to negotiate with the West, preserving Iran’s legitimate right to pursue nuclear power for civilian purposes.

In a way, the Iranian example is little too early to emulate in Sri Lanka as the next presidential election would be little far away from now. It is also possible that a moderate cleric like Hassan Rohani might spoil the chances of guiding the country in a proper direction because the balance of forces within and outside Iran is far too complicated. If there are set-backs for his tenure, it might also be a poor example for Sri Lanka.

Rohani has a credible track record on this matter being the chief negotiator during the reformist President Mohammad Khatami’s last years during 2003 and 2005, before the hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadinejad took over like Mahinda Rajapaksa taking over from reformist Chandrika Kumaratunga in 2005, even well before the constitutionally legitimate period. That is a different inglorious story altogether. It is also important to mention that Rohani obtained the endorsement of another former President of Iran, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (1989-1997), who is also considered as a moderate at least in relative terms apart from Khatami.

Drawing from this experience, it is important to note that whoever could effectively challenge Mahinda Rajapaksa at the next presidential election should have not only the endorsement or blessings of CBK but also the active support, unless she herself opt to challenge, which is in my opinion an unlikely scenario. CBK is the only living former President in Sri Lanka also with credentials as a moderate and a reformist or even a radical, whatever the weaknesses and mistakes during her tenure. She is the only person who could create a timely wedge within the SLFP and the UPFA, against the family dominance of the Rajapaksas to effectively engineer a regime change.

Role of UNP

Under normal circumstances, the leader of the alternative or the opposition party and that is Ranil Wickramasinghe of the UNP who should challenge the incumbent President Mahinda Rajapaksa from the other dominant party, the SLFP. Wickramasinghe or RW undoubtedly is a moderate leader with experience and capabilities. He deserves a chance more than anybody else, if that is a criterion in Sri Lankan politics. However, the UNP has now come up with a ‘Constitutional Reform Proposal’ which categorically intends to abolish the presidential system and therefore there is no much point in the UNP leader becoming the presidential candidate to lead this transition.

This should be left for a better figurehead and even if the opposition fails to obtain the required 2/3 majority in Parliament to change the Constitution that figurehead could serve as a Ceremonial President somewhat like how President DB Wijetunga acted during 1993/94. There is no constitutional impediment for this eventuality if necessary. However, even a defeated or a reformed SLFP might be agreeable for a profound constitutional changes and the abolition of the presidential system, if a regime change can be effected ousting the Rajapaksa family which is undoubtedly has become a major fetter in the democratic system in Sri Lanka.

The role of the UNP and RW could be different in winning the parliamentary elections and forming a viable and an effective democratic government through a genuine coalition of (present) oppositional parties without playing mere power politics as in the past. It has to be admitted, however, that the UNP’s recent constitutional reform proposals are not that attractive except the objective to abolish the presidential system. The leading opposition party by this time should have come up with a more extensive and attractive program of action, countering Mahinda Chinthana for example. However unfortunately this is not the case at present.

As an alternative to the present Presidential System what might be required is a simple or straight forward Parliamentary System (no need to say Westminster) the people could understand and related to, even by referring to a basic ‘civics text book’ of SF de Silva or AJ Wilson vintage in the good old days. Why complicate matters when there are simple and viable solutions to put forward? Any advanced constitutional revisions could be undertaken by consensus later or it should be left for a much longer evolutionary process. Back to the basics is the present requirement.

The UNP proposals have unfortunately given much prominence for the ‘unitary state’ quite unnecessarily and as a result has attracted with much glee the far right wing forces of the JHU for discussions. This is not the way to forge a ‘moderate opposition’ to the right wing regime of Rajapaksas clocked as left wing and/or nationalist. A major task of a regime change should be genuine national reconciliation and people centred development.

Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha or someone like him might be the best common candidate to challenge Mahinda Rajapaksa at the next presidential election judging from the experience of Iran. ‘Moderates’ and ‘conservatives’ in Sri Lanka might be roughly fifty fifty like in Iran or judging from our own past electoral behaviour. If the moderate forces could properly be mobilized, a change could be definitely effected. It however requires much thought and hard work. RW or any other from the UNP could be the Prime Ministerial candidate if broader consensus could be forged between various present and future oppositional parties, the TNA and the JVP as major constituents. CBK could perhaps play a brokering role between different forces and facilitating forging a viable opposition to the regime behind the scenes.

Unlikely Lesson

There is one lesson that Sri Lanka should not draw from Iran hastily and that is to wait for some external sanctions to come about like ‘Waiting for Godot’ for a regime change. That will never be the case given the present circumstances while maximum and measured pressure (from India, US, EU and UN) could be feasible and useful. The regime at present has a formidable backing from China, for pragmatic reasons on China’s part, and this is something that the opposition should try to alter. It could be done since China does not appear to have a special love for the Rajapaksas other than their self-interests. If a viable opposition is on the move and some external influence is also exerted on China, it will change. At least it is worth trying. While China is moving in a progressive direction, Rajapaksa regime is on the opposite course.

In a way, the Iranian example is little too early to emulate in Sri Lanka as the next presidential election would be little far away from now. It is also possible that a moderate cleric like Hassan Rohani might spoil the chances of guiding the country in a proper direction because the balance of forces within and outside Iran is far too complicated. If there are set-backs for his tenure, it might also be a poor example for Sri Lanka. On the other hand, what is important for Sri Lanka is not necessarily the election lesson, but the process through which the people and the opposition forces chartered their way to the present regime change. That would definitely be a lasting example for Sri Lanka.

Divide and Rule; Western “Democracy” in Africa

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Tue, 18 Jun 2013 14:30:00 +0000

| by Thomas C. Mountain

( June 18, 2913, Eretria , Sri Lanka Guardian) Divide and rule is a law of imperialism and western style “democracy” is how imperialism implements this law in neocolonial Africa. It’s called “elections” and with it’s winner take all diktats division, conflict, ethnic cleansing, mass murder and civil war are the results.

Traditionally in Africa’s villages decisions and conflict resolution takes place using a consensus system with no absolute winners and losers, with all parties agreeing to the final decision and honor bound to carry it out. Just the opposite of what happens after “elections” in “democratic Africa”.

The dishonor roll of “African Democracy” a.k.a. bought, rigged or stolen elections must begin with Ethiopia, where the ethnic minority regime declared themselves victors 12 hours after the polls closed with 99.6% of the seats in parliament.

Second place could go to Liberia, where the capital Monrovia has not had running water or electricity for the entire term of Eleanor Johnson’s Presidency, she who ran unopposed the last “election”, and won a Nobel Prize to boot.

In third place, maybe second place really, stands Somalia, where there simply was no voting done by the Somali people, the entire parliament which “elected” the President was hand picked by the previous President.

Fourth place? Maybe Libya where Al Queda militias run rampant and it doesn't really matter who won the latest “election”, it is all about tribe and family and ties to the local warlords, sort of like Somalia really.

Fifth place is being reserved for the “victor” of the Malian “election”, scheduled to be held in the midst of an ongoing

counterinsurgency with thousands of French troops still occupying the country.

Sixth place goes to Cote D’Ivoire where under the international communities supervision hundreds of thousands of non-Ivorians were allowed to vote (never mind the Ivorian Constitution) and then declared the World Banks local rep as the winner (again, never mind the Ivorian Constitutional Court who declared the incumbent President the winner). And when the incumbent wouldn't cede power as demanded, rocket his Presidential residence courtesy of the French military and UN “peacekeepers” until shellshocked into surrender.

Nigeria, Chad, Niger, Burundi, Congo, Central African Republic...insurgencies and rebellions everywhere and the foremost demand of Pax Americana and its western vassals is “elections”.

Of course there is one country in Africa that doesn't have elections. It is also the African country with the smallest debt to the IMF and World Bank and one of if not the fastest growing economies on the continent.

According to a nearly opaque World Bank report this country has tripled its GDP since expelling western aid organizations in 2004 and the UN “peacekeepers” in 2005. Can one even name another country in the world that expelled an entire UN “peacekeeping” army?

I am talking about Eritrea, 22 years independent and no elections. And you know what? When I raise the question of “elections” with my Eritrean family and friends, both at home and abroad, (I am the only one who raises this, I cant remember the last time an Eritrean I knew did so) they have little or no interest in the subject.

If I persist, the Eritreans will tell you that the thought of “elections” only brings with it visions of divisions and conflict.

Most everyone here in Eritrea supports the President and the feeling is pretty clear we don't need westerners telling us what's best.

In other words the only people calling for “elections” in Eritrea are not Eritrean.

Democracy is supposed to mean that the leaders of a nation do what their people want.

Most Africans will tell you what we most want is food, water, shelter, medical care and education for our children.

If a country’s leaders are providing these basic human rights to their people they are doing what their people want and practicing democracy. If they are not, if their people are hungry, cold, sick and illiterate then these leaders are not democratic no matter how many times they hold “elections”.

Democracy vs elections is how matters stand in Africa today, and it all boils down to who is cold, sick, hungry and illiterate and who has leaders taking care of their people, first and foremost, those most in need.

Elections in Africa means divide and rule, followed by crisis management, managing the western created crisis to better loot and

plunder Africa's resources, everyday more critical in a world ever more rapidly devouring such.

Thomas C. Mountain is the most widely distributed independent journalist in Africa, living and reporting from Eritrea since 2006. He can be reached at thomascmountain_at_yahoo_dot_com.

Raman is no more

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Tue, 18 Jun 2013 09:55:00 +0000

| An obituary by Commodore RS Vasan IN (Retd)

( June 18, 2013, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) That Raman the globally acknowledged counter terrorism expert and our own R&AW man is no more is very sad news that is hard to digest. The death which came on 16th evening,unfortunately was again the handiwork of the most dreaded decease, Cancer with which he waged two battles. The first time, he was successful and was jubilant that he had overcome the challenges of a prostate cancer with the aid of modern medicine and some innovative methods. He wrote and blogged extensively about the hard fought campaign against cancer at that time. His continuous writing about the way he was being treated and the way his body was responding provides very useful inputs about the treatment and after effects. He appeared to enjoy the fight with Cancer and did not mind sharing all personal medical details with the readers of his blogs. Many readers well known to him had told him that he was boasting about his cancer! He was also very relieved after the treatment, that he could resume his two tots of whiskey in the evening.

The second time when it resurfaced, it came back with vengeance and Raman did not have the same fight left in him with successive chemo therapies and radiation treatment. It played merry hell with his persona and even affected the frequency of his writings. The rapid spread of cancer affected his vital organs and even his brain. He preferred not to meet any one during the last days of his life to the extent possible. The last days were spent under the care of his elder brother Mr BS Raghavan (who he called papa fondly), the well-known former bureaucrat.

He had made Chennai as his home and was a significant contributor to the think tanks in Chennai. In addition to the Institute of Topical Studies of which he was the President, he was part of Observer Research Foundation and the Chennai Center for China Studies which was his baby. He left the ORF due to differences with the management of ORF in New Delhi. I personally am indebted to Mr Raman for bringing me in to the think tank fraternity. I have learnt a lot from him to shape my own second innings in the academic circle. I consider him to be my mentor and guide in so many ways. Soon after my retirement, I used to participate in conference and presented papers. He asked me to join ORF way back in 2004 after a major conference in which I presented a paper in New Delhi. However, I took some time in responding due to my own commitments and finally joined ORF in June 2005. He remained much focused in what he wanted out of me and tasked me to lead the Future Terrorism project with the assistance of three researchers in Chennai and two researchers in New Delhi. The task was gigantic and we were able to finish it on schedule. However, by that time Raman had left ORF and the document did not see the light of the day. Also with in a fortnight of my joining ORF, he wanted me to bring out a fortnightly edition Maritime Terrorism News Monitor. This was again accomplished and the team was able to keep up the tempo for over six months. Again due to change of policies, these two projects were shelved.

As a professional, Raman was par excellence and was a perfectionist. He had the memory of an elephant and was able to quote dates, events and people with authority to support his arguments. The talk on China which was delivered ex tempore at a joint conference of Center for Asia Studies, Chennai Center for China Studies and Institute of South Asian Studies a few years ago stands out for the sheer brilliance of erudite analysis and crystal gazing about the prospects for the two Asian powers. The thousands of articles which are available on many websites on wide ranging subjects gives an idea of the depth of knowledge and the analytical ability of an incisive mind. Having personally involved in many covert operations, he maintained that the Nation must retain the ability to pay back our adversaries in the same coin. He did say that perhaps, Gujral made a mistake in dismantling all the cross border covert capability of India which was painstakingly built for decades prior to Gujral becoming the Prime Minister.

On many occasions we used to say that as the explosions are taking place in some corner or the other, his article would take shape between explosions to provide the most authentic analysis with authoritative references from much writings/discourses. Till cancer came in the way, he traveled extensively around the globe and was the most sought after strategic analyst. All the national and regional TVs made bee line to seek his participation on the panels on wide ranging subjects affecting national security. Even after the first attack of cancer when he recovered, he traveled mostly to New Delhi and contributed significantly to the task force headed by Mr Naresh Chandra .Having been a member of the National Security Advisory Board and also having been closely involved with nuances of national security, he was passionately involved in this project and doubtlessly, his inputs would have ensured that the right prescriptions are contained in the document of immense significance to national security.

