In Northern Ireland, diesel cars make up around 50% to 55% of all private cars on the road.

Unlike the rest of the UK, where petrol cars are the majority (accounting for around 55% of all cars compared to under 30% for diesel), Northern Ireland has historically maintained a much higher proportion of diesel vehicles. This is largely due to higher rural driving mileage, strong historical preference for diesel fuel efficiency, and high cross-border travel with the Republic of Ireland.

The UK is a net exporter of motor gasoline (petrol) and a net importer of diesel (road fuel/gas oil). So the upshot is that petrol is up but not to the same extent as diesel.

Then there is the increased cost for farmers who are already operating on small margins.

While only about 5% of homes across the UK as a whole use heating oil,  in Northern Ireland, around 68% of homes rely on heating oil which has to be imported, and prices have risen dramatically as well, it was £570 for 500 litres this morning. For those holding out for prices to drop, I actually think prices could even rise higher so you might have to just bite the bullet and get some now for winter.

Just two rules. Keep it civil and no man/woman playing.

Comments will close at 12 pm on Monday.

So discuss what you like here, but no politics.

Comments will close at 12 pm on Monday.

Many speakers referenced the 229 days remaining until the polls open next year. While the campaign has been running for some time – does it ever stop in modern politics? – the DUP signalled a shift in gear at a conference which outlined their target seats (retaining Foyle, winning back a second seat in North Antrim, and making a gain in Belfast West), pushed for unionist cooperation, and lashed out at every other party in the Assembly.

With the unionist field fragmented between the DUP, UUP and TUV (compared to nationalism’s two-way split that leaves Sinn Féin in pole position to retain the post of First Minister), the forthcoming Assembly election could be Gavin Robinson’s ‘Waterloo’ moment. The next seven months will be very unpredictable: current polling eliminates any DUP complacency; UUP leader Jon Burrows is a chaotic presence, like a firework shooting off in so many different directions; and the TUV are trying to breakthrough with their simple messaging albeit accompanied by a slate of less-recognisable candidates.

There’s a risk that as the votes are counted on Friday 7 and Saturday 8 May next spring, it could be a case of seats slipping through their fingers rather than voters taking another chance on the DUP. Candidates were getting their election poster photographs taken in a room close to the conference hall which filled up during the morning.

Along with some councillors and candidates, the conference (adroitly chaired by Diane Forsythe) showcased 13 MLAs, many of them in a rapid succession of ten-minute speeches (though seven minutes would have been snappier, less energy sapping, and perhaps stopped the conference agenda from overrunning by almost half an hour). Just one of the party’s five MPs – leader Gavin Robinson – was platformed. Perhaps a ruthless consequence of next year’s elections, but also a odd sidelining of Carla Lockhart who is a significant figure in connecting the party with grassroots concerns about parading, faith and social issues. Aside from Harry Harvey (who led the opening devotions) and Frank McCoubrey (who will soon qualify for a free bus pass, but not quite yet!), there was a youthful (albeit still middle-aged) feel to the figures chosen to address conference, a visible attempt to engage

On top of the gimme, gimme, gimme your votes rhetoric, speeches repeatedly criticised Sinn Féin’s lack of delivery and compromise, attacked “anti-farming Minister Muir” and “missing in action” Justice Minister Naomi Long, emphasising the DUP as a “party of common sense”. The UUP’s Job Burrows got away lightly. The TUV were dismissed as not wanting Stormont to work. The talks aimed at raising more money, money, money to secure an Executive budget were addressed. The party leader named Jeffrey Donaldson and his “appalling crimes”, “deception” and “lies” at the start of his confident 41-minute speech.

Today’s conference reinforces that the DUP are not considering a future outside the Executive: they’ll continue to work with Sinn Féin while criticising them at every opportunity. While events thrust leadership upon Gavin Robinson, he’s admired across the party and even his potential rivals or successors paid fulsome tribute to his style and substance. The senior players in the party showed how fired up they were ahead of next May. Any chance of compromises to break logjams in the Executive and the Assembly seem doomed. Budget negotiations may need to feel like a victory for the DUP to get their support. The tough talking at the conference will now translate to a manifesto and a campaign aimed at attracting the votes of working families with so-called commonsense policies.

– – – – –

The Troubles, victims, veterans and justice were at the heart of Junior Minister Joanne Bunting’s speech:

“The pressure to capitulate to the republican narrative is immense. But the DUP was built for the long haul. We will continue to call out the false narratives. We will continue challenge governments on their hypocrisy and statutory bodies on their feet-dragging.”

Paul Frew characterised Eoin Tennyson’s Conversion Practices Private Members Bill as “the most dangerous bill [I’ve seen] and I’ve touched the Coronavirus Act”. “Cowboy minister” Andrew Muir was “no John Wayne, no Clint Eastwood, you won’t see him in Yellowstone”. In summary”

“When the Alliance Party win, Unionism and the people of Northern Ireland lose out.”

On societal challenges:

“Increasingly it is not the bullet and bomb that threaten the foundations of our criminal justice system but the rise of radical, dangerous and woke ideologies … these threats are real. They must be faced down. And let me assure you – the DUP are up to the challenge. We will always be a voice for common sense values.”

An upbeat Frank McCoubrey reminded delegates that he’d missed out on a seat by 89 (10 years ago in 2016) but with the recent boundary changes stands a good chance to win next May) and said that “the result matters because West Belfast will help determine who wins the election … who is First Minister” adding that “division [within unionism] matters”.

Phillip Brett garnered a good reaction from the delegates, interrupted by more applause than most. The middle of his speech on economic issues outlined the DUP’s approach to the arrested Good Jobs Employment Bill:

“We support good jobs. We support fair treatment for employees. And we offered a practical solution. Split the Bill. Pro-worker. Pro-business. Common sense. More than twenty business organisations raised concerns. And instead of listening, Sinn Féin attacked the messenger. Conference let us be clear, the DUP will not agree to the introduction of Sinn Féin’ anti-jobs bill.”

Diane Forsythe summarised the recent budget negotiations with the Secretary of State:

“… we are not a Party of begging bowl politics. The DUP has plan to transform public services and make government more efficient and accountable. In the coming weeks, we will publish our proposals for public sector reform. These proposals will go in hand with the need for fairer funding – because it is not acceptable to expect the Executive to simply manage decline. We will tackle wasteful, unnecessary and ideological spending …

“Too often politicians run from difficult decisions or simply don’t turn up. Not the Democratic Unionist Party. In government, and in negotiations to come, we will fight for the best possible deal for Northern Ireland. Because the prize is greater than any one of us in this room today.”

Minister for Communities Gordon Lyons delivered a bombastic speech that listed his department’s achievements:

“Northern Ireland’s first ever Sign Language Act. The removal of intimidation points from the Housing Executive selection scheme. The establishment of the Veterans Hotline and real tangible support for those who are and have served. A 17% increase in social homes this year and the delivery of affordable rent homes for working families. And the list goes on: The Olympic legacy fund. 1000 new jobs here through the delivery of DWP services. The £100 winter fuel payment for pension age households. The £100 household oil support scheme. Restored the Ulster Banner at the Commonwealth Games. Action on the licensing and operation of HMOs. A radical approach to getting more people into work. The Travel Awards for Bands programme. Restored funding to Orangefest. The Ulster Scots story on the international stage.”

The arts lobby will notice that the musical instruments fund was the only tangential mention of that aspect of DfC’s remit. A spot of satire at Friday’s Culture Night Belfast included a performer in a lion suit – Gordon the Lyon(s) – being restrained by a cartoon security guard as the maned hero attempted to cancel Culture Night.

“Conference, the choice next May is clear. It is a choice between delivery and dither. Between common sense and empty slogans. Between Ministers who get on with the job and those who specialise in virtue-signalling and constitutional distraction. We have shown what the DUP delivers: practical help for working families, support for our communities and our culture, protection for the taxpayer, and a willingness to speak hard truths that others would rather ignore.”

Jonathan Buckley was well received in the hall when he spoke about unionist (dis)unity:

“Divided unionism has left our opponents emboldened across the Executive. The arithmetic of political power is clear. It determines who has influence, who has leverage and who carries responsibility. Every Unionist Party has a contribution to make. Every unionist vote matters, and every unionist seat matters. Cooperation does not mean pretending our differences do not exist. It means recognising that our opponents benefit whenever unionism spends more time fighting itself than fighting FOR the people we represent. Though we must be clear eyed, the responsibility for strengthening unionism before and after the next election will rest heavily on the DUP.”

On Sinn Féin:

“We have Sinn Féin obsessed with border polls. But they have zero interest in border controls. They’re obsessed with those who arrived on this island 400 years ago, but have closed their eyes and covered their ears to mass migration over just the last five years. They blamed the planters for the delays to the A5, and ignored the fact it was their crazy climate targets that brought it to a halt. They care about the plantation. But nothing on mass migration. Let’s be under no illusion a vote for the DUP is a vote for secure borders and safer streets. We have a Sinn Féin Finance Minister who can’t produce a budget. A Sinn Féin Infrastructure Minister who can’t build a road … An Economy Minister who’s more proficient in losing jobs than creating them.”

Co-opted MLA Julie Middleton (re)introduced herself to the party conference, speaking about her lifetime of roots in Foyle.

“Securing Unionism’s place in Foyle requires us to be confident. Not filled with ego. Not boastful. But humble and steadfast in the work that we carry out. It requires us to understand that unionism must always be about more than a constitutional position. Of course, the Union matters deeply to each of us … More and more, people want to know what the Union means for them. They ask what it means for their family, their children’s education, and future of their communities? That is where I believe we have an enormous opportunity. We need to continue demonstrating that unionism delivers. We need to be the political voice that fights for investment in the North West. We need to champion jobs and economic growth.”

Deputy party leader Michelle McIlveen was the first of four speakers to big-up Gavin Robinson’s leadership which she said was shaped by the party, unionism, Northern Ireland, and the people they represented.

“He does not confuse noise with strength. He does not mistake fury for determination. And he does not believe another soundbite is a substitute for a strategy. He asks the question that matters.”

On renewal within the DUP:

“… look at the women in this party. They are not waiting for an invitation, or to be announced like a prize. They are already doing the work. Deputy Party Leader. Deputy First Minister. Committee chairs. MPs. MLAs. Mayors. Councillors. I am proud to be one of them. And I am proud of the women coming through behind us. Because women do not need a special category or preferential treatment in the DUP. They need the same thing everyone else needs: The opportunity to prove what they can do. And when they do, give them the responsibility. That is merit …

“There is a younger generation coming through too. People who have built careers. Run businesses. Raised families. And, for reasons known only to themselves, decided that getting involved in politics was a good idea! But they are serious people – and next May, many will face the electorate for the first time. And they bring something valuable with them: experience of life outside politics. That is the team. Experienced where experience matters. New where new thinking is needed. That is renewal with substance.”

She branded Michelle O’Neill as “the First Minister for all, well, unless you want the A5 or Casement Park”.

Often tipped as a future party leader, Education Minister Paul Givan paid tribute to the current leader:

“In every role he has been asked to fill, he has proven himself time and time again. And when the call to lead came, Gavin did not hesitate. He stood up, took responsibility and led. For the ultimate measure of a leader is not where they stand in moments of comfort and convenience, but where they stand in times of challenge and controversy.

