Established under Law 2578 of 2026, the holiday moves the annual July 9 feast day to the nearest Monday under Colombia’s Emiliani Law, creating a long weekend dedicated to one of the nation’s most revered religious and cultural symbols. The legislation recognizes Chiquinquirá, in the central department of Boyacá, as a pilgrimage destination that has played a defining role in Colombia’s national identity.

The inaugural celebration comes at a moment of political transition.

Only days before the first national observance, De la Espriella traveled to the Basilica of Our Lady of the Rosary of Chiquinquirá, where the celebrated image of the Virgin has drawn pilgrims for more than four centuries. In a message posted on social media following his visit on July 9, the president-elect said he had “placed in her hands our Homeland, Colombian families and our institutions,” expressing confidence that God would continue to guide the country’s future.

“May under her protection we find the strength, reconciliation and hope to build the Miracle Homeland that we all long for,” he wrote, referring to one of the central themes of his presidential campaign.

The pilgrimage formed part of what his office described as a broader “spiritual agenda” launched during his first week as president-elect. The initiative also included a visit to the Basilica of the Lord of Miracles in Buga, one of Colombia’s most important Catholic shrines, where he concluded his campaign before the June 21 presidential runoff by praying for “the healing of our nation” and what he described as a “spiritual battle against evil.”

For observers, the visits underscore De la Espriella’s willingness to publicly embrace Catholic symbolism in a country where nearly two-thirds of the population identifies as Catholic, according to recent surveys.

A miraculous image

At the center of Monday’s celebration is an image whose history stretches back to the earliest decades of Spanish rule in what was then the Kingdom of New Granada. According to historical accounts and the book Nuestras Señoras by Germán Izquierdo and Juan Esteban Duque, the original painting was commissioned around 1555 by Spanish encomendero Antonio de Santana. The work was painted by Alonso de Narváez and depicts the Virgin Mary flanked by Saint Andrew and Saint Anthony of Padua.

The unusually wide canvas led the artist to include the two saints on either side of the Virgin, creating the composition that remains instantly recognizable today. After years of neglect, the painting had nearly disappeared before an event Catholics regard as miraculous transformed it into Colombia’s most important Marian image.

In December 1586, according to tradition, Spanish settler María Ramos prayed before the deteriorated canvas in Chiquinquirá. An Indigenous woman named Isabel is said to have witnessed the faded image suddenly restored to its original brilliance while appearing to radiate light. The event marked the beginning of widespread devotion to the Virgin of Chiquinquirá and established the town as Colombia’s foremost Marian pilgrimage site.

Today, the painting remains inside the Basilica of Our Lady of the Rosary in Chiquinquirá under strict security and conservation measures. The image has left the sanctuary only on exceptional occasions, including the visits of Pope John Paul II in 1986 and Pope Francis in 2017.

Patroness of a nation

The Virgin of Chiquinquirá has occupied a unique place in Colombian history for nearly two centuries.

Pope Pius VII proclaimed her the Patroness of Colombia in 1829, while on June 9, 1919, the image was transported to Bogotá’s Plaza de Bolívar, where she was solemnly crowned Queen and Patroness of Colombia before President Marco Fidel Suárez, military authorities and Church leaders.

During the ceremony, she received an elaborate crown fashioned from 450 grams of gold, 140 emeralds and 78 diamonds – an enduring symbol of both Colombia’s Catholic heritage and its renowned emerald wealth.

The Basilica’s altar continues to display the image beneath the ornate crown, making it one of the country’s most recognizable religious treasures. The Archdiocese of Bogotá has encouraged Colombians to mark this year’s historic holiday with a special prayer asking the Virgin to protect the nation, strengthen faith and promote reconciliation.

Beyond Religion

Although rooted in Catholic devotion, the new holiday also reflects the government’s intention to recognize Chiquinquirá’s wider cultural significance. The law establishing the celebration describes the municipality as a national center of pilgrimage whose influence extends beyond religion into Colombian history, identity and cultural heritage.

Authorities expect over one million visitors this weekend to attend processions, Masses, concerts and artisan fairs, while tourism officials anticipate a surge in visitors to nearby destinations in Boyacá, among them, Raquira, Sutamarchán, Villa de la Leyva and Moniquirá.

For De la Espriella, whose presidency begins amid expectations of profound political change, the symbolism of the occasion is unmistakable. His public invocation of Colombia’s patroness—and his pledge that Boyacá “will be a protagonist in the reconstruction of Colombia”—signals that religion is likely to play a more visible role in the national narrative under his administration.