At a personal level he was great human being and enjoyed laughing heartily while narrating some of the humourous episodes. He remained concerned about the people who he worked with and never lost an opportunity to check on the welfare and health of his acquaintances. He made it a habit to update himself about people and organisations whenever he had a chance. There was a child like exuberance when it came to discussions and interactions with those he knew well.

He remained a nationalist and fiercely patriotic till the last breath. With his vision and contribution to the National Security Apparatus and strategic thinking, the nation would remain ever grateful for his contribution both while he was in service during sensitive times and also post retirement when he pursued academic and strategic work. With his loss, India has lost a great strategist, a genious and counter terrorism expert whose work is acknowledged globally and will continue to be quoted for many decades to come. Many friends and associates will miss a great friend a wonderful human being of rare qualities. His professionalism, patriotism, great personal virtues and infectious zeal for hard work are worthy of emulation. He has left an indelible mark in defining national security objectives and in providing options for enhanced preparedness of India in the 21st century.

He Left Us – A Tribute to B. Raman

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Tue, 18 Jun 2013 09:29:00 +0000

The departure of the spy master who articulated meaningful debate on security in modern media

| by Nilantha Ilangamuwa

(June 18, 2013, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) News came bit late, but it is confirmed! He left us! He never remained silent! At times he was frustrating! He expressed his anger in words many times! He opposed violence! At times he was eager to earn a nationalistic image even at his retired stage. He impressed those he came across promoting nationalism. His happiness seemed to go into hiding somewhere in the ladder of life but his face always appeared before us in a deep thoughtful mood. He is an icon of personal liberty! As a writer, he never influenced anyone to change their position or view point but always attempted to express himself clearly.

Since I came to know him in 2007 he has only once maintained a long period of silence from his writing and that was from the end of last month until his departure from us on last Sunday. Bahukutumbi Raman, the man whom I have known for a long period of time was an admirable charismatic writer on security and had real affection for the Sri Lanka Guardian since it started. His contribution attracted some silly political henchmen to cultivate germs against the Sri Lanka Guardian. They claimed that the website was none other than a shadow of the Research and Analysis Wing, of an Indian external intelligence agency, which was at one time an extensively influential espionage outfit and political tool of the losers in the Subcontinent.

Bahukutumbi Raman is no more! We have lost one of our frontline writers! He never claimed that he was an expert on the subject; but others categorized him in many ways.

Mr. Raman personally influenced me in many ways and we talked often, freely sharing our feelings. At times he tweeted on my work as a journalist. He was one among the few who honestly observed my work and maintained linkage of magnitude.

During our very first meeting in Chennai he recalled his experiences when he was in Sri Lanka. “I was there not so often but occasionally had to go Sri Lanka, when the Government had special work. During the time when President Premadasa was there, I had an order for a special meeting with him. We scheduled the meeting for the day following the day I arrived in Colombo,” He said.

“I was only five minutes late, then the President informed that he was unable to meet me because he had arranged some other work,” he added while assessing that President Premadasa was a rare leader who was particular about time and had his own plans, unlike most of the other politicians in the region. He had to return to New Delhi without meeting President Premadasa.

Unfortunately the meeting I had with Mr. Bahukutumbi Raman was misinterpreted by some of the local media, especially by one editor with no dignity or respect for his profession. Like an eagle looking for a corpse from which to drag a piece of meat, that person was also eager to amass his wealth in any way he could, while engaging in nihilistic irrational assessments about others. The chat that I had with Raman was reported by the media saying that I as being a R&AW operative in Colombo and had received a special request from the R & AW to meet, Raman and other high-level officials of the agency in Chennai and New Delhi.

The day the media reported my meeting with Mr. Raman, I received many calls and emails even from some diplomats. Eventually I ignored them as utter rubbish published against me and my professional work. However the agenda behind the dirty trick was much larger than I had thought. Imagination does not always give one a real assessment of the threats from adversaries, but it makes one aware of what one has to walk through.

This is what is in our culture; when you want to destroy someone, the easiest way of eliminating him/her is by creating bitter rubbish on the person and spreading it within the community. This theory was developed by Joseph Goebbels in Germany, and today many confirm this. For example, Dr. Paul Roberts said in his column published recently, by Media prostitutes formed by corporate operators. However, my belief in myself has given me the energy to overcome the destructive emotions created by others, while working to ensure that I understand the different faces of mankind and their behaviour.

However; in our short conversation on the story created by the ugly person who ran a media outlet, Mr. B. Raman gave neither a long opinion nor explanation but being a skillful writer he simply said, “Ignore them but make sure to continue what you are doing. You are safe as long as you do not engage in wrongdoing”.

Time has passed! The man who was married to writing and later lived with his disease reserved for us many values that we all can find meaningful in many ways. For him personal difficulties were blessings to think about resulting in him articulating his thoughts into meaningful debate to benefit both sides.

“I feel happy. I feel good. But I am avoiding any feelings of exaltation. As one reaches the age of 75, the health gets into a zig-zag mode, whatever be the illness. One can never say when a zig can turn into a zag and vice versa,” he wrote in 2011.

I have no comments about his work as a spy master during the most crucial political and military periods in the region. I’m unaware of the details of that work except his account published under the title, “The Kaoboys of R&AW”. But I would like to recall here the words of late-Mr. Maloy Krishna Dhar, who was the Director of the Intelligence Bureau, expressed during the interview at his residence, couple of years ago; “Unlike most of the agents who work in Indian intelligence agencies, Raman is an extraordinary character. He never used his profession to show up his power, and he is continuing his work even after retirement.”

“There are many accounts on the R&AW, published over the last few years. But many of them were cynically exaggerated by those authors. But, “The Kaoboys of R&AW” is a real account that made a strong impact on the agency unlike others that tended to give meaningless horrific thrills to readers,” the late Maloy Krishna Dhar who has passed away last year, added.

Bahukutumbi Raman's departure leaves a vacuum which is impossible to fill even with time! Raman is Raman; no one can become a blue print of him. He carried his uniqueness along his entire journey. But there is a lot to learn from the legend that Bahukutumbi Raman has become. He is the man from an old generation who used new technology to express rare intelligentsia.

People must demand removal of Provincial Council system

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Tue, 18 Jun 2013 07:51:00 +0000

| by Shenali D Waduge

( June 18, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) There are plenty of people in competition with the Government claiming to know what is best for the people of Sri Lanka. So let us work upon the premise that their work is solely to ensure the masses, especially the downtrodden and poor are given the best of State services. Given that we assume that all what these representatives from forums, organizations and association say and do connotes to mean that they care for the people ideally what they should be demanding is the complete removal of the Provincial Council system because for 24 years it has offered zero-service to the people who matter and the scale of crimes and abuse committed by these provincial councils is enough reason not to continue to support a system. So why do these organizations demand the continuance of the 13th amendment and the provincial council system?

Here are the reasons why we need to categorically tell the Government that they need to take immediate action on the PC system and not simply be satisfied to take case by case disciplinary action which is simply to remove party membership and deny nomination. That cane strategy has not stopped the increase in crimes in the least.

2013 - Crimes and Abuse in Provincial Councils

· UPFA North Western Provincial Council arrested for making a teacher kneel at his feet

· North Western Provincial Councillor of the UNP arrested for attacking vehicle of fellow MP

· UNP Sabragamuwa Provincial Councillor arrested for assaulting 2 foreigners

· Attanagalle Magistrate’s Court impounded the passport of Deputy Petroleum Industries Minister after the case against him for issuing death threats and kidnapping of a child in 2009 was taken up in court.

· Rambewa PS Opposition Leader remanded for swindling Rs.1million from a village death society fund.

· Ridimaliyadda PS Chairman arrested for assaulting a 49 year old woman and her 21 year old daughter.

· Embilipitiya PS Chairman surrenders after absconding for a week on charges of assaulting 2 police officers.

· Embilipitiya PS Deputy Chairman is issued notice for not appearing in court charged for driving 8000 cattle into Maduru Oya National Park, where it is illegal to graze.

· Karuwalagaswewa PS Chairman assaults 18 year old. The same PS Chairman warned for drunken misbehavior in 2012.

· UPFA Karandeniya PS member remanded for molesting 36year old woman

· Deputy Chairmn of Akurana PS arrested for attacking another PS member.

· Moratuwa Deputy Mayor arrested by CID for killing a Chief Monk

2012 - Crimes and Abuse in Provincial Councils

· Central provincial councilor involved in school admission racket

· Ruling party Tangalle local government councilor and 2 others surrender for raping 13 year old

· Chairman of the Akuressa Pradeshiya Sabha arrested for sexually abusing a 14-year-old

· Central Provincial Health Minister arrested for assaulting a specialist doctor at the Kandy General hospital.

· Ruling party Pradeshiya Sabha member arrested for assaulting employee of the Badulla Water Board office.

· UNP member of Galenbindunuwewa PS arrested for assaulting a resident in a nearby area

· Ridigama PS member arrested for hurling stones at a vehicle of a Kurunegala District parliamentarian

· UPFA member of Warakapola PS arrested for assaulted a 72 year old woman in Dedigama.

· Wattegama UC Chairman surrenders after assaulting fruit vendor in Wattegama.

· Mawathagama PS Chairman arrested for assaulting a 28 year old.

· UNP Southern PC arrested by Akmeemana police for causing traffic congestion in their drunken state.

· Balapitiya PS Vice Chairman arrested and fined for unruly behavior due to liquor.

· Ruling party Kelaniya PS member arrested for creating a commotion with residents over garbage issue

· Kalutara PS Chairman arrested by Bribery officials for accepting 3million bribe from a property developer.

· PS member arrested for involvement in double killing of mother and daughter in Kahawatte, Ratnapura

· UNP Southern Provincial Councillor known as “raththaran” arrested for disrupting traffic police

· Member Horana Pradeshiya Sabha arrested for felling a jak tree without license

· Member of Sapugaskanda Pradeshiya Sabha arrested for taking bribes from those transporting sand without license

· Secretary to a Minister arrested for taking Rs.2.6milion bribe.

· Member of Mahawa Pradeshiya Sabha arrested for killing a deer

· Vice Chairman Eastern PC arrested for threatening and abusing Trinco Court staff

· Member of Western PC arrested for murder of a millionaire

· Coordinating Secretary of a Kalutara Deputy Minister abducting a Pradeshiya Sabha member

· Chairman Karuwalagaswewa Pradeshiya Sabha assaults staff member of the PS

In 2012 alone 42 politicians belonging to the provincial councils have been filed with legal action.

2011 - Crimes and Abuse in Provincial Councils

· Killing of a British national in Tangalle by Tangalle PS Chairman and 8 others as well as sexually assaulting his girlfriend.

2010 – Crimes and Abuse in Provincial Councils

· UPFA Western Provincial Councillor arrested for murder of millionaire in Anamaduwa

Yes, the defense establishment are ensuring that these criminals are being arrested and charged, a scenario that was non-existent previously but at what cost is all this and do we need to put up with this any longer?

We are all well aware that the PC system came about after India forced Sri Lanka to sign the Indo-Lanka Peace Accord in 1987 and therafter to amend its Constitution to introduce a system that replicated the federal system in India. Those drafting the amendment and PC system on behalf of Sri Lanka must have forgotten the size of Sri Lanka or its population as compared to that of India.

Anyway the Constitution of Sri Lanka was forced to accept the 13th amendment and PC system on 14 November 1987.

India’s reason for the 13th amendment was that it would address Sri Lanka’s “ethnic” problem. Agreeing to the 13th amendment was UNP, SLMP of Vijaya Kumaratunga, CP, LSSP and NSSP – we demand to know from them where the ethnic problem is and how in 24 years has the ethnic problem being solved? If it hasn’t been solved in 24 years and the terrorist problem was solved in 3 years it certainly shows these political parties that they have erred. Now some of these members are MPs enjoying backdoor privileges and yet using their office to undermine the national security of the nation.

Of course it was anyones guess as to why India insisted the merger of North and East subject to a referendum within a year which was never held and the demerger of the 2 provinces took place after the JVP filed an FR and successfully demerged the 2 provinces in 2006. With that precedent some advisors have fooled the President into agreeing to simply passing a bill removing his right to merge 2 or more provinces. Maybe the best option is to merge all the provinces and make it into a unitary state which is what Sri Lanka has to be and nothing else.

A good look at the 24 years that the PC system has functioned reveals not so much the lack of delegation of powers which is often a complaint made against the Government but if the simple things that the PCs are assigned to do are not done, how can they be empowered to do far more serious matters? And with such a crime wave these PCs are asking for parliamentary privileges along the lines that the Government MPs are given – we shudder to think how they will use these privileges given the scale of crimes that exist.