“As leader of our party Gavin has steadied the ship. Now he is building firm foundations for the future … Gavin has been tried and tested through adversity. His steady assured leadership command the confidence of all around him. Though Gavin is becoming a master of the one-liner, there is never a rash promise or ill-thought-out commitment made. And dare I say it, as it is an increasingly rare achievement, Gavin commands the wholehearted support of his entire Assembly team. For what Gavin has already achieved he deserves our gratitude. And he is only getting started!”

In one of the few references to the arrest and prosecution of the party’s former leader, Givan said:

“As a party, we have faced trials and tribulations. But as the Scriptures tell us, ‘tribulation worketh patience; And patience, experience, and experience, hope.’ And we have hope for the future. For this party, the path has never been smooth or the way broad. But the greatest glory in living, lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall. It is in adversity that we thrive.”

Givan signalled that “the cross-community approval mechanisms for important decisions we won at St Andrews were the basis for the restoration of devolution two decades ago and are even more important today” and not up for negotiation in any talks about Stormont reform.

On other parties:

“Strident TUV press releases […] are no substitute for a seat at the Executive table …

“And what faith can we have that Ulster Unionist MLAs would hold the line, whether their leader would wish them to or not. Indeed, one would have to wonder if any guarantees from the UUP on this issue would be worth the town hall in which they were made! …

“The battle for unionist votes at the next election will be fiercely fought. Though we agree on much, areas of disagreement remain. Be assured, the TUV and UUP will pose very different challenges. One is a one-man band – the other is the TUV!”

Moving onto his education portfolio:

“Gerry Carroll – of ‘victory to the Palestinian resistance’ on October 7 fame – even tried to remove me from ministerial office for visiting what we would call an integrated school in Jerusalem …

“In 2022 childcare was a centrepiece of our election manifesto. And within months of taking office I acted. I didn’t need a lengthy review to tell me what I already knew. I developed the Northern Ireland Childcare Subsidy scheme which has generated £26
million in savings for more than 20,000 working families. Combined with Tax-Free Childcare, families have benefited from £56 million in support. And I want to do more. We have created an additional 4,700 full-time pre-school places giving 65% children a full-time place …

“We are making a difference to the real lives of real people … I was delighted to deliver on another DUP manifesto commitment and remove the outdated and unfair ‘socially disadvantaged criterion’ to ensure all children have equal access to the pre-school places in their local communities. While others talk about hard-working families, we deliver for them!

“We’ve passed the School Uniform Bill, to cut costs for families. Made sure that starting teacher salaries have risen by 36% to almost £33,000, while average teacher pay has increased by almost £10,000 to over £50,000. And most importantly, I am delivering my TransformED Strategy, which marks the most far-reaching education reform in decades, grounded in research, evidence and international best practice …

“Catholic maintained schools consistently outperform controlled schools, even when
comparing schools with similar levels of disadvantage. In 2024/25, there was a 10-point gap in the proportion of pupils achieving 5 good GCSEs when comparing Catholic and controlled non-grammar schools. In a different place at a different time this would be the cause of a civil rights campaign! But I bet you haven’t heard Sinn Féin say a word about it …

“Biological boys should not use girls’ toilets. Biological boys should not use girls’ changing rooms. And boys should not play competitive sports against girls. You may think that is just common sense, but that is an alien concept to many at Stormont. Just remember those outcomes were not brought about by issuing press statements but by holding Ministerial office.”

Emma Little-Pengelly stepped up to the podium having changed out of her original blue jacket into a white one to better contrast with the conference set’s blue backdrop.

“You have never lost faith in what we believe in nor lost sight of why we are here. That our role is to stand up for what maCers and protect what we cherish so much. The DUP does not exist simply to manage the challenges facing our country. We are here to meet them head on, whether at Westminster, in the Assembly or in council chambers across Northern Ireland.”

The deputy First Minister briefly referenced the instability caused by Russian war in Ukraine, and conflict in the Middle East.

“In my role as jointly leading the Executive, I have firmly put our stamp on how we do business: driving delivery and reform including on health waiting lists; championing our defence and aerospace sectors; demanding and delivering on transformation and efficiency. Conference, that is what the DUP brings to the table: delivery, competence, confidence and strength. When other parties whinge about ‘DUP blockers’, what do they mean conference? They mean they are not getting their way. When Sinn Féin throw tantrums, it just means they have not been able to bully their agenda through.”

Accusing the First Minister of “scuttling off to Cardiff” last week, Little-Pengelly said “I am no shrinking violet, as Michelle O’Neill knows. I will never allow Sinn Féin to use, misuse and weaponise the role of First Minister.”

She outlined the DUP’s vision of Stormont reform:

“We need a planning system that produces a decision in weeks… not years… and we will bring forward legislation to do that. We need to take back control from the Judges… change the law and stop the Climate Change Act preventing our key infrastructure. We will bring forward a time-bound and costed roadmap to invest in and fix our sewage and water. We will ensure a plan to have a civil service that is accountable and right-sized. Driving out waste and inefficiency. That is the reform the DUP would bring – changes that actually make a difference, not tinkering with names and titles.”

Former boxer and council candidate for Three Mile Water Daryl Clarke introduced the party leader.

Gavin Robinson stepped into the ring up to deliver his four-thousand-word address, raising his arms in the air and almost conducting the willing audience’s applause and affection. He sounded relaxed and looked at home in front of the 300 or so delegates. His speech felt too long by modern standards, yet nothing like some of Peter Robinson’s major conference orations. He intermittently stepped to the side of the podium, towards the end standing directly in front of it to.

“Friends, last year I stood on this platform and told you that at the heart of politics lies trust. Without it, nothing endures. I meant it then. And I mean it now.

“In the year since, we have had to confront the appalling crimes against children committed by a man who once led this party. This party acted decisively in March 2024 when Jeffrey Donaldson was first charged. Our first thoughts must always be with his victims. They deserve our compassion, support and respect. And I know that many good people in this hall this afternoon, and beyond, feel deeply deceived and let down by a life of lies. I understand that – because I share it too.

“But our responsibility goes beyond expressing how we feel. It demands action and it demands answers. That is why I commissioned an independent review to establish what, if anything, was known in this party concerning allegations of inappropriate conduct relating to safeguarding and to examine our reporting mechanisms.

“Colleagues, this is the standard we must meet. As Leader of this Party, I will always choose the harbour of truth. We will face the past honestly. And we will not let the actions, the vile actions, of one man define our values and our integrity.

“Today we look forward as we fulfil our solemn responsibilities. Serving people; doing the work; earning trust through what we do; because the job is serving people. The focus must be on: their lives, their families and their communities, and making our country the best we know it can be.

“Some have forgotten that being elected is about serving the people. But colleagues, this party never has. Some measure success by how many strangers they can wind up online before teatime, or how many likes they can rack up on Facebook. Others measure it by empty slogans whilst having no plan for our people or our country. I measure it, we measure it, by what makes the lives of all our people better.

“Last year, when I addressed you, I promised I would not retreat behind a desk in Westminster or Belfast, but I would get out into the beating heart of Northern Ireland, our communities, and listen. And I have. When you spend time in our towns, villages and countryside, you are reminded very quickly what people actually want.

“A school place; a hospital appointment; a home; a job; a fair chance to build a life here. That is the test. Did we make it better? They don’t want the commentary service offered by our political opponents. They want representatives who are on their side, who will stand up for them, and who understand what needs to be done. And colleagues, in this party that is what they will always find.

“Making that positive difference takes a strong, and experienced team. And I am proud of the strong DUP team we have built. It distinguishes our party from all others. We are not a one-man band; or a one-man media team. We are comprised of members, rooted in our communities; who serve them with energy and determination.

“I am proud of those serving in government in the Executive. I am proud of our Party in the Assembly, in Parliament and on our eleven councils. This year alone, our membership has grown. We have many new members stepping forward to be candidates next year. I’m delighted at the number of young people now coming forward to take responsibility in this party.

“You see it in our Young Democrats. They are campaigning. Building the party they will one day lead. I want to thank Callum and the team who have worked so hard this year to re-establish our Young Democrats and mobilise it; building new relationships within Unionism.

“That is how we are renewing our party. New talent drawn from all walks of life, working alongside those representatives who have been battle hardened, and wise to the pitfalls along the way.”

THANKS

“Colleagues, I want to thank our Deputy Leader, Michelle for her wise counsel, her steadfastness and for her work over the last year. Michalle, thank you. I want to thank and salute the faithful dedication of our Party Chairman, Lord Morrow, who this year is in his 26th year as our Chair. I treasure his wise advice and his wisdom. Some of you will know that he is unable to be with us today due to family circumstances and I know I speak for you all when I say, we send our love, our thoughts and our prayers to Maurice and his wife Jennifer at this time.

“And to our Ministers, to Emma, to (pauses as he looks around the front row) Gordon – he’s lost so much weight I can hardly see him! – to Paul, and to Joanne – thank you for carrying the responsibilities of government, and never forgetting the people who depend on the decisions they take.

“To all our Assembly members for the judgement, energy and determination they bring to our work in the Assembly, and what you deliver right across our constituencies. To my Parliamentary colleagues for their ongoing efforts to advocate for Northern Ireland in Parliament and their focus on holding the Government to account.

“And to our councillors, who do so much unseen work I say a very big thank you. We often refer to the role of councillor as being at the ‘coalface,’ and it’s true. It does my heart good when I travel the length and breadth of Northern Ireland to see and to hear the impactful work of DUP councillors in our local communities. It is dealing with everyday issues and problems that matter to the people.

“We have councillors working tirelessly in their communities, Assembly members scrutinising legislation and holding departments to account, ministers focused on delivery, and parliamentarians and peers who are prepared to stand up in Westminster and ensure Northern Ireland’s voice is heard. Thank you.

“And to our association officers, staff, activists and many volunteers: thank you one
and all. You have all stood by this party, you are valued and together we make the team. And when we succeed, it will be all of your achievement too.

“Colleagues, we meet today as the largest unionist party. More MPs. More MLAs. And more councillors. Next year every vote will matter. Because votes mean representation. And representation means influence. And influence allows us to make the right decisions for Northern Ireland.

“You know, a good idea without seats: it’s just a letter to the editor. However, a good idea with a mandate gets things done. The stakes could not be higher nor the consequences greater. That’s why this party, we need to win.”

KEY BATTLEGROUNDS

“We are well advanced in our selection processes and we will field a very significant
group of candidates in both the Assembly and Council elections. Colleagues, there will be a number of consequential electoral battlegrounds next year.

“Those who take a keen interest in the Siege of Derry will have heard names like Mitchelburne, Walker and Browning… but let’s consider Adam Murray, the Colonel known for his daring raids and unquestioned courage. Once again, the Unionist people of Londonderry are under siege and make no mistake about it there is only one person, Julie Middleton MLA, who can win through for unionism. Show your support and resolve for our Murray, Julie Middleton MLA and the battle to come. Good on you Julie.