Whether viewed as an act of personal faith, a gesture toward national reconciliation or a reaffirmation of Colombia’s cultural traditions, Monday’s inaugural holiday marks the beginning of what may become one of the country’s defining annual civic observances, linking history, spirituality and national identity in a single celebration.

At the center of the diplomatic shift is Foreign Minister-designate Omar Bula Escobar, a veteran United Nations diplomat and international development specialist whose appointment signals the incoming administration’s intention to reshape Colombia’s global role around economic diplomacy, democratic partnerships and international security cooperation.

In one of his first public policy announcements since his nomination, Bula confirmed that the new government will not maintain Colombian embassies in Cuba or Nicaragua, arguing that the country should not legitimize governments it considers authoritarian. While consular affairs and diplomatic communication will continue through alternative mechanisms, the decision marks a sharp departure from Petro’s efforts to strengthen political ties with Havana and Managua during his four years in office.

Instead, the incoming administration intends to prioritize strategic partnerships with the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and Israel, countries it views as essential allies for expanding trade, attracting investment, strengthening security cooperation and reinforcing democratic institutions.

The change represents far more than a diplomatic reshuffle.

During the presidential campaign, De La Espriella repeatedly argued that Colombia’s foreign policy had become driven by ideology at the expense of national interests. His administration has pledged to transform the Foreign Ministry into an institution focused on commercial diplomacy, technological cooperation and international competitiveness, while rebuilding confidence among investors and traditional allies.

“Our embassies must become engines for investment, trade and opportunity,” the president-elect has said, outlining a vision that places economic diplomacy at the center of Colombia’s international engagement.

That mission will largely fall to Bula, whose professional background differs considerably from many of Colombia’s recent foreign ministers.

Rather than emerging from party politics, Bula has spent more than two decades working within the United Nations system, leading humanitarian and development programs across Africa, the Middle East, Europe and Latin America.

His academic credentials reflect an equally international career. He studied Business Administration at the European Business School before earning a doctorate in Economic Sciences from Belgium’s Catholic University of Louvain. He later completed an MBA at Aden Business School and executive studies in business management at Harvard University.

Fluent in Spanish, English, French and Portuguese, Bula has combined academic research with extensive field experience in some of the world’s most politically complex environments.

His assignments have taken him to Egypt, Iraq, Ethiopia, Sudan, Senegal, Brazil, Panama and Italy, where he held senior positions with the United Nations World Food Programme. His responsibilities included overseeing humanitarian operations, food security programs, institutional development and international cooperation in regions affected by armed conflict, political instability and humanitarian emergencies.

Alongside his diplomatic career, Bula has served as an international university professor and developed a public profile as a geopolitical analyst specializing in international security, global economics and Middle Eastern affairs. His commentary has frequently emphasized the importance of strengthening alliances among democratic nations while expanding economic cooperation with North America and Europe.

His appointment is widely viewed as reflecting De La Espriella’s broader effort to professionalize Colombia’s diplomatic service by placing career international specialists, rather than political allies, in key foreign policy positions.

Nowhere will the administration’s new direction be watched more closely than in Washington.

Relations between Bogotá and Washington became increasingly strained under Petro over counternarcotics policy, regional security, Venezuela and the Israel-Hamas war. Although security cooperation continued, political disagreements frequently overshadowed a relationship that had long been considered one of the strongest bilateral partnerships in Latin America.

The incoming government has pledged to restore that strategic alliance, emphasizing cooperation in defense, intelligence, counter-narcotics, trade, cybersecurity and investment. Officials also see Canada and the United Kingdom as critical partners for expanding collaboration in mining, energy, education, finance and technological innovation.

Perhaps the most symbolic reversal concerns Israel.

Petro severed diplomatic relations with Israel in 2024 over the conflict in Gaza, ending decades of close military and security cooperation between the two countries.

De La Espriella has pledged to restore full diplomatic relations immediately upon taking office and has expressed support for rebuilding cooperation in defense, intelligence, cybersecurity, agriculture and technology. Members of the incoming administration have also indicated that Colombia will pursue a distinctly pro-Israel foreign policy while maintaining support for a negotiated peace in the Middle East.

The decision has been welcomed by sectors of Colombia’s business community that view closer relations with Israel as an opportunity to expand cooperation in innovation, water management, agricultural technology and digital security.

At the same time, the decision to eliminate embassies in Cuba and Nicaragua signals that democratic governance and respect for human rights will become more prominent considerations in Bogotá’s diplomatic engagement throughout the region.

Political analysts say the changes amount to the most significant reorientation of Colombian foreign policy since the security-focused administrations of the early 2000s. Rather than pursuing ideological alignment, the incoming government appears determined to position Colombia as a reliable democratic partner for North America and Europe while leveraging diplomacy to stimulate investment and economic growth.