When funds are allocated if they misappropriate those funds instead of utilizing them for basic requirements for the people of these provinces should anyone but they be blamed for their inability to perform instead of complaining that PCs cannot even transfer a laborer or summon a high government official. When we see the type of characters that get elected to these PCs would any official wish to even meet them and find their fate no different to what happened to a teacher who was forced to kneel infront of a PC member inside her own class. What a traumatizing experience for the teacher and what message does it give to children who are already victims of a poor education system?

Yes, political parties are to blame – it is they who claim to carry out stringent campaigns to select their nominees and what do they produce – the above records show the results. So if political parties do not encourage professionals and learned people who are respected by the people of the province and rely on thugs and goons to nominate naturally we know where Sri Lanka’s political stature is going to lead and no political parties will end up producing leaders for tomorrow and leaders who would serve the nation without plundering it.

There are many reasons why India’s 13th a and its PC system should be thrown into the bin – with such an incompetent lot of people, PCs that cannot even draft statutes (laws) and end up having to send to the AG’s department where it gathers dust, or when they cannot represent their case at the Financial Commission yet what is the use when they end up spending funds allocated on nothing that serves the province – we need to now say that the Government has to seriously address this once and for all.

Maintaining provincial councils is an unnecessary burden on the people. That money could easily be used for proper welfare measures and not to fatten the purses of PC members and their families. For 5 years people have to endure tremendous suffering and if they decide to choose the opposite camp the story is no different either.

Lets hear it from the horses mouths: “ most provincial ministers and members are only interested in the enlistment of their families and not that of the people. They want to make money. So when the centre doesn’t give money and the members get keen on making money, there is no purpose of provincial councils”. Gamini Jayawickreme Perera ( UNP). Former Chief Minister, Wayamba Province.

Rs.60million was spent to maintain 114 members of 3 PCs (Eastern, Sabaragamuwa, North Central)

Rs.650million was spent by the Elections Department to hold 3 elections.

How many Provinces still suffer from the lack of basic amenities like a decent road? How much of funds is needed to put some gravel on to a muddy road so that the children don’t get splattered with mud before going to school and pregnant mothers don’t risk falling and hurting themselves or the elderly escape injury too?

The Government does not need to spoon feed PC members into prioritizing what they need to do. Even the Municipalities for that matter – how much of money do they waste and then bemoan that they need more funds to eradicate dengue when they don’t come to pick the garbage on time or clean the drains and the people end up having to pay the municipality to collect their garbage as well as hire laborers to clear the public drains.

If the Chief Minister of the Eastern Provincial Council Abdul Majeed Mohammed says that “Sri Lanka doesn’t need provincial councils” that is a start and it is time that the others stop hiding behind various masks in view of what merits their existence and put the country before self for a change.

The ranaviruwo and the Defense Secretary has led the way by eradicating terrorism and now 4 years after that victory the politicians are still dabbling away picking straws without doing what they are voted to power to do. They are not voted to please India.

When the organizations that profess to also be concerned about the public carry placards and send aggrieved notes to foreign climes bemoaning that the Government is diluting the 13th amendment and thinking of abolishing the PC system they are no different to the PC members listed above because by wanting such a system to exist they are only encouraging crimes against people. That shows their true colors too.

We are at a critical juncture. If the armed forces led by Defense Secretary cleaned the stables and eradicated the terrorists it is now time to clean the political stable starting with removing all the foreign imposed legislatures beginning with the 13th amendment and the PC system and introducing an indigenous one. Nothing is impossible to do if there is a will to do it. If we successfully introduced and ran an indigenous rehabilitation and reintegration program while the West still has scores of prisoners in don’t know where locations, the previously functioning district councils are the best solution. Moreover, it would be good for the political parties to put an end to nominating goons and thugs and start to nurture people of respect and until such time the people must stop casting their votes for such characters without complaining after voting for them.

As for the organizations professing to be concerned about the people – we now know that their concern has nothing to do with the interest of the people of Sri Lanka.

Barack Obama’s Legacy of Ashes

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Tue, 18 Jun 2013 03:00:00 +0000

JP Morgan’s Man in the White House

| by John Stanton

( June 18, 2013, Virginia, Sri Lanka Guardian) At one time, it seems decades ago now, the general thinking in the USA was that President Barack Obama would jolt the American political system into actually doing something beneficial for its citizens rather than spying on them, building F-35 aircraft, upgrading nuclear weapons, spending trillions of dollars (US) on national security, cutting unemployment benefits/food stamps, fomenting war with Iran, Syria, China and Russia; and dragging out the war in Afghanistan.

It is a damn shame!! Why? Why?

Sadly, Barack Obama’s legacy will be one of ashes. The destruction of America’s social fabric; the implementation of a surveillance corporate-state; assassination and negation of Habeas; and a perpetual state of emergency/war economy will come to dominate the historical narrative on the Obama presidency. President Obama will also go down in US history as the American President who paved the way for the financial industry to dismantle Social Security. With the Executive Powers he has accrued and newly created, future American President’s will, by fiat, be able to sell off national park lands and other US assets, even the nation’s artwork: citizens of Detroit, Michigan and Greece, Eurozone, are undergoing the pillaging now (see below Greece Memo, Detroit Creditors).

JP Morgan provides the rationale: Constitutions, like many in Europe and the USA in the post-industrial era, are too “socialist” and written at a time when dictatorships flourished. JP Morgan believes that should change for the sake of capital flows (see below: JP Morgan Halfway There).

The US Homeland is in serious need of repair. And it is not just the physical infrastructure that Americans take for granted that needs fixing: roads, runways, sewage systems, water, electricity and the like—it is also the American consciousness both individual and collective that requires revision and regeneration. There’s no time for time for nostalgic looks to past days. The good old days were nothing of the sort as the US elite inflicted some pretty severe damage to the American psyche. Just think of legalized racism/segregation and the Vietnam War. Then there were the alterations, whether by groups or individuals, that literally changed the course of US history: the killings of JF Kennedy, ML King, RF Kennedy, Medgar Evers and Malcolm X. Like them or hate them, America has never produced any dynamic leader(s) since that can match their individual and collective standards. And each one of them was “American” to the core.

Better in 2013 than 1963: But Protests, Malcolm X Apply

That said, Americans would do well to look to the protests of the 1960’s and early 1970’s that would ultimately bring out millions from all levels of society to make their collective voices heard to end a senseless war (Vietnam), stop mindless discrimination (women, minorities), and strike for better wages/benefits (US Postal strike in 1970—Nixon use of executive power controversial).

The time for listening to the blatherskites that hold power has passed.

“The people in power have abused and it is time for a change,” said Malcolm X in a blistering oratory, quoting Shakespeare’s Hamlet at the Oxford Debate Union in 1964. “If you sit around waiting for those in power to change things, you will be waiting for a long time. In my opinion the young generation of Whites, Blacks, Browns--and whatever else there is—are living in a time of extremism, a time of revolution…And there has to be a change…A better world needs to be built and the only way that is going to happen is by extreme methods…I will join with anyone, I don’t care what color you are as long as you want to change the miserable condition that exists on this Earth.”

That “miserable condition” will return with vengeance absent opposition from the multitudes.

The Four Horseman of the Apocalypse have arrived: Democrats, Republicans, Liberals and Conservatives are riding roughshod over Americans young and old. They are trampling, with impunity, the US Constitution, Bill of Rights and the ideals within the Declaration of Independence. Their ideologies blind them from seeing the damage they are doing. They speak only to each other through the mainstream media/websites and not to the American people. The citizens of the USA are little more than a compliant audience.

Americans need to respond to this by asking and answering some key questions. How much more low intensity conflict? How many civilian and military suicides are tolerable? How many more mass shootings at home? How many more vapid statements from politicians and military leaders? How many more school closings, furloughs, layoffs? How many more cities like Detroit left to the Hedge Fund and JP Morgan vultures? How much more intrusion by the American corporate-state (one dare not use the “F” word) into the lives of US citizens and millions more around the globe? How many more “big lies” on the economy and security? How much longer is the Cold War going to last (pivot to Asia and missile defense systems ringing Russia/China)? Why so much child poverty which sees Save the Children so active in America?

And just what does it mean to be an American citizen? Is Rahm Emanuel, the current Mayor of Chicago, Illinois, a good example? The same Rahm Emanuel that chose to volunteer with the Israeli Defense Forces during the 1991 Gulf War instead of with the US Army? What about those USA corporate citizens who pay no taxes and offshore jobs?

So what’s the game plan for your struggling city, town, state or region?

How useful would a program like the National Security Agency’s PRISM, or TRAPWIRE, be in rounding up those protesting in the USA against austerity, asset sales, pension robbing, child poverty and unemployment?

JP Morgan: The Euro area adjustment--About Halfway There (28 May 2013)

“At the start of the crisis, it was generally assumed that the national legacy problems were economic in nature. But, as the crisis has evolved, it has become apparent that there are deep seated political problems in the periphery, which, in our view, need to change if EMU [Eurozone] is going to function properly in the long run. The political systems in the periphery were established in the aftermath of dictatorship, and were defined by that experience. Constitutions tend to show a strong socialist influence, reflecting the political strength that left wing parties gained after the defeat of fascism. Political systems around the periphery typically display several of the following features: weak executives; weak central states relative to regions; constitutional protection of labor rights; consensus building systems which foster political clientalism; and the right to protest if unwelcome changes are made to the political status quo.

The shortcomings of this political legacy have been revealed by the crisis. Countries around the periphery have only been partially successful in producing fiscal and economic reform agendas, with governments constrained by constitutions (Portugal), powerful regions (Spain), and the rise of populist parties (Italy and Greece). There is a growing recognition of the extent of this problem, both in the core and in the periphery. Change is beginning to take place. Spain took steps to address some of the contradictions of the post-Franco settlement with last year’s legislation enabling closer fiscal oversight of the regions. But, outside Spain little has happened thus far…the process of political reform has barely begun.”

Citigroup--Revisiting Plutonomy: The Rich Getting Richer March 2006

“The data shows that the gap in incomes and wealth between the rich and the poor in the US shows no signs of significant change, and that the richest 10 and 20% of Americans continue to earn disproportionately high chunks of national income, and own an even higher share of the national wealth…While the average consumer might not be feeling great, the important consumers – the richest 20%, who account, as we’ve shown, for 58% of income – are in good shape…Finally, the dollar. The perma-bears told us that the current account deficit in the US was too high. It could only be lowered by raising the savings rate of the household sector which in turn would only be accomplished by rising interest rates and/or a dollar collapse. We disagree. To us plutonomists, the current account deficit is largely a function of the savings…rate, which is a function of the propensity to save by the rich. As we highlighted above, they are rationally consuming out of their stock of wealth (which incidentally, keeps going up) as well as from their incomes. To them, dollar devaluations are a mild inconvenience, but not a reason to change their spending and dis-savings habits…”

Memorandum of Understanding on Specific Economic Policy Conditionality between Greece and Financiers (9 February 2012)

“The Government [of Greece] will neither propose nor implement measures which may infringe the rules on the free movement of capital. Neither the State nor other public bodies will conclude shareholder agreements with the intention or effect of hindering the free movement of capital or influence the management or control of companies. The Government will neither initiate nor introduce any voting or acquisition caps, and it will not establish any disproportionate and non-justifiable veto rights or any other form of special rights in privatized companies. No further special rights will be introduced in the course of future privatization projects. The Government publishes and updates on a quarterly basis its medium-term staffing plans per department, for the period up to 2015, in line with the rule of 1 recruitment for 5 exits. The recruitment/exit rule applies to the general government as a whole. The staffing plans should be consistent with the target of reducing public employment by 150 thousand in end-2010–end-2015. If necessary, the Government will enact temporary hiring freezes…

15,000 redundant staff will be transferred to the labor reserve in the course of 2012, in connection with the identification of entities or units that are closed or downsized. Staff in the labor reserve will be paid at 60 percent of their basic wage (excluding overtime and other extra payments) for not more than 12 months, after which they will be dismissed. This period of 12 months may be extended up to 24 months for staff close to retirement. Payments to staff while in the labor reserve are considered part of their severance payments….The minimum wages established by the national general collective agreement will be reduced by 22 percent compared to the level of 1 January 2012; for youth (for ages below 25), the wages established by the national collective agreement will be reduced by 32 percent without restrictive conditions. Clauses in the law and in collective agreements which provide for automatic wage increases, including those based on seniority, are suspended…”

City of Detroit: Proposal for Creditors (14 June 2013)

“Maximize recoveries for creditors…since the City [Detroit] will not generate sufficient cash to pay all liabilities alternatives have to be considered…restructure governance of pension arrangements, maximize collection of taxes and fees that are levied or imposed, generate value from city assets, wage reductions (implemented through imposition of furlough days), caps/reductions on vacation/holiday pay/overtime/sick days, the reduction of pension multipliers, and changes to healthcare coverage… Prohibits Detroit’s local elected officials from exercising any powers as authorized in writing by Mr. Orr [appointed emergency manager] and subject to any conditions he may impose [Orr later reinstated Detroit city’s mayor and city council]…The City must reduce employment costs for both represented and unrepresented workers as part of its restructuring…Representatives of the Emergency Manager met with representatives that currently operate the Detroit Institute of Arts (DIA) to discuss the art collection exhibited there… DIA contends that the collection is held by a public trust and cannot be used for any purpose other than exhibition or to maintain and enhance the collection itself…Further dialogue is anticipated…”

John Stanton is a Virginia based writer specializing in national security matters. Reach him at cioran123@yahoo.com. His newest book is Cyber Noodles and Orphan Nukes at amazon.com.