“In North Antrim, our trusted crusader Paul Frew is going to be joined by Councillor Darryl Wilson. Darryl, your quest, is to win back for Unionism in North Antrim, demonstrating that unity is strength, division costs and the proud people of your constituency can’t afford to make that mistake again. We’re with you.

“And in my own city of Belfast, the loyal people of the Shankill Road now have a once in a generation chance to receive the representation they need. West Belfast, the Shankill, Suffolk, Highfield, Woodvale and Glencairn have in Councillor Frank McCoubrey a man they know and trust. He is one of you. So to Julie – stand up – to Darryl and to Frank, in accepting the challenge before you, know this, our Party has your back and is with 100% of the way.”

BENFITTING COMMUNITIES

“Colleagues, with votes and support we have been able to effect change for the benefit of hard-pressed working families across Northern Ireland. Childcare was costing some families more than their mortgage. Our minister, Paul Givan, cut that bill through the biggest investment in early-learning this country has ever made. That’s action, colleagues, taken by this Party.

“And for a mother or father, that means being able to get back to work. For a family, it means money left at the end of the month. That is real delivery. Parents were fighting for a school place that could meet their child’s needs. It was our Minister delivered more special educational needs classes and expanded pre-school provision. Colleagues, that is real delivery.

“Our Minister, Gordon Lyons, invested in the places that hold communities together. Community halls. Marching bands. Sports clubs. Colleagues that is real delivery with real results.

“Gordon also ensured construction started on 1,765 new social homes and delivered 940 co-ownership homes. He’s tackling benefit fraud and making sure work in this country pays. Recognising our armed forces community needed somewhere to turn for help and advice, he delivered a dedicated support line.

“And that’s why seats at the Executive table matter. They give us a hand on the wheel, yes. But they give us more than that. It gives us a foot on the brake.

“We removed harmful transgender guidance from our schools and kept a Christian
ethos at the heart of religious education. Those were DUP decisions.

So remember, you cannot change government from an empty chair. You cannot stop a bad decision from outside the room. We successfully and reversed changes to rates valuations that would have decimated the tourism and hospitality sectors. This wouldn’t have happened under a Labour Minister in London. And yet some in Unionism would surrender decision-making to those who would focus little on our interests.”

ON THE NEED FOR REFORM

“Conference, this Party believes in devolution and recognises that decisions are best taken by those who know Northern Ireland. But we need institutions that are focused on the people’s priorities. Too often, left-wing parties spend more time obsessing and campaigning on issues over which the Assembly has no remit for, whilst out campaigning with each other on the latest mad-cap idea. Such out of touch behaviour does nothing to get to grips with the challenges faced on an everyday basis.

“In the next term, the Assembly needs to get back to a laser-sharp focus on the issues that matter to people’s everyday lives. It also needs to be built on a recognition of the reality that power-sharing can only work when supported by both Unionist AND nationalists; and when everyone recognises they are being treated fairly.

“Consent is the foundation of power-sharing. You only have to look at Belfast City Hall, or in councils in the west of the Province to see what happens when that principle is ignored. Sinn Féin and the SDLP too often treat the rights and traditions of unionists as obstacles; rather than people to be respected. That is not power-sharing, that is majoritarianism.

“In recent months, calls have been growing by these left-wing parties to reform the workings of the Assembly and Executive. Let me be clear: we support reform that will better deliver for all our people. People deserve quicker decisions, better services and a government that works more effectively for them. But calls for institutional reform by those parties, as they try to outdo one other, they are not designed to advance the cause of everyday issues. They are designed to weaken those who support the Union, and who work to see Northern Ireland succeed.

“No self-respecting Unionist should allow themselves to naively fall into the trap of lining up with those who are determined to weaken the consent mechanisms at Stormont. And the UK Government must not allow the whispering voices of the SDLP to undermine confidence in the foundational arrangements that have been so painstakingly assembled.

“Reforms must strengthen power-sharing, not remove the safeguards that protect it. We support reform that improves delivery and will shortly set out our views on how improvements can be made and how waste and bureaucracy gone mad can be reduced.

“But we will never support reforms that are designed to strip unionists of their consent for our governing arrangements.”

SINN FÉIN AND PRESIDENT TRUMP

“Colleagues, in recent times, Sinn Féin has had a make-over to cover their blushes for their lack of delivery. Promises made. Announcements repeated. But delivery … nowhere.

“But it’s not just what they fail to deliver. It’s what they want to impose: higher taxes, climate ideology over jobs, and woke madness over common sense. Conference, we make no apology for standing up for common sense.

“But common sense must mean more than simply stopping bad ideas. It means, backing work. Supporting employers. Letting our teachers teach and keep order in the classroom. Protecting the vulnerable but rooting out welfare fraud. And ensuring that government serves the people rather than continually lecturing them. Sinn Féin, the SDLP and the Alliance can compete to move Northern Ireland further to the left. We intend to keep moving Northern Ireland forward.

“Conor Murphy made a rare appearance over the summer and he told us we should expect “the wheels were coming off the Executive”. And I told him to tighten his nuts. (audience cheered) Isn’t it funny how the threats stopped after that. Mr Murphy, I don’t know how painful a process that was for you, but I know this, the DUP will not be threatened or bullied.

“And when Sinn Féin, when they have no answer on waiting lists, school places or the A5, they reach for the same old distraction playbook: a divisive border poll designed to destroy Northern Ireland and our way of life. Need to do something about waiting lists? I know, a border poll. The A5? A border poll. Casement Park? A border poll.

“But a border poll won’t build Casement Park. It won’t cut a waiting list. It won’t build a road. It won’t put a teacher in a classroom. When people need delivery, Sinn Féin offer distraction.

“Now last weekend, the President of the United States (small boo from audience) was in the Republic for the Irish Open. A united Ireland, he told us, would be a wonderful thing. Well now, for a man who came to watch the best golfers in the world, he certainly managed to take one heck of a swing and hit the bunker with that one. Our future will be decided by the people who live here.

“And while some seem to take pleasure in talking down Northern Ireland, our job as Unionists is to promote Northern Ireland and the benefits of the Union between Great Britain and Northern Ireland. We have one objective Mr President: to Make Northern Ireland Great Again. (big cheer from audience)”

Tucked into the speech was a paragraph that could have been lifted straight from something Peter Robinson’s era (or Mike Nesbitt’s time at the helm of the UUP).

“A Northern Ireland where a unionist never has to apologise for being British. But also a nationalist never has to apologise for being Irish. Where our traditions can be confident, without being confrontational. And where one person’s belonging does not depend on another person’s being diminishing. That is the Northern Ireland we want to build. And that is how we make the Union stronger: by making it the best and only choice for everyone.”

“This summer, Belfast welcomed the Fleadh. And we welcomed them. Because confidence is not threatened by somebody else’s culture. But confidence cannot mean one tradition is celebrated while another is demonised. Look at our marching bands. Young people. Parents. Volunteers. People giving of their time to practise and play, to parade and keep our traditions alive. Yet too often, they are targeted and smeared by Sinn Féin and associated agitators. That is not respect and equality.”

Drumcree was dealt with in seconds.

“Look at Portadown. Portadown Orangemen have rights too. So let me be clear: our traditions do not need Sinn Féin’s permission to exist. Because a shared Northern Ireland cannot mean one tradition is celebrated whilst another is demonised. That is not a shared future and we’re not interested in that.

“And the same principle applies when people raise concerns about immigration. People are worried about pressure on housing, schools, healthcare and public services. They are worried about illegal immigration and a system that feels out of control. Those concerns should not be dismissed. Controlling immigration is not extreme; and expecting people to respect our laws and play their part is not extreme either. Our immigration system must work for the people who live here. Fairness is not intolerance. Common sense deserves a voice; and we will be that voice.

“Being on Northern Ireland’s side means making our case in London with the same determination we bring to the Assembly. Where the Government acts in Northern Ireland’s interests, we will work with it to get things done. When it gets it wrong, we will challenge them. Our loyalty is to the people of Northern Ireland.

“The Prime Minister talks about taking power out of the centre and giving communities a say over their own future. We support devolution, but he needs to turn his mind to the harm done by the Windsor Framework and the areas of law where we have no say over what is imposed upon us. He needs to explain, why a manufacturer in Lisburn fills in forms to trade with Liverpool that a manufacturer in Leeds has never heard of.

“Prime Minister, you cannot preach devolution in Manchester and whilst at the same time defend the Irish Sea border. Northern Ireland’s full place in this Union must be restored; and barriers to trade within our own country must become a thing of the past.”

REFORMING STORMONT

“Next year’s elections, both to our Assembly and our Councils will shape Northern Ireland for decades. Will our public services be reformed? Will our health service turn the corner? Will a generation find opportunity with a growing economy here? Will our schools be places of learning or places of ideology? And will we ensure the Union is stronger and more prosperous, defeating the separatist’s agenda again?

“Northern Ireland cannot afford five years of drift. Unionism cannot afford five years of division and weakness. The next five years must be about a new direction – proving what Northern Ireland can become.

“A Northern Ireland where people can build secure lives that are secure in this province. Where families can put down roots. Where businesses can grow. Where talent has a reason to stay. Where opportunity does not depend on leaving. Leadership means making the right decisions, and having the courage to see them through.

“We will ask the voters to give us a mandate for a new programme, pioneered by a strong and determined Unionist team to enter the next Executive. To take our place and to get things done for the people. Because the question is no longer simply what we want Northern Ireland to be. It is whether we have the ambition – and the courage – to make it better.”

THE ELECTIONS ANDNOT SPLITTING THE UNIONIST VOTE

“On the 6th May real choices, which will bring real consequences, will be made by the people. Today, I say this to all who consider themselves to be pro-Union, as well as to those who don’t define themselves in that way. The choices that you make will determine the type of Northern Ireland we will live in. Those choices really will shape the future. That is the reality of our system of government.

“To those who would wish we could have direct rule and close the Assembly down. To those who see no value in voting or who think nothing will change, I say this: You want your children to build their lives here, your parents cared for, you want to be proud of Northern Ireland, your community and identity respected and common sense restored, and our place in the United Kingdom secure.

“So do I. But let me be blunt. Staying at home, or voting for parties that spend more timing attacking fellow unionists, and who have no plan, will deliver a weakened and divided unionism – and that is exactly what Sinn Féin hope for. They know, what split votes and lost seats will mean for Unionism and the Union. More power for them to take Northern Ireland in the wrong direction. That’s the danger.

“Two years ago, I said to you all: For too long, too many within unionism have thrived on attacking one another. Let me say very clearly, I am not interested. Our electorate is not interested either. And I said to you all, I was not prepared to be part of a cycle of Pro-Union in-fighting between people who should be working together and who say they share the same goal.

“Today I say this: I won’t allow, however, the strength and resolve of our cause to be diminished by one man’s ego or another’s ambition. As the lead Unionist Party, The Democratic Unionist Party will not be found wanting when it comes to co-operating to maximise the pro-Union vote.

“For my part, I am committed to constructively work and actively engage again with other Unionist Parties, as we have before, to get the largest number of pro-Union candidates elected to the Assembly and to our Councils. Working together, we are stronger.

“We can, with serious intent, work closely to make sure there are sensible outcomes in terms of our policy proposals and ideas, collectively encourage voters specifically to give preference votes for all Pro-Union candidates.