Washington Is Insane

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Tue, 18 Jun 2013 02:55:00 +0000

| by Paul Craig Roberts

( June 18, 2013, Washington DC, Sri Lanka Guardian) In the 21st century the two hundred year-old propaganda that the American people control their government has been completely shattered. Both the Bush and Obama regimes have made it unmistakenly clear that the American people don’t even influence, much less control, the government. As far as Washington is concerned, the people are nothing but chaff in the wind.

Polls demonstrate that 65% of the US population opposes US intervention in Syria. Despite this clear indication of the people’s will, the Obama regime is ramping up a propaganda case for more arming of Washington’s mercenaries sent to overthrow the secular Syrian government and for a “no-fly zone” over Syria, which, if Libya is the example, means US or NATO aircraft attacking the Syrian army on the ground, thus serving as the air force of Washington’s imported mercenaries, euphemistically called “the Syrian rebels.”

Washington declared some time ago that the “red line” that would bring Syria under Washington’s military attack was the Assad government’s use of chemical weapons of mass destruction against Washington’s mercenaries. Once this announcement was made, everyone with a brain immediately knew that Washington would fabricate false intelligence that Assad had used chemical weapons, just as Washington presented to the United Nations the intentional lie via Secretary of State Colin Powell that Saddam Hussein in Iraq had dangerous weapons of mass destruction. Remember National Security Advisor Condi Rice’s image of a “mushroom cloud over American cities?” Propagandistic lies were Washington’s orders of the day.

And they still are. Now Washington has fabricated the false intelligence, and president obama has announced it with a straight face, that Syria’s Assad has used sarin gas on several occasions and that between 100 and 150 “of his own people,” a euphemism for the US supplied foreign mercenaries, have been killed by the weapon of mass destruction.

Think about that for a minute. As unfortunate as is any death from war, is 100-150 deaths “mass destruction?” According to low-ball estimates, the US-sponsored foreign mercenary invasion of Syria has cost 93,000 lives, of which 150 deaths amounts to 0.0016.

In other words, 92,850 of the deaths did not cross the “red line.” But 150 did, allegedly.

Yes, I know. Washington’s position makes no sense. But when has it ever made any sense?

Let’s stretch our minds just a tiny bit farther. Assad knows about Washington’s “red line.” It has been repeated over and over in order to create in the minds of the distracted American public that there is a real, valid reason for attacking Syria. Why would Assad use the proscribed weapons of mass destruction in order to kill a measly 100-150 mercenaries when his army is mopping up the US mercenaries without the use of gas and when Assad knows that the use of gas brings in the US military against him?

As the Russian government made clear, Washington’s accusation is not believable. No informed person could possibly believe it. No doubt, many Americans wearing patriotism on their sleeves will fall for Washington’s latest lie, but no one else in the world will. Even Washington’s NATO puppets calling for attacking Syria know that the justification for the attack is a lie. For the NATO puppets, Washington’s money overwhelms integrity, for which the rewards are low.

The Russians certainly know that Washington is lying. The Russian Foreign Minister Larov said: “The [Assad] government, as the opposition is saying openly, is enjoying military success on the ground. The [Assad] regime isn’t driven to the wall. What sense is there for the regime to use chemical arms–especially in such small amounts.”

Larov is a relatively civilized person in the role of Russia’s main diplomat. However, other Russian officials can be more pointed in their dismissal of Washington’s latest blatant lies. Yury Ushakov, an aide to Russian President Putin said: “The Americans tried to present us with information on the use of chemical weapons by the [Assad] regime, but frankly we thought that it was not convincing. We wouldn’t like to invoke references to [the infamous lies of] Secretary of State Powell [at the UN alleging Iraqi WMD], but the facts don’t look convincing in our eyes.” Aleksey Pushkov, the chairman of the Russian Duma’s Foreign Affairs Committee, cut to the chase. “The data about Assad’s use of chemical weapons is fabricated by the same facility that made up the lies about Saddam Hussein’s weapons of mass destruction. Obama is walking George W. Bush’s path.”

Here in America no one will ever hear straight talk like this from the US presstitutes.

Orwellian double-speak is now the language of the United States government. Secretary of State john kerry condemned Assad for harming “peace talks” while the US arms its Syrian mercenaries.

Washington’s double-speak is now obvious to the world. Not only Assad, but also the Russians, Chinese, Iranians, and every US puppet state which includes all of NATO and Japan, are fully aware that Washington is again lying through its teeth. The Russians, Chinese, and Iranians are trying to avoid confrontation with Washington, as war with the modern nuclear weapons would destroy all life on planet earth. What is striking is that despite 24/7 brainwashing by the presstitutes, a large majority of the American population opposes obama’s war on Syria.

This is good news. It means more Americans are developing the ability to think independently of the lies Washington feeds to them.

What the neocon nazis, the bush/obama regime, and the presstitute media have made

clear is that Washington is going to push its agenda of world hegemony to the point of

starting World War III, which, of course, means the end of life on earth.

Russia and China, either one of which can destroy the United States, have learned that the US government is a liar and cannot be trusted. The Libyan “no-fly” policy to which Russia and China agreed turned out to be a NATO air attack on the Libyan army so that the CIA-sponsored mercenaries could prevail.

Russia and China, having learned their lesson, are protesting Washington’s assault on Syria that Washington pretends is a “civil war.” If Syria falls, Russia and China know that Iran is next.

Iran is Russia’s underbelly, and for China Iran is 20% of its energy imports. Both Russian and Chinese governments know that after Iran falls, they are next. There is no other explanation for Washington surrounding Russia with missile bases and surrounding China with naval and air bases.

Both Russia and China are now preparing for the war that they see as inevitable. Washington’s crazed, demented drive for world hegemony is bringing unsuspecting Americans up against two countries with hydrogen bombs whose combined population is five times the US population. In such a conflict everyone dies.

Considering the utterly insane government ruling in Washington, if human life exists in 2020, it will be a miracle. All the worry about future Medicare and Social Security deficits is meaningless. There will be no one here to collect the benefits.

Addendum: If the report below from RT is accurate, it seems obvious that the ignorant and evil denizens of Washington, D.C., are driving the world to World War III. http://rt.com/news/iran-troop-deployment-syria-782/

Addendum: Russia says it will not allow Syria no-fly zones. http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article35318.htm

Addendum: Once again Washington demonstrates that it is home to the most stupid people on earth: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/iran-to-send-4000-troops-to-aid-president-assad-forces-in-syria-8660358.html?printService=print

About Dr. Paul Craig Roberts

Paul Craig Roberts was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy and associate editor of the Wall Street Journal. He was columnist for Business Week, Scripps Howard News Service, and Creators Syndicate. He has had many university appointments. His internet columns have attracted a worldwide following. His latest book, The Failure of Laissez Faire Capitalism and Economic Dissolution of the West is now available.

Why a referendum is a bad idea

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Tue, 18 Jun 2013 02:52:00 +0000

| by Dayan Jayatilleka

( June 18, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) Three bad ideas in one week?

One is that the UNP will boycott the Parliamentary Select Committee. Another is that the 17th Amendment must be reintroduced before the Northern Provincial Council election. The third is that a referendum should be held on the subject of the retention or abolition of the 13th Amendment.

It is understandable that the TNA is reluctant to participate in a PSC. The point made by that party is that the goal posts have been shifted. A PSC was not mentioned at the commencement of the talks with the Government and was certainly not stipulated as mandatory.

The TNA says it does not reject participation but that the talks with the Government should achieve some degree of consensus which could be than taken to the PSC. The lousy conduct of the UPFA MPs in the PSC towards the former Chief Justice gives considerable credibility to the TNA’s position.

This is not true of the UNP. Last year it said that it would boycott the PSC if the TNA did not participate. Its point, more or less, was that a PSC to resolve the ethnic issue would be like Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark were the TNA to stay away.

If that argument held any water, it no longer does. The UNP is not the TNA nor is it a coalition partner of the latter, and I hope it knows the difference, though many voters probably think it doesn’t.

That general point apart, the deliberations of the proposed PSC will affect the interests of the UNP quite directly. If the proposal that changes can be made to the powers of the PCs with the concurrence of a majority rather than of all existing PCs, then a UNP-ruled PC can find itself divested of its powers, thereby pre-empting the possibility of an Opposition-led PC proving a developmental success and serving as an electoral lever for change. The UNP must surely participate in the PSC, ally with the progressives among the Government’s representatives and prevent such retrogression. To stay away would be plain bad.

The next bad idea is that the 17th Amendment must be reintroduced before the election to the Northern PC is held. Now that would be nice indeed but it ain’t gonna happen and the UNP Leader who has made the suggestion has no way of enforcing it. He probably thinks the Commonwealth would do so, but then again he thought that George W. Bush would make Chandrika return the portfolios she took away from him. Instead, she held an election which he lost, after a brief two-year stint as the PM.

The choice today is to hold the northern election this September with or without the 17th Amendment or wait till the 17th Amendment is reintroduced. Now the latter proposition would suit those hawks in Government who do not wish to hold an election. I trust that was not the intention of the Opposition Leader.

The crucial battle now is to keep the 13th Amendment intact in all its essentials, block the neoconservative counter-reformation, hold the election in September and count on the Commissioner of Elections, the world’s media and international observers to keep that election fair and transparent.

The race is a close one but the worst idea around is possibly the one that a national referendum should be held on the retention or abolition of the 13th Amendment. That gem of wisdom comes from the JHU and NFF but has been picked up by opinion makers closer to the Opposition leadership. Those who advocate it like to see themselves as patriots, but their suggestion gravely undermines the national interest. It is evident that the advocates of a referendum are myopic to the point of inability to see beyond their noses.

Consider the highly probable – I would say, almost certain – result of such a referendum. The Tamils of the north and east will vote against abolition on the 13th Amendment as will the Muslims. There is no Tamil political party in Opposition or with the Government that will support abolition. There is no Muslim party of any significance that will do so either. Most of the Sinhalese, located in the southern two-thirds of the island, will vote for abolition. Except for the Sinhalese in Ampara, the north and east will vote in one direction, the south another.

The bloc of ‘Tamil speaking people,’ a long-standing slogan of Tamil ultranationalists, will be created by this plebiscite. The electoral map will show the north and east re-merged emotionally, psycho-politically; de facto although not de-jure. Worse still, the NO vote will pretty much correspond to the contours of the Tamil Eelam map. The world will see a divided Sri Lanka, with a clearly defined proto-Tamil Eelam.

To compound the stupidity, a referendum would also reveal a NO vote right in the heart or abdomen of the island, the hill country, with a majority of Tamils of recent Indian origin voting against the abolition of the 13th Amendment. What a damaging blow such a political map would be to the achievement of the Sri Lankan armed forces and what a splendid gift to the Tamil Eelamists in Tamil Nadu and the diaspora!

[Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka is a member of the International Expert Group (INTEG) of Security Index, a Russian Journal on international security; the ‘academic and policy quarterly journal’ of the Russian Centre for Policy Studies, Moscow-Geneva-Monterrey.]

Courtesy: Daily FT

From devolution to the deep blue sea

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Tue, 18 Jun 2013 02:49:00 +0000

| by Dayan Jayatilleka

Courtesy: The Hindu

By pitching their political ambitions higher than the Sri Lankan constitution’s existing provisions on provincial autonomy under the 13th amendment, Tamil nationalists have played into the hands of Sinhalese hardliners

( June 18, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) A political battle of major proportions, perhaps the most portentous in years, is looming in Sri Lanka this year and is being preceded by a debate amounting to a battle of ideas. The matter at hand is the much delayed and deferred election to the Northern Provincial Council.

Political forces are arrayed in four positions on the battlefield. On the Tamil side there are those who hold that the existing 13th amendment to the Constitution under which the Northern Provincial Council was established, was inadequate from the start and that therefore, contesting the election and holding office would be of no positive consequence, and may even have the negative consequence of legitimising the institution. The other position occupied within the Tamil political spectrum is of those who regard the 13th amendment to be flawed and deeply unsatisfactory, but grasp the value of contesting and winning the election, and occupying the political real estate that remains.

On the Sinhala side are those who wish to abolish the system of provincial autonomy, those who do not and support the system of limited provincial autonomy, and those who seek to retain the bare bones of the system for fear of the external repercussions of abolition, while gutting the provinces of any real measure of autonomy.

Lost opportunity

At the moment, the predominance on the Tamil side is of the more pragmatic mainstream politicians who would like to occupy whatever political space that opens up, and on the Sinhala side, of those unhappy with provincial autonomy but seek to dilute rather than dismantle it in its entirety.

The major error on the Tamil side was and remains the failure to grasp that the 13th amendment was the best that could be achieved even when the political, or more accurately politico-military, balance was far less in Colombo’s favour. It proved the best deal achievable even with a far more overtly, robust Indian role and power projection.

When the liberal administration of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga sought perhaps imprudently to range well beyond the 13th amendment in the form of three political packages in 1995, 1997 and 2000, the efforts were opposed as expected by Sinhala hardliners, but more fatally by the conservative United National Party (UNP) Opposition headed by Mr. Ranil Wickremesinghe. Most crucially, President Kumaratunga’s risky, politically ambitious quasi-federal initiatives did not have the acceptance, still less the support, of the parties and personalities (most prominently at the time, the TULF) currently grouped in the Tamil National Alliance.

Affected talks

In its sporadic and ultimately abortive discussions with the administration of President Rajapaksa, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) urged that these drafts of 1995, 1997 and 2000 be taken up for discussion, but those deals were no longer on the table, the Tamil politicians having proved that what was once said so famously by the liberal intellectual Israeli Foreign Minister, Abba Eban, of the Palestinian political leaders was also true of them, namely that they never missed an opportunity to miss an opportunity.

Having failed to put sufficient daylight between themselves and the LTTE before the war ended with a decisive disaster for the latter, the Tamil nationalist politicians might have been expected to realise that the 13th amendment was the only fall back available, and that it should be defended doggedly against attempts by the triumphant Sinhala hawks in Colombo to roll it back. However, the TNA not only declined to take the 13th amendment as the explicit basis of negotiations, it initially rejected that structural reform as the starting line. The keynote speech by Mr. R. Sampanthan, the leader of the main Tamil parliamentary party (TNA) at the 14th Convention of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) [the main constituent of the TNA] in May 2012 was in many respects a landmark event. It played into the hands of the neoconservative hardliners within Colombo’s power elite and ruling troika, bringing the bilateral talks to an abrupt halt.

Absolute authority

Mr. Sampanthan’s convention address not only stated clearly that the political project lay outside the parameters of both the 13th amendment as well as the structural form of a unitary state, but also provided considerable evidence to the Sri Lankan political leadership that the goal of a sovereign state of and for the Tamils, one in which they enjoy absolute rather than shared or devolved authority, remained the goal.

The ITAK/TNA leader’s speech said “we must prove to the international community that we will never be able to realize our rights within a united Sri Lanka.” Colombo seems to believe that with such a strategic objective in mind, it is logically inevitable that Tamil nationalism will reject, discredit and undermine any solution proposed or arrived at within a united Sri Lanka, especially a solution within a unitary state such as is the 13th amendment.

Mr. Sampanthan, the most prominent local leader of the Northern Tamil community, reiterated at his party’s annual convention its commitment to achieving with the support of the international community, the same “soaring aspirations” that could not be achieved through armed struggle.

By the time the TNA collected its collective wits, the Government had commenced the siege and attrition of the 13th amendment, while the hardliners within and outside were campaigning for outright abolition.

On the Sinhala side, the drive for rollback of provincial autonomy or crippling by means of the removal of any powers with regard to land and its utilisation, fails to grasp the possible blowback of such unilateralism; a unilateralism based on the assumption that the Tamil question in Sri Lanka is a purely internal matter for a sovereign state, and oblivious to the Kissingerian category of “intermestic” issues; those at the interface of the internal and the international.

Rajapaksa factor

New Delhi, which failed to militarily support an unambiguously pro-devolution President Kumaratunga during the Tigers’ siege of Jaffna in 2000, did not extend the requested and requisite degree of military support to Mahinda Rajapaksa in an equation that would have linked such support to political progress in lockstep as it were. Instead of simply insisting on the implementation of Sri Lanka’s own constitutional provisions (obviating the need for protracted, problematic talks with the TNA and the reinvention of the wheel), it was persuaded into echoing President Rajapaksa’s promise of 13 Plus. No wonder it finds itself in a dilemma on the next steps.

The anti-Sri Lankan hysteria in Tamil Nadu is reminiscent of the foaming at the mouth in Florida for decades at any mention of Castro’s Cuba. What takes Tamil Nadu beyond Florida is the ubiquity of Tiger symbolism including portraits of Velupillai Prabhakaran, in the pan-Tamilian agitation. In a rich irony of future history, that wave of agitation which rises higher during election year and its aftermath in India may well be exactly what sweeps away his UNP competitor and gifts President Rajapaksa all he needs for re-election to a third term. Given that he is increasingly a human shield for the Sinhala hawks in his ranks or a George Dubya to their Cheney-Rumsfeld, this cannot but have decisive repercussions on Delhi’s protracted efforts to secure a modest if authentic measure of provincial self-rule for the Tamils.

(Dayan Jayatilleka was Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to the U.N. in Geneva from 2007-09, and until recently, Ambassador to France. He is the author of Long War, Cold Peace: Conflict and Crisis in Sri Lanka, Vijitha Yapa Publishers, 2013.)

Amending 13th Amendment,yet another broken promise

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Tue, 18 Jun 2013 02:44:00 +0000

| by M. A. Sumanthiran

( June 18, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The Tamil National Alliance has repeatedly pointed out the consistent and continuing failure of the Sri Lankan government to fulfil its promises to the peoples of Sri Lanka. The proposed amendment to the 13th Amendment to the Constitution––currently the only concession to any form of devolution in Sri Lanka––is yet another example of this.

Perhaps, the most significant of the government’s broken promises are those relating to a political settlement. The Sri Lankan government has for several years promised a power-sharing arrangement that will ensure that power is shared equitably amongst the peoples of Sri Lanka. President Rajapaksa’s Joint Statement with United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki-moon soon after the end of the war in May 2009 contained several assurances relating to a political solution, one of which was

"…to proceed with the implementation of the 13th Amendment…".

Before the end of the war, at the inaugural meeting of the All Party Representatives Committee (APRC) and its multi-ethnic Experts Committee appointed by the President to assist the APRC, on 11th July 2006, the President said:

"People in their own localities must take charge of their destiny and control their politico-economic environment. … In sum, any solution needs to as a matter of urgency devolve power for people to take charge of their own destiny. … Any solution must be seen as one that stretches to the maximum possible devolution without sacrificing the sovereignty of the country given the background of the conflict."

At the 10th Session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in March 2009, Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe reiterated the President’s pledge, saying,

"Our national discourse has been dominated for decades by an ethnic issue, which requires a political solution as a means to resolve problems. … [o]n a recommendation of the All Party Representatives Committee, we are able to properly implement the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, which was passed in 1987."

When the Sri Lankan External Affairs Minister G. L. Peiris visited New Delhi in May 2011, a joint press statement with the Minister of External Affairs of India stated :

"… the External Affairs Minister of Sri Lanka affirmed his government’s commitment to ensuring expeditious and concrete progress in the ongoing dialogue between the government of Sri Lanka and representatives of Tamil parties. A devolution package, building upon the 13th Amendment, would contribute towards creating the necessary conditions for such reconciliation."

In January 2012, after meeting with President Rajapakse, visiting Indian Minister for External Affairs, S. M. Krishna speaking at a joint press conference with Minister G. L. Peiris, said:

"The Government of Sri Lanka has on many occasions conveyed to us its commitment to move towards a political settlement based on the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution, and building on it, so as to achieve meaningful devolution of powers. We look forward to an expeditious and constructive approach to the dialogue process."

This is not the first such assurance made to the Government of India. On 25th December, the Indian External Affairs spokesman stated

"[I]n this context we have been assured by the government of Sri Lanka on several occasions in the past, of its commitment towards pursuit of a political process … leading to the full implementation of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution, and to go beyond, so as to achieve meaningful devolution of powers and genuine national reconciliation."

It is in this context that the government proposes to strip the 13th Amendment of the limited concession it offers to devolution.

The current framework under the 13th Amendment provides only modest protection to minority peoples in the event that Parliament seeks to legislate on a subject on the Provincial Council List. Article 154(G)(3) is a measure to prevent the central government from legislating on subjects allocated to the Provincial Councils (PCs) without first obtaining the consent of all PCs. Where one or more PC does not consent to a proposed bill, the central government has the power to either pass the bill by a simple majority, in which case the bill will become law applicable only to the Provinces where the PCs agreed to the bill, or to do so by a two thirds majority in which case the bill will become law applicable to the entire country. The government’s proposal to remove this safeguard will in effect render the 13th Amendment in terms of devolution of legislative power meaningless, as the central government at any given time could take away any or all powers vested in the PCs by passing legislation with a simple majority.

Not only has the government failed to keep its many promises to move towards a political settlement based on the full implementation of the 13th Amendment and build on it so as to achieve meaningful devolution of powers, it shamelessly proposes to strip away the limited concession to devolution that exists! The proposed amendment is majoritarian on two counts. First, it imposes the majority will of PCs on a particular Province by empowering Parliament to enact — through a simple majority — legislation on any Provincial List subject, provided a majority of PCs agree to the proposed Bill. Second, it imposes the majority will of Parliament on a particular Province, as it empowers Parliament to enact such legislation through a simple majority rather than a special majority. A special majority is required only if a majority of PCs disagree with the proposed Bill.

To date, the government has been content with ‘winning the war’ and has made no attempt to take the next necessary step – to win the peace. This failure will make ‘winning the war’ and all its dividends meaningless. The peace can be won only if there is a genuine political will to do so.

It is vital that the Sri Lankan government realises that actions speak louder than words. And so far, when it comes to a genuine political will to arrive at a meaningful political solution, the government’s actions have drowned out its words.

A personal tribute & salute to B Raman

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Mon, 17 Jun 2013 15:57:00 +0000

| by Vikram Sood

( June 17, 2013, New Delhi, Sri Lanka Guardian) In our trade and profession we hunted together -- my friend and mentor, Bahukutumbi Raman and I. Today I miss him and in grieving for him, actually I grieve for myself.

My friend for 40 years, not 30 as I had Tweeted in my grief, Raman was a core professional. But he was more. Strong on loyalty and professional excellence. Loved irreverent gossip yet immensely secretive professionally. A man seriously and earnestly devoted to his profession for whom detail was everything.

A very private man, it took a while to get to know him after I was sent to understudy him and eventually take over from him, in 1972. There would be days he would be very quiet, not rude, just immersed in whatever he was doing. I could sit there all day and read volumes of intelligence material and leave quietly without even a word. Or not have shown up that day.

There were other days he would be gossipy and cheerful with many stories to tell of his days in Madhya Pradesh recounted with a loud chuckle. He did spend time moulding me, taking me through the paces, the dos and don'ts of an analyst and what makes a career intelligence officer. Over time the bond grew and even when we disagreed, both knew that we merely made a point and moved on.

Our career paths took us along different routes in 1974 but we met again, professionally, in 1983 when I took over from him once again and finally, in August 1994 when he retired. But he did not really retire. Such men rarely do. His frequent assessments, analyses and reports on events were a touchstone for most of us in the business of intelligence reporting and assessments.

All of these are now on his blog for posterity to read and learn. Over time his writings became legendary, like the man himself. Later, he was called in to help the government with the task force on intelligence following the Kargil Review Committee, he became a member of the National Security Advisory Board and once again called to assist in the Naresh Chandra Committee review.

Raman's career took him through tumultuous times of the Cold War, the Indo-Pak war and the Liberation war in Bangladesh of 1971, the Naga and Mizo rebellions and the peace talks, the Sikh insurgency of the 1980s and finally, the ISI led campaigns in Jammu and Kashmir in the 1990s of which the Mumbai bombings of March 1993 were an important and monstrous milestone.

Raman was the only Indian intelligence officer with three books to his credit. Two of them were Intelligence: Past Present and Future and A Terrorist State As a Frontline Ally. He writes about his experiences in his last book, The Kaoboys of R&AW.

In this book, Raman is remarkably chatty as he takes the reader through his days in the intelligence world and its interactions with the powers that be. Raman expresses his anger at the US State Department of the Bill Clinton era pressuring us on Pakistan and the eternal hyphenation between India and Pakistan that was the hall mark of the nineties till Kargil 1999.

His final remark on the US and perhaps the Western attitude is still valid when he says 'An over-anxiety to protect Pakistan from the consequences of its misdeeds still continues to be the defining characteristic of policy making in the State Department.' Secretary of State John Kerry might do himself a favour by heeding Raman's last warning ' ... I am convinced in my mind that if there is an act of terrorism involving the use of weapons of mass destruction one day, it would have originated from Pakistani territory.'

The last chapter of this book contains his assessment of the organisation he served so selflessly and his advice for the managers of intelligence in the country. We would do ourselves immense credit if we follow at least some of the ideals and goals he sets out.

Raman the man has passed, Raman the legend remains.

Bahukutumbi Raman (1936-2013), R.I.P.

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Mon, 17 Jun 2013 09:57:00 +0000

( June 17, 2013, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) It's with a sense of sadness and loss that we register the death of Mr Bahukutumbi Raman (B. Raman), who needs no introduction for the regular readers of our website.