“We can work to ensure that constituencies and DEAs are not flooded with candidates from various unionist parties. We can also develop co-operation between parties in the Assembly and in the councils across Northern Ireland. It is already on the public record that I have engaged with the Ulster Unionist Party, and we are willing to meet in a wider format, drawing in all those who see benefit in co-operation if others are willing to engage.

“I am not asking anyone to give up what they believe. I am asking that collectively, we do not gift-wrap seats to Sinn Féin, the SDLP or Alliance that we could otherwise win.

“Our Union is bigger than any one party. But it needs a strong unionist party with the strength to lead, negotiate and deliver. A strong DUP team will be at the heart of that effort. A voice no government can ignore. A big team, with the talent and strength to turn our arguments into action.

“And let us make every unionist vote count. Because this election is not simply about what we believe. It is about the choice that will be made and the vision that will be delivered. Let us be judged not only by what we promise, but by what we build. Not by the arguments we make, but by the lives we improve. Not by the divisions we inherit, but by the future we create.

“Friends, we believe in Northern Ireland. We believe in its people. We believe it can be more prosperous, more confident, more secure, and more ambitious. A place where talent does not have to leave to succeed. Where communities have hope.

“That is the Northern Ireland we believe in. And that is how we make the case for the Union. Not simply by defending what we inherited. But by making it worth inheriting. Our children will not inherit our convictions simply because we tell them to. They will judge the Union by what it means in their lives. By the opportunities it gives them. By the security it provides. By whether it helps them build a future here. That is our challenge.

“So let us leave today with determination. To serve, to deliver, to lead. Believing the best days of Northern Ireland are ahead. So let us get to work. Now. Let us give our people something more powerful than an argument. Let us give them a reason to believe. A Northern Ireland worth believing in. And a Union strong enough, confident enough and generous enough to be the only choice.

“But we must work to make it a reality. And it can only become a reality by winning in May. Knocking on every door, seeking every vote in every street and every road. In May, make Northern Ireland’s future your business. We are one team. With one purpose. And one future. Northern Ireland in the only Union that matters.”

Slugger won’t be at next Saturday’s UUP conference to hear Jon Burrows’ second ever speech to his party conference: we’d announced our Cushendun Summer School (a few tickets still available) before their conference was announced!

My mother was staring into the open coal fire she had lit earlier with the suet from the butchers, assisted by the double leaf page of the Irish Press to create a draught. Chewing cloves in a toothless mouth, her bare legs rested on the fireplace, crimson with phlebitis, reminiscent of a drawing I’d seen the day before of the Nile Delta on the geography class cork-board.

I told him to get help.

Dr Glass said he had brought men like him out the other side.

He wouldn’t listen.

But he’d listen to Johnny Turley propping up his bar with his Belfast stories.

Paying for Turley’s boys boarding above in St. Malachy’s.

He wrote songs you know.

Eileen Courtney recorded his best one.

Did the books for half the businesses in the town as well.

He was a smart man your da.

He costed the White Unicorn Hotel right down to the last building block.

She stared into the fire as if it was telling her fortune or hypnotically enchanting her.

What are we going to do now son?

What are we going to do?

I only have a widdahs pension to make everything last,

How are we going to cope?

Will you to round to O’Gormans for the messages?

The list in the red pass book on the table.

Make sure you get served by oul Joe.

The son makes the prices up as he goes along.

Make sure you both sign the book.

She started to dose off as the Roche Valium kicked in. I read: small tin of Waddles Pork Luncheon meat, three firm tomatoes, McCaldin’s sliced pan (not Peter Lyon’s) a quarter of red cheese, Jacob’s Marietta biscuits and 10 Sweet Afton. I left her in a trance heading down the overgrown back lane past the terraced houses all with outside toilets. A red setter dog licked his testicles on the porch. I shouted over

I wish I could do that Mr Armstrong!

Give him a bone and he might let you.

He laughed so loud at his own joke I could see his tonsils bouncing around like a ball bearing in the pinball machine in Goldrush amusements. The Polo Mint on his tongue a redundant lifebuoy as he collapsed in a heap on his wicker chair, shoulders heaving like an asthmatic hippopotamus.

The fascia above O’Gorman’s bearing the legend GENERAL GROCERY STORE was a complete misnomer. It was more like the trading posts in the cowboy films I’d see at the matinees in the Luxor cinema, with petrol pumps, coal, turf, slack, and animal feed for sale in the adjoining market yard. Mr O’Gorman reared his own pigs in the back sheds slaughtering them for sale. The main shop itself was divided into two areas. One for general groceries, the other for confectionary or luxury goods that catered for the people who didn’t live in terraces with outside toilets. His wife, the Materfamilias of the clan, managed her side like a separate company. There was no crossover to his side.

Your daddy was a smart man. He was tuk too soon cub.

Youse have suffered a severe blow.

Sympathetically, O’Gorman’s son twirled the three tomatoes in the air in a plastic wrap, like James Last conducting his orchestra. He laid them on the counter tied firm without the use of string. Using the ubiquitous pencil lodged behind his right ear he wrote the prices into the book with the skill of a surgeon. I was nervous at this stage as ma said he wasn’t to do it. Much to his chagrin I gave the book to his father for authorisation as we both signed it off. The son threw me a look that would have bubbled door paint as I put my provisions into the wicker basket to head back to the terrace known colloquially as The Gullet.

I landed back at the house as the Valium had almost worn off but she was still staring blankly into the fire which I reloaded with coal.

Go easy on that son, it has to last us until Friday – who served you?

Mr O Gorman ma. We both signed it.

She took the book off me inspecting it like a jeweller before sitting on it for safe keeping. Later she prepared the tea serving copious amounts of pork luncheon meat sandwiches, dismissing my suggestion of chips, declaring that chip pans burn houses down. She made a dish of stachie which was a concoction of Jacob’s Marietta biscuits lodged with milky tea in a big mug. It was eaten with a spoon as a surrogate after dinner dessert.

There’s nourishment in this son.

That’s why your teeth are so good.

Paradoxically, her teeth were gaping out of a beetroot jar on the windowsill.

About midday on the following Saturday I was halfway through the exploits of Bully Beef in The Dandy comic when I heard her talking conspiratorially in the hallway. I recognised one of the voices, as one of my teachers. The other one I couldn’t decipher. I heard her whisper,

If youse think it’s not much bother or if it’s not putting youse out it would be a great help to us.

She called me out to the hallway to introduce me to Mr Pritchard my aforementioned teacher. Accompanying him was the corpulent Mr Brady who was a headmaster in another school across the border. He had three beautiful daughters who didn’t speak to people with outside toilets. Prichard told my mother they’d be back in a couple of hours.

You seem to have got great wear out of those gutties!

How long do you have them Houdi?

About a year Mr. Pritchard.

We have to wear them in school as the black ones mark the floor.

That’s right Houdi.

Mr Brady smiled at me bending slightly, forming his waistline avoirdupois into a bellows like my da used in his lock up unit where he made headstones to supplement his income.

We’re going to get you a new pair of boots for after school so you can keep the gutties for inside only.

Prichard then stooped closing one eye. I felt his incarnadine jowl touch my ear as he whispered

you might get a new pair of plimsolls too Houdi.

I learned later that plimsolls were the fancy name given to gutties by people who had inside toilets. We traipsed up the towards the Diamond making smalltalk. I noticed several people staring at us like we were a visiting circus, me walking between two teachers, one of whom never set foot in my school. We entered a shop what would be described today as idiosyncratic. It was a fully licensed premises on one side, a shoe-shop on the other with the bartender serving customers on both sides. The three of them chatted privately while I looked around at what seemed like hundreds of boxes in their own pigeon holes with sizes exposed for handiness.

What can I do for you young man?

The bartender, looking out through glasses shaped from the bottoms of Jam Jars.

I’d like a pair of ankle boots like what you have in the window

Aha, they’re just new in and they are all the rage now.

You’ll have all the girls running after you when they you see in them.

He opened a new box which declared size five, loosened the laces, removed the tissue paper padding, put one boot on my right foot lacing it up, repeating the process with the left. He stood up forming the posture of a matador putting to death his bovine quarry. He told me to walk up and down the shop to see if they fitted neatly. To reassure himself he pressed his thumb into the front to check for a void.

Yes they are just the job.

They should last a few years if they’re looked after.

He put them back into the box. The same ceremony was performed on a new pair of plimsolls. They then asked me to wait outside. Through the window I noticed them filling in paper forms but no money exchanged hands.

They exited the shop to join me for the walk home. Me with a box in either arm feeling like I had won the Hospital Sweepstake. As we passed Friars General Drapers, Prichard asked

would you like a new gansey too Houdi?

I looked at him inquisitively as he explained further,

a sweater or a jumper

My heart was pumping with excitement but I didn’t want to be too selfish to say yes but they didn’t wait for an answer. Again they whispered to the assistant while they filled in forms as I waited outside. Shortly after that they dropped me off at the front door. My mother waved goodbye to them both, her eyes piercing the merchandise. She made me parade up and down the kitchen several times announcing

you’ll have to keep them good son?

They’ll have to last you the year.

A substantial portion of stachie was served as I watched the Late Late Show on a black and white TV with a reception picture like one of the shake a snowstorm ornaments her sister Lucy sent from America. On Monday I marched up to school in my new ankle boots taking great care not to score them. My geansy was checked for creases. Later I changed into my new plimsolls to head for English Literature. They were so comfortable. On the way home from school at lunchtime I met some sniggering pupils from the rival school which was adjacent to ours.

Hi Houdi you are well rigged out today.

I love the the pompotties you got from Murdock’s.

St Vincent de Paul were good to ya.

As ma served me Royco farmhouse vegetable soup with a spud as a centrepiece I asked her who St Vincent de Paul was.

He was a French Saint who was sold off as a slave.

I was still bewildered as to what this had to do with my ankle boots, or my plimsolls or my geansy. On going back to school I met a neighbour who like us also had the outside toilet facility in her abode.

Oh that’s a great rig out Prichard got you from St Vincent de Paul.

Aren’t they a very good charity, but sometimes thosins from the Park abuse it.

There’s never enough to go around.

A gossamer cloak of shame enveloped me all the way up to school as my mouth formed a vat of crushed cranberries for fear I would encounter the girls from the other school. I was sitting in Prichard’s class just after lunch-break. My hatred toward him was tangible. I felt beguiled by him, by Brady too with his three lovely daughters. Even my own mother had hoodwinked me. That’s why the forms were been filled in surreptitiously. That’s why I was made stand outside. That’s why no money changed hands. That’s why the girls were sniggering because I was a tramp from the gully.

After school on the way home the cloud of darkness did not disperse, In fact, it was more concentrated, as if I had swallowed a tin of Jeyes Fluid. I stormed in the door with ma still in a semi trance with President Kennedy behind her, Jesus Christ and his lamp above her as she stared into the fire.

Ma! Why didn’t you tell me ma.

Why didn’t you tell me about the free boots ma?

And the gutties and the geansy?

They all think we are tramps!

She looked at me half dazed like a new born myxomatosis infected rabbit.