Mr Raman wrote very matter of factly about his battle with cancer ever since he was diagnosed with it, always willing to share his experiences to spread greater awareness about what he called his live-in-companion.

His determined optimism about fighting it off seemed almost convincing earlier, but from last month onwards, once it became known that his cancer of the bladder had spread to his liver, as he put it himself on Twitter, the countdown had started.

When the news about Angelina Jolie's double mastectomy hit the headlines, Mr Raman, only recently having been diagnosed with terminal secondary liver cancer, while admiring the Hollywood star's courage, was still focussed enough to point out that the real issue was the "lack of basic cancer care facilities for our poor pple & in our backward areas".

Born in 1936, Mr Raman lost his father when he was very young. He wrote with characteristic candour and lack of sentimentality about his childhood:

From a young age, we were conscious of our poverty. We were never ashamed of it. We took our poverty in our stride...

I did not do too well in the college. I did a one-year journalism diploma course after leaving college and got a job in The Indian Express on a salary of Rs.100 per month. I managed to save enough money to study for the UPSC competitive examinations, sat for them and was selected for the Indian Police Service.

I was quite successful in my career and achieved all I wanted to achieve. It was not only because I was a good professional, but also because I was a balanced individual. Our poor mother and our poverty gave all of us a sense of balance and a determination not to let our poverty come in the way of our achieving whatever we wanted to achieve. All of us did well in life.

An IPS officer of the 1961 Madhya Pradesh cadre, he was handpicked by Rameshwar Nath Kao to join the Research and Analysis wing, right from the day it was carved out of the Intelligence Bureau in September 1968.

He went to serve the R&AW for 26 years, heading the agency's counter-terrorism unit from 1988 until his retirement in 1994 as Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat.

After his retirement, Mr Raman was associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and was a regular contributor to the South Asia Analysis Group, serving as Director, Institute for Topical Studies, Chennai.

Till the very end, Mr Raman remained a prolific commentator on security and strategic affairs, writing his last full-length piece on May 15, and even after that continuing to share his wisdom on Twitter, despite being in great physical pain.

In his 2007 memoir on the R&AW, The Kao-boys of R&AW – Down Memory Lane, Mr Raman made a strong case for parliamentary oversight. He maintained that major debacles like Kargil and Rabinder Singh's escape could have been pre-empted by a suitable monitoring mechanism for RAW, on the pattern of the CIA and Mossad. He also wrote about his anger and bitterness at the US State Department.

This is how he described himself in this memoir:

Throughout my 26 years in the Research and Analysis Wing (R&AW), India’s external intelligence agency, I was known as a man with a poker face.

As someone, who showed no emotions or passion on his face or in his words.

As someone, who led a robot-like existence, working from 8 in the morning till 9-30 in the night — seven days a week, 365 days in a year.

As someone, who took life in its stride.

It was a description, his colleagues said, fitted his life even post-retirement. So absurdly well-informed he remained about terrorism in South Asia even after retirement, as evidenced by his columns, that a reviewer of his book recalled wondering whether the agency had continued to keep him briefed at regular intervals. Au contraire, his interlocutors in the agency informed him, it was the other way around: he was still regularly briefing the active agents!

My Tribute to B. Raman

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Mon, 17 Jun 2013 09:45:00 +0000

The ‘Karmayogi’ for whom time was always short

| by Swati Parashar

( June 17, 2013, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) On 30th May, 2013, B Raman tweeted, “Hanumanji willing, shd be back home coming Saturday.” Instead, he left for his heavenly abode, yesterday 16th June, 2013 in the evening. He had shared every detail of his illness on his blog and also on twitter, including the fact that it was terminal cancer he was dealing with and he didn’t have much time. Although quite active on facebook, I am not on twitter and missed his updates. The grief is profound: had I known, I would have spoken to him, even gone to India to see him. I was unaware of his hospital stay, of the end that was near and I am left now with deep regrets and a profound sense of personal loss. I couldn’t read the ominous signs of things to come. Since 11th May, there was no ‘article alert’ in my gmail; South Asia Analysis Group, which carried his articles, have none of his pieces on their first three pages; since 14th May there were no posts on his blog (Raman’s strategic analysis); his cancer update posted on 11th May suggested of a serious relapse. I am now only left with memories, of the most extraordinary person with whom I worked so closely and who in so many ways was the perfect ‘guru’, the best teacher.

Bahukutumbi Raman (1936-2013) was an IPS officer of 1961 Madhya Pradesh cadre who later joined the Research and Analysis Wing, of the Intelligence Bureau. He served in the R&AW for 26 years, heading the counter-terrorism unit from 1988 until his retirement in 1994 as Additional Secretary in the Cabinet Secretariat. He spent his post retirement years as a prolific commentator and analyst on terrorism and strategic issues and was a regular media presence. He churned articles on a daily basis! He also had brief stints with various research organisations and think tanks. With his death, an era of strategic thinking in India has ended; he was a walking-talking data base of terrorism and counter terrorism; a recognised expert all over the world.

Between September 2003 and November 2005, I worked with him at the Observer Research Foundation (ORF), a think tank in Delhi. He was Head of the International Terrorism Watch Programme which he had set up at ORF and also served as Director of ORF’s Chennai Chapter. I had completed my Masters degree in International Relations at JNU and was hired to coordinate the Terrorism Programme at the ORF. When I first met Raman Sir at ORF’s Delhi office, he asked me a few questions about why I wanted to work on terrorism, what I thought were the terrorism issues, what my plans were etc. and then after his return to Chennai sent me a long list of things to do. That was his style. Everything was well compartmentalised and every detail was mapped and that helped enormously in implementation. He sent regular instructions on emails and I reported to him on a daily basis. It was a wonderful working relationship and I don’t recall having worked harder in my life before or after that period.

The good thing about Raman Sir, contrary to popular view, is that he never actually imposed and. With his junior colleagues and beginners like me, he had all the patience and always ensured that we expressed ourselves even if we disagreed with him. This was special, because in India, kowtowing to the bosses is common and contrary opinion is never tolerated by those in authority. He did have issues with his contemporaries and former intelligence colleagues (although he always extended professional courtesy to everyone, including those whom he disliked) but he was kind and extremely generous towards those whom he mentored. I don’t recall one harsh word that he ever spoke to me, going out of the way to write references and supporting my career aspirations in so many ways. He knew I wanted to train in academia and pursue a PhD in gender and terrorism studies. I was not going to be a regular mainstream terrorism analyst and he always supported my decisions. From the moment I met him, I only had respect, admiration and affection for the man who has had a very big role in my career. Although I am now quite well published and in some internationally acclaimed journals, my proudest moment was when South Asia Analysis website carried my article next to his!

The first conference we organised at ORF brought in experts from South and South East Asia together to talk about the regional impact of terrorism. I had just started working and was not even proficient in handling computers those days! After the conference programme was drawn up, I noted that one of the panels had no chair and another had a missing paper presenter. I pointed it out to him and to my utter shock, he calmly said that I was going to be chairing that session and would also present a paper! I had only 24 hours to think and my affirmative decision then put me on a career path that has never let me look back. After the conference, it was my turn to invite one of our organisers to offer the vote of thanks. Raman Sir asked me to wait as he had something to say. He was most generous in his appreciation of my efforts and lavished so much praise that only left me humbled and tearful. It was as if our mutual faith had been vindicated. I still have the transcript of that speech he made and in moments of self doubt, it gives me inspiration and motivation. It was his confidence that he allowed me to co-edit the proceedings of that conference with another colleague and it was finally published as a book. He organised a massive book release function at IIC and made sure I was given credit for every bit of hard work I had put in. He ensured that there were ample opportunities for everyone who worked with him to realize their potential. His faith in the young and the untrained was remarkable.

While at ORF, I had started looking for PhD opportunities and I was uneasy telling him I wanted to leave. The intelligence man that he was, he was good at keeping some secrets. He resigned from ORF without discussing or deliberating with anyone; we had no clue this was coming. One morning he sent an email saying he had dissociated himself from ORF and after returning the few things at their Chennai office, “‘c ést fini between me and the ORF once and for all”, he wrote. He appeared whimsical at times like these and those of us who worked with him were very upset. Within moments of his resignation, I found another long email from him explaining (in bullet points which was always his style) why he had dissociated from ORF. He ensured that he played by the rules of the democratic and transparent work culture which he had created for all of us at ORF. He didn’t care about seniority or hierarchy and worked very hard to build a team in which the junior most members were also respected and valued. As someone who was such a big mentor and teacher to all of us, it was amusing when we met his elder brother Mr. B. Raghavan at a conference in Chennai. Raman Sir was visibly embarrassed as his older brother addressed him as ‘Ramu’ and chided him in front of all his staff. We giggled as we witnessed the great and proper Raman Sir, endearingly addressed as Ramu by his elder brother.

Most people say, he showed no emotions or sentimentality. I disagree, for, I saw Raman Sir extremely angry at times, also disappointed, tired, happy and always curious. I remember his laughter was uncontrollable and long after those around him stopped laughing and sat sombrely (waiting for the next instructions) he would keep chuckling at a joke only he understood. He deeply mourned the death of his friends K. Subrahmanyam and R Swaminathan (as I remember) and he was devastated by the untimely demise of his young and dynamic friend, Shakti Bhatt. We talked for a long time on the phone that day. He never seemed like a loner to me and knew how to communicate with himself. His single status and not having a family used to be a joke at work and most people found him socially awkward. I recall the two large pegs of whisky he relished at all social events and since his cancer diagnosis he really missed drinking, he told me. After his set quota of two drinks, he would leave immediately afterwards, often unnoticed and quietly without a fuss. I often wondered (if I hadn’t asked him earlier) if he had had dinner. It was impossible to not feel affection for him and care about his well-being. I remember at one such post conference event, he turned up in a bright yellow printed Hawaiian kind of shirt! For someone who always wore dull safari suits, this was bound to attract gossip and attention. I finally dared and complimented him as he shyly replied, it was a gift from a Malaysian friend!

He always travelled and walked into the office with his old briefcase. When in Delhi he would reach office before any of the regulars would. He would always thank me profusely for that hot coffee I would make him in a proper cup, whenever I found that he was there. I remember a colleague once admonished that I was being servile to my ‘boss’. He was more than a ‘boss’ to me; a father figure, a mentor, an inspiration, always a good listener, a very humble man with impeccable manners and work ethics. I last met him in 2008 at Chennai where he invited Ravi (my husband) and I to a five star restaurant for dinner. He ate only curd rice and laughed heartily over his own jokes. I kept in touch over phone and email and he was always keen to know about my career, new projects and publications. If he was disappointed that I didn’t become a mainstream terrorism analyst, or if he thought my work on gender and political violence was not important, he never showed it. He was always so curious, so pragmatic and yet positive. I see that he endorsed Narendra Modi as Prime Minister a few weeks ago on twitter. I am convinced that it must be a frustrating moment for him because he had all along disliked the Sangh Parivar’s brand of Hindutva politics. He had no patience for right wingers who harassed him continuously in the cyber space. For a man who had dutifully served in India’s spy agency, he lived a remarkably public and transparent life. Every detail of his cancer was there on his blog and other web spaces (to the annoyance of some and curiosity of others). Although he was not active on facebook, I noted today that on twitter he expressed himself all the time, sharing his feelings. He posted a picture of himself after he was diagnosed with terminal liver secondary cancer. He also expressed concern at how the poor would afford cancer care in India. To possibly family members, he admonished on twitter, “I can eat only what my tummy can tolerate. I can't eat what others want me to eat. Affection for terminal cancer patients shd be simple and normal, not instructive.” He called cancer, the ‘terrorist’ he would not be defeated by and always wished to avoid radiation therapy. The ironies were plenty, as he reminded his readers after his 11th May cancer update on his blog that he would be 77 in August this year. For the last 8 years, I have never forgotten to wish him on his birthday which falls on 14th of August (Pakistan’s Independence Day!). I am absolutely gutted that I couldn’t get to speak to him one last time. But there is a comforting thought, that he lived and died like true ‘karmayogis’ do. In our country when corruption is the norm these days and public servants amass wealth, the spartan and inspirational life of Raman Sir will keep reminding us that there once was an India, where government officials cared for their jobs, their country and their people. After he was diagnosed with cancer in 2009 and told me he had 5 years or so in this biggest fight against ‘terrorism’, I always dreaded writing this obituary. His presence was comforting and although we lived continents apart, I always know his blessings have stood me in good stead. His phone ring tone was A. R Rehman’s Jai Ho (from Slumdog Millionaire), and in many ways captures what Raman Sir lived by and believed in. I have been extraordinarily fortunate in having had the best mentors in my life and B. Raman was the most special of them. I dedicated my PhD thesis to him and it will be my eternal sorrow that I will not be able to hand over a copy of my book personally to him, when it is out. Rest in Peace, Sir. There will never ever be another like you and may Hanumanji take care of you in the heavens above.