Sometimes son you need a wee lift, just a wee lift.

That riposte didn’t assuage my anger as I looked at my tramp’s face in the mirror. On the way out I put my fist into it watching the pieces sprinkle on to the floor like the screen on our useless monochromatic TV. I ran around to the local newsagent Tommy Carroll to ask him for an after school job, any job.

No bother Houdi. When can you start?

How about now Tommy?

But it wasn’t easy.

I used to dread 3rd Form English. Each week, our teacher selected one pupil to read aloud from a book we were studying and then asked them to nominate the next person to read.

Inevitably, I was chosen. My so-called mates thought it a great hoot watching the big rugby player go bright red in the face and stumble through every word and sentence.

It was humiliating and excruciating. Perhaps our teacher thought that exposure to public reading would help. But the experience just left me with unhappy memories and a lasting legacy.

For me, dyslexia meant that letters and words seemed to jump around the page. My reading was slow and laborious, my writing was poor and my spelling was appalling.

I still can’t spell the word “dyslexia” without looking it up. I mean, why on earth did someone decide to give a learning disorder a name so many dyslexic people struggle to spell!?

It affected more than just my reading and writing skills as it also impacted on the way I communicated with other people. It took me years to recognise that my brain needed more time to process information and organise my thoughts. I found answering multiple questions particularly difficult. Giving presentations or speaking to groups could also be a challenge.

So how on earth did I get elected as a councillor on Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon Borough Council?

The answer is that, over the years, I developed coping mechanisms. I diligently write down key points when I am listening to someone and also make shorthand notes of what to say during a debate or group discussion.

When I chaired the council’s economic committee, I had to record video presentations. Despite having a patient and helpful videographer, I found the autocue almost impossible to read and blundered through a few of the well-scripted pieces. But I managed to get through and learnt about my strengths and weaknesses as a result.

Perhaps dyslexia is also one of the reasons I have always driven myself so hard in my career. I wanted to prove to others that struggling through school and college did not mean I lacked ability. I didn’t want to be silenced by dyslexia and sometimes I thought that my example might help others in a similar situation.

Then in 2019, at about 6am after a marathon election count, I was elected to serve the people of Banbridge with a majority of just 16 votes!

Serving the people of Banbridge for four years as a councillor was the honour of my life. But, for me, it was proof that struggling at school does not have to determine your achievements later in life. By writing about this I hope to give others in a similar situation the encouragement to go for their goals and dreams too.

More recently, I completed Susan Steele’s Performance Breakthrough programme. I found the programme enormously helpful and, importantly, it gave me greater confidence to take on challenges I might previously have avoided, including radio interviews on civil engineering and infrastructure.

I find that some humour helps too. One of my favourite sayings at home when I mix up a sentence and mispronounce a word is, “I think I have mixed up my ‘worms’ again!”

Thankfully, younger people with dyslexia are growing up in a world with greater awareness of neurodiversity and, I hope, better support than many of my generation experienced.

My message to others is simple.

Having dyslexia may mean that you have to find a different route, which may mean developing your own techniques or working harder at certain skills, as I have done. But it should never silence you.

Our neurodivergent differences should be understood, included and celebrated.

If nothing else, dyslexia has given me the determination to keep going and to prove that it does not diminish ability.

Sluggerites visiting the Old Church in Cushendun for the Big Day Out might be amused to know how a locally-known figure, popular in the early twentieth century for her verses celebrating the beauty and people of the Glens of Antrim, came a cropper for her political views.

As you approach the church you’ll see to the right of the door a blue plaque to ‘Moira O’Neill (Agnes Higginson Skrine)’. Her Songs of the Glens of Antrim, in print from 1900 into the 1930s, are still quoted locally for descriptions of the landscape and poignant, if sentimental, portraits of local people.

She had some empathy for the hard condition of their lives. Go to the strand and look back at the country behind, where she walked as a young person (harder to do that nowadays). She wrote a poem of exile and return-to-find-the-girl-dead about the people of the little cluster of cottages up the hill there, with the refrain:

All the gold in Ballytearim is what’s stickin’ to the whin;

All the crows in Ballytearim has a way o’ gettin’ thin.

Then turn to your right, where

There’s a house upon the sea-sand, a white house an’ low,

The gulls are flyin’ over it, the red roses blow.

By night the waves are breakin’, an’ the moon is on the sea;

Sure all that I love are there, all that love me.

This is Rockport Lodge, the elegant home of her heart—but not of most of the years of her life, which were spent in Mauritius, Italy, England, Canada, and finally the south of Ireland.

Nesta (the name ‘Moira O’Neill’ actually called herself) was married in the Old Church in 1895 to an Englishman, and joined him on his cattle ranch in Canada, after which they moved to the south of Ireland.

When they lived in County Wexford in 1916, the Easter Rising brought out another view of local people. Penning an immediate response, published in Blackwood’s Magazine that June, she described the scene nine miles away in ‘about the most disloyal town in Ireland’, where it was ‘unaccountable how the leaders in Enniscorthy controlled their following even for the short while that they did, and prevented them from getting drink’. Nearby Ferns, ‘was full of the rabble for days . . . Boys of fourteen and fifteen were given rifles and bayonets, and flourished them freely in the face of respectable people’.

But her greater anger was based on a sense of betrayal: ‘In Ireland disloyalty is the chief recommendation to place and power: for loyal subjects do not command enough votes to make them of any importance to a British government anxious about its own tenure of office.’

It was bad luck for her that Robert Brennan, Commandant of the Wexford Brigade, was shown the article after he returned from imprisonment, his death sentence commuted. He recalled it late in life as ‘a fantastic and mischievous account of our depredations’.^[1]

A journalist, he was head of the Sinn Féin Press Bureau from 1918 to 1921. I could be wrong, but considering that her home was burned down by the IRA just a few days before the truce—the indictment cited her journalism—Robert Brennan may have felt that a score was settled.

He went on to an illustrious career in the media and government, serving as Irish Minister at Washington, 1938-1947—he wrote mystery stories and a play, too. Nesta wrote a last novel and a few more articles for Blackwood’s.

The Skrine family bought the house next door with their compensation money. My father kept his life-long smouldering resentment well-hidden; in the present generations, the fire is out. Nesta’s grandson still farms the land, living in a house near the ruin, from which he took the granite pillars of the porch for his new one.

1. Bureau of Military History, S.537 ↑

Based on what, exactly?

Where is the organisation? Where are the candidates? Where are the properly funded local campaigns? Where are the teams of people identifying voters, knocking doors and rebuilding an organisation that has been allowed to disappear in large parts of Northern Ireland?

Elections are not won because somebody at SDLP headquarters announces that the party is feeling optimistic, nor indeed that a former SDLP Communications Director who now writes for a local newspaper, describes the party’s conference as being a success and having a “buzz about the place”.

No! They are won on the ground, street by street and door by door.

I know because I have done it. Believe me, I have done it!

In 2019, I won an SDLP council seat in Ballymena. I did so with virtually no meaningful assistance from the central party. I built the campaign locally. I financed much of it myself and with donations from local businesses that I, as an individual had relationships with. I pulled together the people who helped me. I identified the issues, developed the message and did the work.

Some of the limited interventions from the party were not merely unhelpful. They were counterproductive and cost me votes.

That is the reality of being an SDLP candidate outside the areas where the party leadership concentrates its attention. Let me tell you something, it does not make me feel good about myself to highlight these facts! But, facts they are, nonetheless! You are largely left to your own devices. If you are energetic, locally known, independently minded and prepared to put your own money and time into the campaign, you might have a chance.

But that is not a political strategy. It is institutional abandonment disguised by the occasional photograph, leaflet or visit from a senior party figure. I genuinely got a phone call from headquarters on the day before the election asking if the party leader could come down and take a few photographs!? The day before the election! Seriously!!??

There is a vast disconnect between the SDLP that exists in Belfast, (and to a lesser extent in Derry)and the political reality facing candidates in places such as Ballymena and rural North Antrim.

Claire Hanna represents South Belfast and Mid Down. She is entitled to concentrate on her constituency, and nobody could reasonably criticise her for doing so. But the political world of South Belfast bears little resemblance to the communities in which the SDLP has been retreating for years.

The language is different. The priorities are different. The electorate is different.

The party appears to have lost any real understanding of a substantial section of its traditional support: nationalist and Catholic voters who are moderate, community-minded and often socially or culturally conservative. These people may want constitutional change, but they also care about family, faith, local schools, community identity, public services and economic security. Many still go to Mass on a Saturday evening or Sunday morning and they, whether you like it or not, hold true to the traditions of the faith that was instilled in them over many years!

They are not necessarily looking for radical politics. Many of them are looking for competent, grounded representatives who understand their communities and share at least some of their instincts.

The SDLP once had deep roots in those communities. It had councillors, activists, family connections and local organisations. It did not need to conduct a focus group to understand its voters because its representatives lived among them.

Much of that infrastructure is now gone.

The party cannot simply assume that these voters will remain loyal because the SDLP describes itself as moderate, constitutional or social democratic. Nor can it continually move towards the political and cultural priorities of metropolitan South Belfast while expressing surprise that traditional voters elsewhere feel increasingly alienated.

That is not an argument for abandoning progressive voters or turning the clock backwards. It is an argument for understanding that Northern Ireland does not end at the boundaries of South Belfast.

If the SDLP genuinely expects to gain council and Assembly seats, it needs to answer some basic questions.

Who are the candidates? Where are the functioning local organisations? Who is raising the money? Who is recruiting and managing the campaign teams? Who is identifying the voters? Who is providing candidates with practical, sustained support?And what evidence is there that any of this work is actually taking place?

But most importantly, what do the local community want from an SDLP Candidate?

Because without that infrastructure, all the talk of an SDLP revival is just that: talk.

A talented individual may still win a seat through personal reputation, hard work and local support. But if that person must build, organise and finance the campaign largely alone, the victory belongs primarily to the candidate and the local team—not to some imagined central-party strategy.

You cannot rebuild a political party through media appearances, internal optimism and declarations of renewed purpose. You cannot parachute into a constituency several weeks before an election and pretend that an organisation exists. You cannot neglect local representatives for years and then expect them to deliver votes on command.

And you certainly cannot claim credit for candidates who succeed despite the party rather than because of it.

The SDLP does not lack intelligent people. It does not lack articulate spokespeople. What it lacks across too much of Northern Ireland is political infrastructure, local presence and any convincing evidence that the centre understands—or particularly cares about—what candidates outside its preferred constituencies are facing.

Until that changes, predictions of major SDLP gains are not merely optimistic.

They are absolutely ludicrous!!

A pay rise of more than £2,000 for Northern Ireland Assembly members (MLAs) is “grotesque”, the first minister has said.

The proposals planned for next year would bring MLAs annual salary to £69,216.

The increase will take effect from the first sitting day of the new assembly mandate next May, under draft proposals by Stormont’s Independent Remuneration Board.

Speaking to the media at Stormont, she said: “This issue of wages is not in my agenda. It’s not something we’ve pushed for.”

“It’s not something we’ve asked for and actually I think it looks quite grotesque in the climate that we’re in.”

The proposals follow MLAs being awarded an almost 27% uplift in their annual wages in April – a rise of more than £14,000.

Members of the Scottish Parliament receive £77,711, external while members of the Welsh Parliament earn £79,817 a year., external

At Westminster, MPs earn £98,599 a year, external while members of the Dáil (lower house of the Irish parliament) earn €119,467 (£102,334).

They are all going through the motions of protesting the pay rise but you can be damn sure they’re all going to take it.

Personally I have no issues with paying MLAs a decent salary. It can be a tough job and a lot of other professions pay more for less hassle. But the issue is the public’s perception that Stormont is not delivering so why should they get a pay rise for lack of performance?

But is it the politicians or is the system at fault? You could pay them £1 million each but because the system is so messed up, we can’t assume that we will get better results paying them more.

Two men on a collision course

To understand what happened at Hillsborough Castle in October 1771, Orr began with the collision course that brought two of the 18th century’s most formidable figures into the same dining room. Wills Hill (Lord Hillsborough) was born in 1718, later became the first Marquis of Downshire. In 1768, Lord Hillsborough was appointed as the first Secretary of State for the Colonies, a new office created specifically to manage the growing crisis with America. He was, by reputation, a hardliner: responsible for conveying laws, taxes, and military orders to the 13 colonies, and unwilling to make concessions on any of them. Horace Walpole described him as a young man of great honour and merit, “one of the finest speakers in the House”, but his tenure as colonial secretary told a different story.

The background to the 1771 meeting was a decade of escalating confrontation. The Seven Years’ War had left Britain deeply in debt, and successive governments had decided that the American colonies should help cover the cost of their own defence. The Stamp Act of 1765, the Townshend Acts of 1767–68, and the Royal Proclamation restricting westward expansion had each inflamed colonial opinion. Hillsborough’s personal contribution was to ask the Governor of Massachusetts to seek evidence of treason in Boston. No evidence was found, but the rumour alone provoked outrage. Regardless, Hillsborough dispatched troops to the city, some directly from Ireland. On 5 March 1770, a confrontation between those troops and a Boston crowd left five colonists dead. John Adams, Orr noted, later wrote, “The foundation of American independence was laid on the fifth of March.” Annual commemorations of the Boston Massacre became a fixture of colonial political life.

Into this charged atmosphere stepped Benjamin Franklin, born in Boston in 1706, resident in London through the 1750s, 1760s, and early 1770s as the principal spokesman for colonial interests before the British government and Parliament. He was, Orr said, “a mover and a shaker” at dinners, at meetings with ministers, at the centre of London’s Enlightenment social world. He was also an Anglophile who wanted not independence but a negotiated settlement: an America still governed by Britain but granted greater freedom. The difficulty was that the British regarded him as too American, and many Americans regarded him as too British. It was a line he could not hold indefinitely.

His relationship with Hillsborough was openly hostile from the start. Franklin wrote essays attacking him in London newspapers and, in early 1771, informed Hillsborough directly that he was collecting material to impeach him. The previous year had produced a particularly bitter encounter: Franklin called at Hillsborough’s London home to inform him that he was to represent Massachusetts, only to be told flatly that he was wrong. “Despite standing in Lord Hillsborough’s house saying ‘I’ve got the letters directly from the latest ship to come in from Boston,’ Lord Hillsborough tells him he’s wrong,” Orr recounted. Franklin documented the exchange word for word and circulated it. Hillsborough retaliated by attacking Franklin’s character and, according to some evidence, by attempting to persuade cabinet colleagues to have him arrested as “an enemy to the King’s service”. He also intercepted Franklin’s correspondence; though Franklin was aware of this and navigated around it.

The meeting at Hillsborough Castle

It was against this backdrop that Franklin travelled to Ireland in the autumn of 1771, sailing on a ship named the Hillsborough (what Orr called a possible omen). Franklin was shaken by the poverty he witnessed across Ireland, which hardened his conviction that American life was superior. In Dublin he spoke at the Irish Parliament and was invited by the Viceroy to a dinner party at Dublin Castle. There, to his considerable surprise, he encountered Lord Hillsborough, who was “extremely civil” and drank to his health. Hillsborough pressed Franklin and his travelling companion, Richard Jackson, (who worked for the Board of Trade, of which Hillsborough was also a member) to stop at Hillsborough Castle when travelling north.

Franklin had no intention of complying. He planned to visit the Dean of Armagh instead, and the two men agreed to part ways at a coaching inn. Circumstance intervened: no second carriage could be found, and they travelled on to Hillsborough together. Upon arriving at the coaching inn in the village, Lord Hillsborough immediately sent word summoning them both to the castle.

What followed confounded Franklin’s expectations entirely. Hillsborough was famous for his table and his conversation, and he deployed both to full effect. Franklin later wrote that he was “detained by a thousand civilities”. In one of the letters now on display in the castle’s Franklin Dining Room, Franklin recorded: “He was attentive to everything that might make my stay in his house agreeable, putting on his cloak about my shoulders when I went out.” Hillsborough arranged for his son Arthur — later the second Marquis of Downshire — to take Franklin by open carriage to see the local manufacturing sites. And in conversation on American affairs, the two men found, for once, something to agree on: “America ought not to be restrained in manufacturing.” They parted on good terms, with Hillsborough urging Franklin to call on him often when back in London.

Franklin’s letters reveal his ambivalence about all of this. He could not quite believe that the civility was genuine. His suspicion, Orr explained, was that Hillsborough meant “only by patting and stroking the horse to make him more patient when the reins are drawn tighter and the spurs set deeper into his sides.” He left hopeful, but wary.

The aftermath and the road to independence

His wariness proved well founded. Back in London, Franklin called at Hillsborough’s house once, twice, three, four times — and was turned away on each occasion, servants telling him their master was not at home. Franklin was fairly certain he was. He had intended to petition Hillsborough on the Ohio Land Grant, a question of colonial westward expansion that Hillsborough had been delaying for four years and on which he had no intention of yielding. Hillsborough, in fact, threatened to resign if his demands were not met. His colleagues refused, and he resigned.

Having exhausted colleagues as well as opponents, Hillsborough publicly blamed Franklin for his downfall, calling him “one of the most mischievous men in England”. Franklin’s response, in a letter to his son, was cheerful: “We have got rid of Hillsborough.” Orr allowed himself a smile at this. “Maybe there was a plot all along.”

The consequences for the colonial relationship were significant. Franklin had spent years trying to broker a settlement that would keep America within the British orbit while granting meaningful autonomy. The accumulated experience of those years — Hillsborough’s intransigence, the interception of his letters, the repeated snubs, the hardline response to every colonial petition — gradually exhausted that ambition. By 1773 he had returned to America. “Franklin left with realising that the relationship with Hillsborough paved the way for the relationship with Britain,” Orr said, “that there was no further way forward for Britain.” He became a Founding Father and a signatory of the Declaration of Independence he had once hoped to make unnecessary.

Questions and the Franklin Dining Room

The Q&A session drew in broadcaster Seamus McKee, who asked Orr directly what he made of the two men as human beings, having stood in the Franklin Dining Room among letters and objects they had handled. Orr confessed a “fondness” for Franklin — “a character I would definitely have at a dinner table” — and was more cautious about Hillsborough: “a statesman that has not had the credibility given to where he deserves it”, particularly in light of his family’s impact on the landscape and politics of County Down. An audience member who had lived for 20 years near Hillsborough, North Carolina, said that she had studied American history extensively and “never heard of this guy — he’s been completely erased.” Orr agreed that an opportunity now exists to restore his profile, noting that two weeks earlier the North Carolina Chamber of Commerce had visited Hillsborough Castle and been fascinated by the connections.

Franklin’s chess set (on display in the Franklin Dining Room alongside handwritten letters and a portrait by Jean-Baptiste Greuze) provided Orr with his governing metaphor for the Franklin-Hillsborough relationship: two players “trying to outwit, trying to manoeuvre one another, trying to think about what the next tactic is going to be”.

Also on loan, for another month or so, is one of the earliest printed publications of the Declaration of Independence itself, produced in New York on 10 July 1776 — six days after it was read in Philadelphia, and predating the Library of Congress version. Orr encouraged the audience to see it before it departs, noting it would move to the Public Record Office in Belfast’s harbour district thereafter.

He closed with the line that has become something of a motto for the room’s curatorial ambition: not only were the seeds of American independence arguably sown in the large dining room at Hillsborough Castle, it is “a room where days of conversation have led to centuries of consequence”. The Anglo-Irish Agreement was signed there in 1985; the Good Friday Agreement was discussed there with Tony Blair and Mo Mowlam; 20 European foreign ministers met there last October for the Berlin Process on peace in the Balkans. The next milestone on the horizon is 2028 and the 30th anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement.

Feature image: Hillsborough Castle by David Stanley CC-BY

Cross-published at Mr Ulster.

Countries which do not comply with this new order of things can be sanctioned or cut out of global supply chains. Interdependence is becoming weaponized as a means of monetising long standing friendships and extracting a bigger share of the cake. The impact this has on the overall size of the cake for everyone is somebody else’s problem, or, more precisely, a problem no one is addressing, as Trump has gutted all the global treaty organisations – the UN, WTO, WHO, NATO and climate change treaties like Kyoto and the Paris Agreement which sought to address common global problems and concerns.

It’s everyone for themselves now and to hell with international cooperation. Complex cooperative organisations like the EU cannot compete with the speed of decision making by more autocratic regimes in China, Russia, and the USA.  It can take many years for the EU to make a decision Trump can make in minutes – and reverse or alter a few minutes later.

And yet something is stirring at the heart of Europe. After decades of relying on a US security guarantee and benefiting from Silicon Valley innovation, US/UK financial services, Chinese manufacturing and Russian oil and gas, European elites are gradually realising that none of these things are guaranteed, or else come with unacceptable risks and  costs. With its manufacturing industries dying, Europe was in danger of becoming a giant theme park for global tourism without a leadership position in anything else.

So what has changed? The Russian invasion of Ukraine signalled an end to the decades long Merkel led strategy of engaging with Russia economically in the hope of creating sufficient common interests to make war with Russia unthinkable. The failure of western powers to honour security guarantees given to Ukraine at the time it gave up the fourth largest arsenal of nuclear weapons in the world is what made the invasion of Ukraine possible for Russia. The loss of inexpensive Russian Oil and gas has undermined what remained of German manufacturing competitiveness.

But the threats do not only come from Russia. Trumps weaponization of Europe’s economic interdependence with the USA has made it acutely aware of its vulnerability to American control. The  UK’s nuclear capability depends on US technology and maintenance  and American sourced weaponry often contain hidden kill switches which render them inoperative if used in a conflict the US does not approve.

Global financial systems like SWIFT inter-bank transfers and Visa/Mastercard transactions are all controlled and terminable by US government fiat. A senior judge of the International Criminal Court found her banks accounts were frozen, her credit cards stopped working, and Amazon’s “Alexa” ceased responding to her requests immediately after she delivered a judgement favouring investigation of US war crimes in Afghanistan.