(Swati Parashar is a lecturer in Politics and International Relations at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia. She teaches and researches on Feminist IR, Political Violence and South Asia. She can be contacted at Swati.Parashar@monash.edu)

Mr. B. Raman Passes Away

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Mon, 17 Jun 2013 09:40:00 +0000

( June 17, 2013, Chennai, Sri Lanka Guardian) Mr. B. Raman one of the main contributors to the Sri Lanka Guardian passed away last evening. His demise is a loss not only to me personally and the Guardian, but also to the intelligence community as well. He was oour one of regular contributors since we started the Sri Lanka Guardian in 2007.

In course of time he became truly an international expert on terrorism and thanks to him, our site has grown from small beginnings to about thousands of hits a day and all from “niche” people.

Media Ethics Or Suppression?

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Mon, 17 Jun 2013 08:01:00 +0000

| by Eran Wickramaratne MP

( June 17, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The reactivation, of the Press Council Law and the government-proposed Code of Ethics for journalists have to be viewed with great suspicion for many reasons. Ethics is beyond the realm of legal codification. Ethics is about moral principles that govern a person or a group’s behaviour. While some philosophers suggested that it should exemplify justice and charity, and benefit the person and society, others later introduced the idea that ethics entrains one’s duty towards others and respect for others. The attempt to encourage better ethics or behaviour amongst journalists, while being laudable cannot become coercive. Attempts to legalise ethical systems have been made by religious orders from time to time the world over empowering clergy to become the ethical police. Such systems have universally failed. A Code of Ethics for the media imposed by a government will of necessity make the relevant government ministry the ethical police. The recent Island newspaper editorial made the point “There is no difference in our book, between politicians extolling the virtues of ethics and prostitutes pontificating on chastity.”

No more need be said about politicians trying to enforce ethical conduct on journalists, while not being able to impose an ethical code on its own ilk.

Freedom of expression and the freedom to information are universally accepted values. The individual’s right to freedom of expression has had to be defended from time immemorial whether the threat was from the king or the ruling coterie in a republic. That struggle continues today. The media provides both information and expression of opinions for public consumption. The Judiciary and the media are the two keystones of our democracy. The subjugation of the Judiciary to the Executive as in the recent irregular and immoral impeachment of the Chief Justice is a part of our recent dark history.

Global comparison

The issue dominating media freedom today is not the problem of too much freedom. The country ranks near the bottom of the Press Freedom Indexes compiled the world over. The World Press Freedom Index 2013 – Reporters Without Borders ranks Sri Lanka 162nd out of 179 countries. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) ranks Sri Lanka fourth from the bottom, only better than Iraq, Somalia and the Philippines. The report states “But four years after the end of the nations long civil war, President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s administration has shown no interest in pursuing the perpetrators of nine journalist murders over the past decade. All of the victims had reported on politically sensitive issues in ways that were critical of the Rajapaksa Government”. The CPJ lists 13 journalists killed since 2005. The report states that the country has one of the worst impunity records, where impunity is measured by unresolved journalist murders as a percentage of the population. Freedom of the Press 2013 – Freedom House ranks Sri Lanka 164th out of 196 countries with the status “Not free”.

The murder of the Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge in broad daylight by armed men near a security establishment on the outskirts of Colombo was the ultimate punishment to a journalist who dared challenge the regime. The numerous attacks on MTV/MBC who have reported fearlessly on the misdemeanour of Ministers, have caused the broadcasting station large financial losses. Even as recently as a couple of months ago there were more threats against MTV/MBC. The burning of the Uthayan newspaper as well as the attack on its Editor and sub-editor occurred during the post war period. Rather than the vilification of the media because of the errant conduct of a few of its members, there must be a remembrance and celebration of the achievements of journalists and media institutions that have suffered in the interests of keeping democracy alive.

Code of Ethics or censorship

An imposition of a Code of Ethics is in some respects worse than press censorship. When a government-appointed censor blocks out the words of a writer and kills the spirit of expression, the public are aware as to who is responsible for curbing the human spirit while the writer is protected from lawsuit and its consequences. But a Code in the guise of an ethical code is like the sword of Damocles which will hang over the journalist who will have to answer not to his conscience or the collective conscience of his profession but to the objectives of a government as described in the Code. Curbing the journalist’s right of expression and his responsibility to report to the public through the threat of punishment is more damaging to the public cause than state imposed censorship. The journalist is a professional as is the accountant, the banker, the doctor and the lawyer. Most professions have self-regulating Codes of Ethics. They are important. The professionals need to be constantly indoctrinated regarding their own professional Codes so that they and society become collective beneficiaries. When legal luminaries succumb to the pressures of the Executive, they are in violation of their own ethics; when auditing firms are not exacting on the financial and accounting practices of State owned Enterprises, they are in violation of their own ethics, when doctors participating in the procurement of goods and services for the Health Ministry are financially corrupt – they are in violation of their own ethics. Then a government-sponsored Code of Ethics is legislated for such professions? Undoubtedly the media is the fourth estate of our democracy. Therefore media ethics is of paramount importance. But self-regulation of the media as in other professions is the way forward. As in other professions where injury and hurt to others in society occur, civil remedies can be sought. A self-regulating media could also expel its own members as other professions do when their respective Codes of Conduct are violated.

The public interest

The public interest is not necessarily synonymous with the Government’s interest. The development of a media Code of Ethics should be in the public interest and to protect those who are vulnerable. The public interest is defined in the Code of Professional Practice (Code of Ethics) of the Editors Guild of Sri Lanka adopted by the Press Complaints Commission of Sri Lanka as “Protecting democracy, good governance, freedom of expression and the fundamental rights of people and of keeping them informed about events that would have a direct or indirect bearing on them, and that of their elected Government, and detecting or exposing crime, corruption, maladministration or a serious misdemeanour; protecting public health and security and social, cultural and educational standards; protecting the public from being misled by some statement or action of an individual or organisation”. The protection of children, the abuse of the dignity of women in advertising, consumer protection and the exclusion of incisory hate-speech on race, caste, nationality and creed may be included in a Code of Ethics.

However, clauses to prohibit the questioning of the Executive, the Legislature or the Judiciary will weaken the check on the most powerful branches of government. Contempt of the judiciary or defamation of individuals can be dealt with within the legal framework with costs to the media. The government-proposed Code of Ethics goes as far as to restrict criticism affecting foreign relations and encouraging superstitious and blind faith. Who is to judge whether Sri Lanka’s external relations have been affected by the writings of a journalist or by the intemperate utterances of Parliamentarians. It is widely believed that Sri Lanka’s foreign relations have been in disarray for quite some time. On most significant issues different Ministers and institutions have expressed a range of views. Professional diplomats have been wondering which particular stance is the official foreign policy stance of the Government. In such a chaotic foreign policy environment the journalist will become the whipping boy of the regime. The country is engulfed with superstition and blind faith. There is no major decision that is taken without consulting an astrologer – from the auspicious time to hold an election to the moment the budget speech should be delivered in Parliament. The rationale to restrict journalists from reporting superstitious and blind belief in a country like ours is beyond comprehension.

Right to information

The freedom of expression is empty without the freedom of a citizen to obtain information pertaining to matters concerning one’s life and government. The principles of transparency and open government require the right to information. India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, the Maldives and Bhutan have either a Freedom of Information or a Right to Information Act empowering their citizens. That makes Sri Lanka the only country in South Asia to deny its citizens this right – a right incidentally that the citizens of Scandinavia have enjoyed for over a century. A move by Karu Jayasuriya to introduce a Right to Information Act as a private members’ motion was defeated by the government on the basis that the Government intends to bring in a Right to Information bill. This promise is unlikely to see the light of day judging by the Government’s attempt to suppress even partial information that is now available.

Restrictions imposed on the media should be confined to the exceptions permitted under article 19 (3) of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The restrictions are for respecting the rights or reputations of others: for the protection of national security or public order or public health or public morals. In times of an emergency which threatens the life of the Nation, the existence of which is officially proclaimed, such measures must not be inconsistent with our obligations under international laws.

A guided democracy

How does the Government intend to enforce such a code on the private media when the behaviour of the state-controlled media at present abounds in defamation, slander and baseless reporting? Will the same guidelines and standards apply to the state press? Who will be the watcher of the state media while the Government monitors the private media’s adherence to the proposed guidelines? What will be the consequence of non-adherence to the Government guidelines?

On what moral basis is the Government contemplating further state regulation when the true need is for the state to get out of the way of the free press, stop leaning on submissive editors and publishers, and stop buying newspapers and channels that it cannot intimidate into submission?

The Press Complaints Commission of Sri Lanka (PCCSL) together with the Editors Guild and the Sri Lanka Press Institute undertake to ensure that newspapers operating in the country abide by certain basic ethical standards. Nearly all newspapers in the country are signatories to the PCCSL guidelines. It was an initiative of the media fraternity to raise reporting standards and prevent litigation against newspapers. The PCCSL acts as arbiter between newspapers and victims of erroneous reporting. It has successfully mediated to prevent confrontation and litigation in many cases. So why have a state-controlled Press Council?

The UNF Government of Ranil Wickremesinghe repealed criminal defamation and attempted to enact freedom of information laws. The Press Council Act revival is the first step towards re-enactment of these oppressive laws. The Government has mooted the return of criminal defamation laws to further muzzle the free press. A subservient Judiciary will now ensure state media is insulated from the danger of the laws while the independent media will hesitate to report. A free press and independent Judiciary are the enemies of totalitarianism. The attempts at subjugation of these two vital democratic organs offer the best clues to the direction the incumbent regime is taking. During President Suharto’s regime, Indonesian democracy was known as a ‘guided democracy’, a euphemism for a totalitarian state!

Disgraced DIG Vass is only the tip of the iceberg

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Mon, 17 Jun 2013 07:45:00 +0000

| by Ranga Jayasuriya

( June 17, 2013, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) The downfall of DIG Vass Gunawardena, once a star crime buster, known for his special relationship with the powers that be in the defence establishment is interesting, not so much for the extent of his alleged involvement in a myriad of killings and extortions, but for the strange reason that his political bosses and quasi-political bosses, especially, in the defence establishment, have let him down.

But those within the defence circles should know that investigating DIG Gunawardana would tantamount to opening a can of worms.

They should brace for more disturbing disclosures, if the investigators are given a free hand. Perhaps they do not need to worry as even the top echelons of the government, who authorized the investigation, would find it more convenient to confine the investigation covering only the murder of Mohamed Shiyam, whose brother was a generous financer of the ruling party.

Fight the underworld

Disgraced DIG Vass Gunawardena was a cornerstone of the government's unorthodox and highly questionable strategy of fighting the underworld, which saw suspected underworld kingpins, disappear, and being shot dead under suspicious circumstances.

Vass commanded a special police team, which was deployed to fight the underworld, in underworld style. Their operations were officially sanctioned, though some of which had little to do with fighting the underworld. In the aftermath of the abduction and the torture of media activist and journalist, Poddala Jayantha in Nugegoda, it was alleged that Vass's elite police team was involved. Last year, in the wake of the paranoia over the spree of killings in Kahawatta, Vass and his team were deployed in the area. In one particular incident, three men who were arrested over the killings and subsequently released were abducted by unidentified gunmen. Vass Gunawardena, however, was applauded by the villagers for bringing the spree of killings to an end.

Allegations

Subsequent to Vass' arrest last week, the over-enthusiastic investigators have now gone on record, helped by their friendly scribes and their inspired media leaks, that Vass and his cops were involved in a series of extortions and murders. The investigators allege that Vass, through his cops, had been demanding millions of rupees from Tamil business, threatening them with arrest, over charges of involvement with the LTTE, should they fail to pay up.

However, this is not the first time that the allegations about the extortionist rings run by the security forces and police officers have come to light. The government and its interlocutors have regularly dismissed those allegations as 'conspiracies and propaganda.'

Notwithstanding Vass' now much publicized warning to the CID, in which he bragged he was a murderer, the investigators deserve a word of caution for different reasons.

Several years back, DIG Pujitha Jayasundara who tried to play the good Samaritan when journalist Parameshwari Munusamy was abducted and later detained in TID custody, was transferred to Nuwara Eliya on the same night itself.

The fact of the matter is that DIG Vass Gunawardana did not act alone. He was a trusted figure of the government. His operations were sanctioned by the State and when he stepped beyond his mandate, the State looked the other way. This time, Vass apparently moved far beyond, and allegedly ordered the abduction and murder of Shiyam, who hailed from a politically connected family.

In this country, some people, such as Shiyam are more equal than others.

FR petition

Many others, less fortunate, disappeared without a trace, like businessman Ramasamay Prabhakaran, alias Majestic Prabha, 42, who was abducted by armed men, after he filed a FR petition over the torture he had been subjected to by the police, when he was held in the custody of the TID for 28 months, earlier. One respondent cited in the FR application was then SSP Vass Gunawardena.

Prabha also alleged, during a discussion with a group of human rights activists, days before his abduction, that SSP Vass Gunawardena tortured him and demanded Rs 100 million during his earlier stint of detention.