Europe can still benefit from US developed AI and Chinese manufactured solar panels but its position as a global power is endangered if it doesn’t lead on anything other than tourism and regulation. When I asked Philip Lane, the ECB’s chief economist when was the EU going to get its act together on a single market for capital and services to complement the single market for products, his response was that Europe still enjoys a very high standard of living and quality of life compared to most other parts of the world.

Entirely true and utterly irrelevant – much of that wealth derived from past industrial glories and imperial conquests. Where is Europe’s future wealth to come from? Without such an expanded single market for services, Europe simply doesn’t have the capital or scale for hugely expensive technologies like AI or large scale robotic manufacturing to compete with China.

But Europe is adapting in other ways. It is seeking to build alliances with Britain, Canada, Ukraine and other like-minded countries to promote European and non-US defence industries as alternatives to hugely expensive US controlled technologies. Canada could join the Single Market (and possibly the Customs Union) to limit dependency on the US market. Digital bridges are being built between SEPA (Single European Payments Area) and other regional inter-bank payment systems using a common ISO 20022 messaging system. The development of a European High Voltage Direct Current Supergrid to balance solar power from the south with wind power form the north will reduce dependence on imported oil and gas. The Macron initiated European Political Community provides a forum for much closer cooperation between EU and non EU member states.

None of this will stop the Russian invasion of Ukraine or Trump’s thrashing of the global order any time soon. But Europe is showing a resilience which belies its former complacency. Even extreme nationalist parties in many European countries no longer advocate leaving the EU. Sentiment in Britain has moved dramatically in favour of closer, if as yet, ill-defined, relations with the “continent”. Membership provides for a relationship of equals rather than the supplicant status on offer from the USA and is still a sought after goal for several Eastern European states. Trumps very hostility provides evidence it is a barrier to untrammelled US power.

The Global order is changing, but it is changing in response to American unreliability and weakness rather than Trump’s attempt to reassert US hegemony. Even the Gulf states are seeking greater cooperation with Iran rather than reliance on a US security guarantees that can be withdrawn at the Presidents whim. Russia is slowly losing a war it thought it could win in days because of mainly European, not US support. From asserting that President Zelenskyy had no cards to play, Trump is reduced to begging him to stop bombing Russian refineries as it is driving up the  price of diesel for American voters.

So what are the implications and opportunities for Ireland? Our position as the only significant English speaking member state of the EU on the north-western fringe of Europe provides opportunities as well as responsibilities. We can continue to act as a bridge between competing US and EU interests. If we had a government with strategic vision we could develop a leadership position in sustainable energy production and distribution, cyber security, financial/information systems services, and maritime and aerial drone security and defence of our airspace and sea cables.

Any closer relationship with NATO or military alliances involving Britain will probably have to await the outworking of the provisions of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement as our political discourse is still poisoned by unresolved tensions with Britain. Trump tends to repeat the talking points of the last person he was speaking to – be that Vladimir Putin or Micháel Martin – and there is no doubt he was speaking from the hip and saying what he thought would please his audience and distract from his many other problems. But he was only saying what the world at large also thinks, when it can be bothered to think about Ireland at all.

The “dreary steeples” of Fermanagh an Tyrone may once again survive the great deluge of change that is once again confronting Ireland and Europe through the combined challenges of the USA, China, and Russia but without greater cooperation and rapid economic progress this time we may all go under. The time for sectarian squabbles and precious nationalisms is well and truly over. Europe’s peace and prosperity was based on a global world order that is now no longer operative. In a world where AI powered rogue drones could destroy humanity, it is time we all thought more deeply about how we can sustain our progress into a very different future.

‘I’ve been on a journey. No one crosses that divide. I’m interested in a new Ireland.’  and says the party’s ‘energy and vision’ are encouraging, as she considers what she could bring to the SDLP if she were to run for election. Linzi McLaren comes from a policing background and says her knowledge of justice, as well as her journey away from unionism, resonates with more people than some might expect. She quit the UUP after taking issue with what she described as a number of “failures”.

Not to be outdone, the UUP have announced that they have poached Ciara Dempsey, who previously served as chair of the SDLP’s Fermanagh and South Tyrone branch. From the BelTel:

A former SDLP branch chair has joined the Ulster Unionist Party and will stand for the party in the next council election. Ciara Dempsey, who previously served as chair of the SDLP’s Fermanagh and South Tyrone branch, has been selected as the UUP candidate for the Clogher Valley area on Mid Ulster District Council.

She will seek to retain the seat currently held by Ulster Unionist councillor Meta Graham, who will not contest the next election. Ms Dempsey said she had found a political home in the UUP after previously leaving the SDLP because her values and the direction she wanted to take “no longer aligned” with the party.

“When I left the SDLP I said my values and the direction I wanted to take no longer aligned. I have found that here, and I am glad of it,” she said. “I am proud of the background and values I was brought up with, and in the Ulster Unionist Party I have found a place where I can be proud of that while still working for everyone. “My friends and neighbours come from all traditions and religions. I don’t ask what someone’s background is, I ask how I can help.” Ms Dempsey, who holds an LLB and is currently studying philosophy at master’s level, said her unionist values were part of her identity but insisted representing people was “never about labels”.

She said she intended to focus on issues affecting rural communities, farmers, families and small businesses across Clogher Valley.

Just for good measure, the UUP has also poached Dr Kathryn Owen an ex-DUP councillor.

Of course, there is just the small matter that they now must all get elected, but I wish them all well on their endeavours.

All households in Northern Ireland will get a one-off £63 reduction in electricity bills from next month.

It is the local outworking of two schemes which apply in Great Britain, which has a separately regulated electricity market.

The schemes are being funded by the UK government and will be applied automatically without the need for an application.

Bank payment customers will have their bills automatically reduced while pay-as-you-go customers will receive £63 in credit when they top up their meter.

And can I all remind you all if you have oil heating that you might be eligible for the hundred-pound grant that has recently gone live? You can check out the details and apply here.

Whilst it is absolutely essential that AI does not become a risk to humanity, and governments must step up and take decisive action to regulate, monitor and control these new powerful AI models, we should not diminish the potential benefits that AI discoveries could bring to scientific breakthroughs, medical research and many other areas of life.

However, I believe that much of the scaremongering about widespread job losses is misplaced. Instead, I believe the reality could be quite the reverse.

Lessons from previous industrial revolutions and technological advances show that as productivity increases and markets become larger this can lead to more employment opportunities and more highly skilled jobs.

I remember the first computer that was installed in our civil engineering consultancy office in Belfast in the early 1990s. We had one computer for all ten staff on our floor, but we had high hopes that this new machine would revolutionise how we worked and possibly lead to an easier life.

Despite the fact that it took over 12 hours to run a single drainage design simulation on our valued computer – these days that same simulation takes just a few seconds – we thought it might eventually lead to us all working a three-day week with increased leisure time to spend on the golf course or elsewhere.

We could not have been more wrong!

It is true that many of our job descriptions and career titles have also changed, but there were no mass redundancies, and, unfortunately, no three-day weeks.

Instead, today, the computers on our wrists, in our pockets and on our desks have made our working and personal lives busier than ever. We are more productive, but we are also subject to much higher standards, and the requirement to achieve greater results constantly increases.

I believe that this will happen as AI is integrated into and transforms every aspect of our working lives. There will be an increased demand for skilled people to work in AI assurance, government regulation, cybersecurity, testing, compliance, risk assessment and management, as well as human oversight of AI systems.

However, as AI systems become increasingly capable and begin to perform tasks that previously required significant levels of human expertise, we will have little choice but to become smarter ourselves – more skilled, more adaptable and more industrious. This, in itself, will require a revolution in learning and education and, as well as, a substantial workforce to develop, operate and manage these new systems safely.

The current response from governments around the world is inadequate. Significant investment by both government and private companies will be required to train and employ this new generation of workers.

Indeed, The World Economic Forum’s ‘Future of Jobs Report 2025, WEF_Future_of_Jobs_Report_2025.pdf , estimates that the major forces transforming the global economy — including technological change, demographic shifts and the green transition — could result in 170 million new jobs being created by 2030, while 92 million existing jobs could be displaced. That would represent a net increase of 78 million jobs.

The report also finds that:

“Broadening digital access is expected to be the most transformative trend – both across technology-related trends and overall – with 60% of employers expecting it to transform their business by 2030. Advancements in technologies, particularly AI and information processing (86%); robotics and automation (58%); and energy generation, storage and distribution (41%), are also expected to be transformative.

These trends are expected to have a divergent effect on jobs, driving both the fastest-growing and fastest-declining roles, and fueling demand for technology-related skills, including AI and big data, networks and cybersecurity and technological literacy, which are anticipated to be the top three fastest growing skills.”

The advent of AI and the extraordinary pace of advancement are therefore likely to turbocharge demand for skills and jobs in technology, science and management and oversight of these new systems.

Northern Ireland has an important role to play too. Our strong cybersecurity industry could receive a significant boost from AI, creating increased demand for highly trained and skilled people.

AI could become one of the greatest engines of productivity, economic growth and job creation of our generation across the whole island of Ireland.

The big question is: how are we, as humans, going to become skilled enough to safely design, monitor and implement these new AI systems into our everyday lives, our workplaces, our power and water systems, healthcare systems and every other area of life?

Perhaps we need to turn the question back on AI itself and ask: how can we become smart enough, skilled enough and adaptable enough to manage the AI systems of the future?

The answer might surprise us all.

All four supporting acts for upcoming dates of Ed Sheeran’s Loop tour have withdrawn in solidarity with fellow opening act Macklemore, as backlash grows against his removal from the tour over onstage comments in support of Palestine.

Finneas, the singer who was scheduled to open for Sheeran on six South American dates in November, withdrew from the tour on Tuesday afternoon, hours after Sheeran posted his own lengthy statement to Instagram explaining pressure from venue owners to remove Macklemore for pro-Palestine comments made during two shows at New Jersey’s MetLife Stadium.

In a two-minute speech on 4 September, the Grammy-winning artist told the audience he wanted the people of Gaza and “the occupied West Bank” to know “we have not forgotten about them”, along with the words “free Palestine”. The remark prompted a petition calling for Macklemore’s removal from the tour from the Israeli American Council and the opposition of some venue owners – including Robert Kraft, the billionaire owner of the New England Patriots and a prominent donor to Israel.

The decision came shortly after Aaron Rowe, an Irish singer who opened for Sheeran in Australia earlier this year and was scheduled for the 10 remaining dates in North America, announced his own withdrawal from the tour. “I don’t take the decision lightly,” he wrote on Instagram. “Ed has been a friend to me and has changed my life, I could never thank him enough for this.

“But as Irish people we know all too well about genocide, forced famine and violent occupation. I cannot stand by and allow billionaires to use their position of power to silence the rightful voices of those who speak up against Israeli genocide and who highlight the savage murder of children. I would lose all respect for myself to carry on as normal.”

What a mess Ed Sheeran has got himself into. I do have sympathy for artists who just want to play their music and not get embroiled in geopolitics but I know politics and music have always been intertwined. He would have been better just siding with the artists even if he had to pull some concerts as giving in to the demands of billionaires is never going to look good to your fanbase.

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Ursula von der Leyen’s dramatic offer to open the gate to Canada to become the EU’s first ever associate member (9:54) cannot be underestimated in political and trade significance.

Canadian prime minister Mark Carney shakes hands with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen as he attends her State of the European Union address (SOTEU) to the European Parliament, in Strasbourg, France.

It, at once, aligns what Canadian prime minister Mark Carney called the “middle powers” in his Davos speech in January but creates an opening for a speedy enhanced trade deal particularly on critical raw materials and rare earths.

It also sets Canada apart from the UK which could, once upon a time, have some sort of associate membership with the EU were it not for the drive for a clean break Brexit.

Two points of realpolitik make it possible that the long winding road that typifies third country’s relationships with the EU could turn into a high speed motorway. Canada has something the EU desperately needs: rich supplies of CRM (critical raw materials) and rare earths in a bid to diversify from China which has a stranglehold on both. And Europe has something Canada urgently wants: new market for products it can no longer sell into the US in the face of a trade war with Donald Trump.

Looking at the bigger picture a new enhanced trade deal between the EU and Canada could leave the UK somewhat scrambling in a two speed race. Keir Starmer talked about forging a CRM and rare earths deal with Canada but it never materialised. If political energy in Brussels is now focused on Canada that could be bad news for Andy Burnham.

It’s an interesting one. I have travelled all over Canada and they do live up to their stereotype of being very polite, hardworking, nice people.

From the BBC:

The jury in the Noah Donohoe inquest has found it was possible, but not probable, that failings by the Department of Infrastructure (DfI) over the tunnel in which he was found dead contributed to his death. The jury found that the DfI had failed to identify a hazard at the site, which it maintains, and that there was no warning sign. They also found numerous failings in the Police Service of Northern Ireland’s (PSNI’s) investigation but that these did not contribute to the 14-year-old’s death.

Noah’s mother, Fiona Donohoe, said he had been failed by both the department and police while the family’s solicitor said she had suffered “indignity after indignity”.

The jury found:

The Robert Hamill Inquiry was published yesterday. The 25 year old Catholic father of three was viciously murdered by a group of Protestants in the centre of Portadown in 1997, simply because he was a Catholic.

One of the most astounding elements of this case was the non-intervention of four RUC officers in a Land Rover a few feet from the assault. The Inquiry found that those officers were unaware of the assault on Hamill, and did not ‘condone or collude’ the assault, as the officers were dealing with another incident at the time of the assault.

That is perhaps the one sliver of silver lining for the police; the Inquiry has found they did not sit back and watch a man be kicked to death. The rest of the report makes very grim reading indeed for the RUC and PSNI.

By far the most serious wrongdoing of a police officer was that of Robert Atkinson. He was one of the four officers  in the Land Rover a few feet from the assault. Hours after the assault on Hamill, Atkinson phoned the home of Allister Hanvey, a suspect in the murder. Atkinson had encountered Hanvey at the scene, and he left word during that phone call that Hanvey should destroy the clothes he wore that evening. Atkinson plead guilty to perverting the course of justice in 2024, as he lied to police about making the phone call to Hanvey. There is a long saga of investigation and prosecutions into the tip-off call – three people, including Atkinson, have been jailed for perverting the course of justice in relation to the phone call over 22 years.

In total, the Inquiry found 9 RUC Officers made 14 wrongful acts or omissions in the investigation of Hamill’s murder. It is a litany of negligence and deliberate wrongful acts. Aside from Atkinson, Detective Chief Superintendent Maynard McBurney comes in for very heavy criticism.  He was one of the most senior RUC officers (DCS is one rank below Assistant Chief Constable); as senior investigating officer, McBurney failed to keep a policy book detailing his decision-making and rationale, failed to investigate Atkinson’s tip-off as part of the murder, and deliberately submitted a misleading file to the Director of Public Prosecutions.

How have Northern Ireland’s politicians reacted to the publication of this report?

Sinn Féin and the SDLP, rightfully, lambasted the police for their failings. They also correctly highlighted that Hamill’s sectarian murder in Portadown, 1997, took place during the height of the Drumcree dispute which significantly worsened community relations in Portadown.

Alliance has been totally silent thus far. The party leader and justice minister, Naomi Long, has made no public statement. Deputy leader and local MLA, Eoin Tennyson, has made no public statement. Sorcha Eastwood, the party’s only MP, was not present for the Secretary of State’s oral statement in the House of Commons. Other MPs not present included the DUP’s Gavin Robinson, Gregory Campbell, the UUP’s Robin Swann and independent unionist Alex Easton, as well as abstentionist Sinn Féin MPs.

UUP leader Jon Burrows focused on Robert Atkinson, who he said was, ‘a disgrace and was rightly jailed.’ It is perhaps unsurprising the former PSNI officer had nothing to say about wider RUC failings. The PSNI is also speechless at present. The Chief Constable chose Monday to apologise to former officer Ursula Merrick for discrimination she received whilst in the force, even though an employment tribunal found in her favour three years ago. One wonders if that apology, having not been made several months ago, could have waited until later in the week. Merrick was waiting three years. With all due respect to her, Hamill’s family has been waiting for nearly 30 years.

TUV leader Jim Allister lamented the £33m cost of the Inquiry, and asked what we learnt that wasn’t already in the public domain. The King’s Counsel acted for a defendant in a trial for a murder of Robert Hamill, which returned a not guilty verdict. We learnt Jim Allister was assisted in his task by the serial negligence of the RUC, for a start. Allister seemed to imply that because there had been a murder trial and a not guilty verdict, that justice had been done – even though no one has ever been convicted of Hamill’s murder. He had no words of comfort for the Hamill family. From Hansard:

Jim Allister, (North Antrim) (TUV)
I should declare that in a previous life I was one of the defence counsel in the murder case that arose from the shocking death of Robert Hamill. So there was a murder trial and there was a due verdict of not guilty, and we should not forget that either.

May I ask the Secretary of State, after £33 million and more, what is it that we now know from this report that we did not know from the public murder trial, and that we did not know from the public appearances and reporting and trial of Robert Atkinson? We have spent over £33 million, and most of what is in this report was already in the public domain.

Perhaps what was not in the public domain was the fact that the audacious, constant propaganda that the police officers had colluded in the murder has now been wholly debunked, and the report quite properly finds that they did no wrongful act or omission facilitating that murder. That is a big price to pay to arrive at that conclusion and the conclusion that there was no collusion, contrary to the constant refrain of some for almost 30 years. I welcome the fact that that at least has been laid to rest.

Chris Bryant
First, just because nobody has been convicted of murder does not mean that a murder was not committed. Indeed, one of the most painful aspects of all of this is that, clearly, as this report finds for the first time, there was a murder. The cause of death was at least three beatings to the head that Robert Hamill received—possibly two or more being kicks to the head when he was already lying on the ground, and possibly a third from a bottle. It beggars belief that in this country we can all decide that somebody was murdered but nobody ends up facing justice for the murder. I suppose that is one of the pains that arises in many of the cases that we deal with here.

The local MP, the DUP’s Carla Lockhart, at least had the decency to say her thoughts were with the family. Things took an indecent turn, however. She took the opportunity to attack the family’s former solicitor, Rosemary Nelson, herself murdered by loyalists, for complaining on the family’s behalf that officers in the Land Rover should have done more. She asked the Secretary of State to defend the four officers in the Land Rover. Again from Hansard:

Carla Lockhart (Upper Bann) (DUP)
This relates directly to my constituency, so I welcome the opportunity to speak to it today. Robert Hamill’s murder was a brutal and appalling crime, and my thoughts are first and foremost with his family, who have many questions, as do many families right across Northern Ireland. But the truth matters, and the truth today is clear. Paragraph 21 finds that four RUC officers

“were not aware of the assault until they got out and they did not in any way condone or collude with attackers.”

Paragraph 75 concludes that

“we have found no wrongful act or omission which facilitated Robert Hamill’s death.”

Put simply, they did not sit idly by, they did not collude, they did not facilitate murder—something that has been hurled at them for the past 30 years.

The complaint, advanced by Rosemary Nelson, has been demolished by the inquiry, which also found that she failed to “co-operate fully” with the RUC and

“did not improve the situation.”

This goes to the heart of the nationalist republican legacy activism, whereby truth and the rule of law are subjective terms to be weaponised to seek to arrive at a predetermined political outcome.

More than 300 RUC officers were murdered while protecting the entire community. Will the Secretary of State now end this decades-long smear, defend these four officers and reject any attempt to rewrite history or attach collective guilt to the RUC?

In one last act of negligence in this very sorry saga, and in her eagerness to defend the RUC and attack political nationalism, she failed to reflect that one of those officers she was defending was Robert Atkinson. The same officer who perverted the course of justice for Robert Hamill.

Prime Minister Andy Burnham has cancelled official engagements on Monday and Tuesday following the death of his father Roy, who had Alzheimer’s.

He had been due to host a meeting of business leaders in Downing Street on Monday, and was expected to speak at the annual trade union TUC Congress in Brighton on Tuesday.

In July, Burnham spoke about his father’s condition and said it had influenced his drive to reform adult social care in England.

He had also said his father’s illness was so advanced that he did not know his son had become prime minister.

Burnham told the BBC that while his father could not be there when he entered No 10 to take up the role, he and his mother had “exchanged a few words about my dad and how proud he would be”.

“That’s a little hard, but then again I’ve said, it’s their achievement”, he told Sunday with Laura Kuenssberg in July.

“The emotion of that moment was, well, bittersweet – it was painful in one way but beautiful in another.”

The prime minister later said care home staff had shown his father footage of him entering Downing Street, calling it a “wonderful” thing.

Burnham said he wanted to help “my dad and the millions like him” when setting out plans to reform adult social care.

He said he had been “overwhelmed” by the skills and professionalism of care workers supporting his father.

I am sure many of you have had the misfortune to watch friends and family members succumb to dementia and Alzheimer’s and it’s a depressing experience no matter who you are. Even more so, not to even realise that your own son had become Prime Minister.

From the BBC:

The first ministers of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland have begun meeting in Cardiff to discuss “working more closely” including on constitutional issues.

It is the first face-to-face meeting among the nationalist leaders since Plaid Cymru’s Rhun ap Iorwerth was elected in May, with all three wanting their countries to leave the United Kingdom.

But there are differences in what they are calling for in the immediate term; with Scotland’s John Swinney and Northern Ireland’s Michelle O’Neill openly talking about wanting referendums, while in Wales ap Iorwerth has ruled out pushing for one now.

Sinn Féin president Mary Lou McDonald is also attending.

Ap Iorwerth will hold further talks with Swinney in the afternoon in their roles as government leaders, with both men expected to sign an agreement on “future collaboration in areas of shared interest”.

For the first time since devolution began, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland all have first ministers who want to leave the United Kingdom, with the three meeting on Monday as representatives of their parties.

I know people will focus on the headline of trying to break up the union but if you step back there are good pragmatic reasons why the three regions should be working together more closely. I have often wondered, given our historic links with Scotland, why we don’t do more joint projects with the Scottish government. It seems such an obvious thing for the Celtic regions to work together for mutual benefit.

So I know today’s activities will wind up unionists but there are just as many unionists with family connections in Scotland as there are nationalists. We should all be thinking of the best way to work with our Celtic cousins.