Three days before his FR application was taken up by the Supreme Court, Prabha was abducted by seven armed men, in the presence of his wife and daughter, near his residence on Canal Bank Row, Wellawatte, on 11 February, 2012.

In his FR petition, Prabha demanded Rs 90 million as damage for degrading treatment and torture he had suffered during his 28 month detention by the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID).

Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Vas Gunawardena, Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) Anura Senanayake, SP Mahin Dole, and five others were cited as respondents.

In his FR petition, the petitioner stated that "on 21 May, 2009, he was interrogated by one of the Respondents, SP Mahin Dole together with other Officers, of how well he knew Col. Ranjith Chandrasiri Perera of the Sri Lanka Army and what connections he had with him...

"Petitioner was then taken by SSP Vass Gunawardena to the CCD and was assaulted with an iron rod in the most inhuman and degrading manner, where he was injured over most parts of his body, including his private parts."

After Prabha was abducted, a caller telephoned his wife, in faltering Tamil, and demanded Rs 100 million to release her husband. After two days, the caller stopped calling.

Prabha joined a long list of the disappeared and abducted.

Climate of impunity

Vass Gunawardena is a product of the climate of impunity that the incumbent regime and some of its key protagonists, perpetuated in the country. Gunawardena, though now demeaned, rightly so, served his political and quasi-political bosses. It would be naïve to believe that the latter would remain idle as investigators unearth more and more incriminating evidence, some of which indicate, their own culpability.

The state sanctioned cover-ups are part of the game. Those who are familiar with the investigations into the disappearance of journalist Prageeth Eknaligoda would recall that the CID investigators traced the last caller to Eknaligoda, whom he was supposed to have gone to meet on the day of his disappearance. The CID using its advanced equipment traced the caller, who continued to use the same phone, to somewhere in Ampara. After this particular breakthrough, the investigations were suddenly stalled, in the words of the officials' privy to the investigations, 'due to the instructions from the top.'

It was in this culture of sanctioned killings, abductions and cover-ups, that Vass Gunawardena and his ilk thrived – and were thriving.

Some would genuinely hope that recent findings would lead to a genuine clean up of the rogue elements in the police and the defence establishment, and would deliver justice to their victims. I beg to differ. Here is my two cents: A blanket ban would be imposed on the media pronouncements of the investigating officers, and the investigation would strictly be confined to the particular killing of the businessman and anything beyond it would be a 'no go zone.'

As far as Vass Gunawardena is concerned, his luck has not run out totally. He may even emerge unscathed, charges against him dropped, and statements retracted. But, that is only if he plays by the cardinal rule of loyalty; don't desecrate the names of your bosses, no matter how culpable they are.

Should he decide otherwise and choose to drag the rest with him, he ought to reminiscence about the dozens of suspects who died in the custody of the police. Vass does not need advice.

And I should not teach my grandmother to suck eggs.

Beauty or Beast?

noreply@blogger.com (Sri Lanka Guardian) — Mon, 17 Jun 2013 07:45:00 +0000

| by Gajalakshmi Paramasivam

( June 17, 2013, Melbourne, Sri Lanka Guardian) I write in response to the Sri Lanka Guardian article ‘The 13th Amendment: What next’ by Tisaranee Gunesekera

The most disturbing part was ‘The Uthuyan newspaper reported about a planned attempt by Gotabhaya Rajapaksa to shift the almost-two-centuries-old Sri Poomari Amman Kovil from its present location near the Temple Trees, to create a new car park for the visitors to the Presidential abode.’

My immediate response as a Hindu Sri Lankan was that this would be negative energy for the group that has custody of power to make such changes. Given that the temple is close to the President’s home - Temple Trees – the real powers that are carried within that area – would ‘leave’ that place unless the real value of the car park which replaces the temple – is based on need as believed by the custodians of power. Believed and not known.

As per Tisaranee’s report ‘Dripping with righteous indignation, the Director General of Media Centre for National Security refuted the story: “…Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has distinguished himself by his dauntless bravery…. The emergence of Colombo as a beautiful garden city is a result of the Metro Colombo Urban Development Project which is a concept of the Defence Secretary…. the Uthayan newspaper is just a spurious publication that is of no value to anyone. Therefore, the concocted news items that it publishes does not carry any merit. It is a newspaper that tries to disrupt peace and harmony in the country”’

The Daily News states in this regard – under the heading ‘Uthayan trying to disrupt country’s peace and harmony - MCNS Director General’

‘Strongly refuting the above allegations, Media Centre for National Security (MCNS)Director General Lakshman Hulugalle said that Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa has distinguished himself by his dauntless bravery and excellent command that saved thousands of lives of people in the country.

“Also most of the civilians in North and East who were affected by the terrorist war are now resettled because of the excellent planning of the Defence Secretary’ ,” the Director General.’

Terrorist war? Then what about all victims to whom the LTTE were freedom fighters? Is the above an acknowledgement that they are still not resettled and more importantly facilitated to heal themselves?

The Daily News article goes on to state ‘The Uthayan newspaper has also made up another story that the Government plans to settle only Sinhala people in the North. This story too has failed to attract any public interest and has turned out to be another damp squib.

“There is clear evidence which shows that the Uthayan paper is now trying to create a religious issue within the country. The Army under the directions of the Defence Secretary provided a helping hand to devotees at the Nallur Kovil in Jaffna and ancient Katharagama Kovil in Mulathivu to conduct their religious observances and rituals.

“Additionally, all Hindu temples in Colombo are conducting their religious activities and practices in peace and harmony,” the Director General added.

The Director General reaffirms that they strongly deny the false allegations published by the Uthayan newspaper that does not carry any fact’

In regards to expressions of subjective powers, I now assess the validity of a claim – not so much by what is claimed in direct language but more through what I identify through my own inner Truth. I do not know much about the credibility of Uthayan or the Daily News in their current forms. But I do deeply identify with Nallur Murugan and Kathirgama Murugan. I know also that Kathirgamam is not in Mullaitivu – which means the article has been written without due commitment. A Hindu journalist would have naturally known the direct facts about where Kathirgamam is. Hence to me the ‘rights’ that the authors f this article are claiming to the credit of Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa are imaginary claims. If indeed the Army was claiming to be in charge of Nallur and Kathirgam areas – which are known as Hindu areas of worship - they had the DUTY to facilitate the performance of rituals without external disturbance including from the armed forces – which are known to walk into temple altars with their shoes on. A true soldier would not have needed her/his shoes to do a search operation within the temple. Her/his true commitment would have given her/him the protection – especially within spiritual areas. In contrast – I was asked not to even lean against the wall around a Bo tree with a Buddhist shrine - at Ratmalana airport – when I was waiting to be called for ‘due security processing’ by armed officers – before I could board the plane to Jaffna. The gap between standards is that wide and we claim there is no ethnic problem? Remove that ethnic element and see whether the LTTE have done worse than the JVP who were NOT listed as international terrorists. The more we abuse powers to label others so we could get the ‘rights’ – the more likely they are to become our enemies rather than our opposition – our other side that we do not ‘see’ and refuse to know and control. The more the LTTE are shown as the enemy of the Government / the State the greater the elevation of the problem. The higher the problem the greater the opportunity for others to participate on multicultural basis. Had LTTE been taken as the ‘other’ side of the armed forces – and not the whole Government – any action taken by the Government would have been internal disciplinary action. Through the ‘Terrorism’ label the Government invited the outside world – as if the LTTE was its opposition at Presidential level – as TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front) was elected the official national opposition in 1977. Now it looks as if the Tamil Diaspora is the Government’s opposition – and all because we failed to include the LTTE as our other side but labeled them as ‘outsiders’ / pariahs / terrorists.

Nallur is a place where thousands gather and regulate themselves through each other. If the temple authorities sought the assistance of the Government, then it was the duty of the Government to provide the services that the temple was entitled to by law. Beyond that every person present there needs the authority of her/his own conscience / Truth within – to be there at that time. Without either of these – such a person is an intruder.

My belief in Nallur Murugan is the main source of my own ‘service’ work and my conduct in Northern Sri Lanka. Nallur Administration itself is such a beauty from which the Sri Lankan Government could learn. To claim credit by using the name of Nallur is to steal credit by abusing power. ‘Not in My name’ says Nallur Kanthan. Shame on you Daily News! Nallur devotees have the power to regulate themselves. Anyone who fails to have this key quality which shines in Nallur (through belief and/or knowledge) – is not a genuine Nallur devotee.

In fact, on a few occasions the ‘unofficial internal processes’ by some senior devotees were a little difficult for me to accept. My expectations were as per my own devotion. But I accepted them at that time and place so other devotees would not be disturbed. That to me is true facility. I did not shout that I had equal or greater power as the person trying to discipline me. Where I could – I singled out the person/s who I felt were stepping outside their line of duty. If I could not – I submitted my pain as the cost of providing a safe and secure facility for me to pray at Nallur – some of which would be unfair to me as an individual but needed due to the negative elements in that group.

Likewise, when in Puttaparthi, waiting to see Swami Sri Sathya Sai Baba – at times I felt hurt when I was asked to put my hair up – or cover my shoulders more than I had done or take the seat as allocated by those in charge – rather than the one I had taken through the queue system. Initially I was a bit hurt. But later I realized (I believe with the help of Swami) that it was necessary to treat me as part of the whole and that that process through subjective powers was necessary – given that majority devotees were believers rather than intellectuals. Hence I submitted my own excess of self-discipline into the common pool and became a number – an equal member of the whole. Once inside – I had everything I expected to have – but not necessarily in the form I expected nor in the path that I was familiar with. This happens in Nallur all the time. On the first day of Nallur festival last year – I was part of the devotee group assembled to witness the flag-hoisting ceremony. I was not close enough to the sacred flag-post but I could ‘see’ the ceremony from where I stood. From time to time the priest showered the flowers used in the ceremony, on the devotees. I did not expect to get any because I was at a distance. I closed my eyes and said to Nallur Murugan Who was observing all this – from the shoulders of His devotees ‘The air that touches You also touches me’ Just then one of the flowers from the ceremony area fell on me. To me they are the miracles, confirming the sanctity of that area. The place where a miracle happens is a sacred place. It is that place and its real power that protect all of us – including armed soldiers. One has to have the good karma to become the medium through which that power is manifested as protection. That good karma could be developed as a devotee of that temple and/or as one who believes in the services provided at that place at that time. When credit is claimed for one’s work as per one’s paid position – it is not ‘service’ beyond one’s duty. When one claims credit for doing her/his duty – one is claiming to be an owner without having actually contributed the substance of the shareholdings - beyond buying the shares / getting elected through majority vote. One does not need to possess any shares even in governance to truly own. One only needs to feel part of the core purpose to become the whole.

In terms of the Poomari Amman temple - Poomari means rain of flowers. Flowers symbolize beauty. Anyone who removes that beauty from his surroundings is going down to the level of surface thinker - denoted by the Bull in front of Amman and Shiva. There is a good legend about this which moves me deeply. It is about Nandanar. Nandanar was of Pariah caste who wanted to have the Dharshan of Lord Shiva. Despite not being allowed into the temple due to his low caste – Nandanar went to Shiva temple at Thirupunkoor and worshipped from the outside. He sang that He could not see Lord Shiva in the form of Lingam in the altar because the Nanthi (Stone in the form of Bull) was blocking his view. As Nandanar kept singing the Nanthi shifted and Nandanar and his group were able to see the Sacred Lingam.

I had deep experience of this legend even before knowing the details through external knowledge. Despite not being an ardent fan of traditional karnatic music, I went to a concert here in Sydney by Sriram Gangadharan - a young musician from India. I was seated in between my friend Setha Shanmugasothy - a strong devotee of Nallur and Premela Ganeshanraju – the mother of my lovely student Shivani. When Sriram sang Nandanar songs I felt thoroughly moved and then Premela said that her daughter also had special liking for those songs. I in fact visualised Dancing Shiva in Orange attire. (Orange is associated with Swami Sai Baba and at that time I was not a devotee of Swami Sathya Sai Baba). I could however identify with the feelings at that place and at that time when I was hurting due to alienation by the University of New South Wales – where I am now through Australian legal process an outlaw, a Pariah – the parallel of Nandanar who believed in the Lord . In my case in this instance the Lord took the form of Freedom of thought - the core purpose of a University’s existence. I continued to pray to this Freedom from outside the University system and became a Channel Partner of Insearch-University of Technology Sydney followed by the University of Jaffna through its Department of Hindu Culture. To me it is no coincidence that the Presiding deity at the University of Jaffna is Lord Shiva – something that seems to irk Professor Ratnajeevan Hoole. It is also no surprise to me that and Nanthi demoting Intellectual Thinking (perceived power of discriminative thinking) is the logo of University of Jaffna. To me my true work for intellectual freedom in Australia and my prayers at that temple were answered and hence to me that Temple is the heart of the University. Poomari Amman temple obviously is not the heart of the team sitting like a Nanthi (Bull) between Free and Natural Governance and the true citizen.