Whether that ambitious recalibration succeeds will ultimately depend on the government’s ability to translate diplomatic goodwill into tangible economic results.

Yet even before taking office on August 7, De La Espriella and his foreign minister have left little doubt that Colombia is preparing to reclaim a markedly different place on the world stage—one anchored in Western alliances, commercial diplomacy and a renewed emphasis on democratic partnerships in an increasingly fragmented geopolitical landscape.

In a statement released by his transition team on Wednesday, the criminal defense lawyer said he had requested the support of allied governments, international organizations, election observers and democracy watchdogs to remain vigilant during what he described as an increasingly fragile constitutional moment.

According to the statement, de la Espriella believes the outgoing administration is seeking to “alter the constitutional order,” disregard the presidential credentials issued by Colombia’s electoral authorities and disrupt the democratic transition that is constitutionally scheduled to conclude with his inauguration on August 7.

“The request is directed to allied governments, international organizations, observation missions and defenders of democracy so they may actively accompany this institutional moment and keep their eyes on Colombia until any attempt at a coup d’état has ceased,” his office said.

The appeal follows several days of increasingly confrontational rhetoric between the president-elect and senior figures aligned with the outgoing government.

Earlier on Wednesday, de la Espriella posted a message on X drawing an apparent comparison between Colombia’s political crisis and neighboring Venezuela. “The last person who didn’t recognize the elections and stayed in power was Nicolás Maduro. We all know how that ended.”

Although he did not mention Petro by name, the remarks were widely interpreted as referring to the outgoing president. In a subsequent post, de la Espriella was more direct. “Petro and Cepeda don’t know who they’ve messed with. By defending the popular will, order, constitutionality, and the Constitution, I will be relentless and forceful.”

The president-elect has repeatedly accused Petro and Cepeda of refusing to recognize the election results and attempting to obstruct the transition. Petro and Cepeda have rejected de la Espriella’s presidency, with Petro maintaining his allegation that the election was fraudulent and declaring in recent public remarks that “the president of Colombia is Iván Cepeda.” The government has not produced evidence publicly substantiating claims of electoral fraud.

The dispute has intensified after the suspension of the formal transition process between the outgoing and incoming administrations, raising concerns over what had traditionally been a peaceful constitutional handover of power.

De la Espriella has also urged Colombians to remain calm while defending the constitutional order.

“The resistance must be democratic, peaceful, constitutional and firm,” his office said in the statement. “The vote of Colombians must be respected, and the legitimate transition must conclude on August 7.”

Growing confrontation

The increasingly polarized atmosphere has been fueled by calls from Cepeda for “civil disobedience” against the incoming administration.

Speaking earlier this week, the senator and former presidential candidate argued that Colombians should resist policies announced by the incoming government. He also alleged – without publicly presenting a shred of evidence – that de la Espriella’s proposed security measures could amount to the formation of a “paramilitary government.”

“Colombia is beginning to take the shape of a paramilitary government,” Cepeda said while criticizing the president-elect’s security agenda.

De la Espriella has rebuked those remarks, warning that any actions outside the law would be met with the full authority of the state. “Some extremists speak of civil disobedience, which is nothing more than road blockades, urban terrorism and the revival of the ‘First Line,'” he said, referring to the protest groups that emerged during nationwide demonstrations in 2021. “I propose constitutional obedience. Everything outside the law will be confronted with the full force of the rule of law.”

A Military inauguration?

Adding to the extraordinary political climate, de la Espriella is reportedly considering taking the presidential oath at a military installation rather than in Bogotá’s Plaza de Bolívar, where every Colombian president in recent decades has been inaugurated before Congress.

Constitutional scholars have noted that Article 192 of Colombia’s Constitution requires the president to be sworn in before Congress but does not explicitly require the ceremony to take place inside the Capitol building. Article 140 allows Congress to convene in a different location if both legislative chambers agree.

The proposal is widely seen as both a security precaution and a symbolic demonstration of institutional support from the armed forces amid the deepening political confrontation.

De la Espriella, who campaigned on restoring order through a hardline approach to crime and armed groups, said the decree would launch what he described as Colombia’s largest urban security operation, aimed at curbing extortion, robbery and homicides in the country’s biggest metropolitan areas.

“On August 7, I will sign the decree creating the Defense Block for Urban Security,” De la Espriella said in a statement published on social media. “To issue effective measures aligned with the needs of the most affected cities, I am convening the mayors of Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Barranquilla, and Bucaramanga so that, based on their needs, we can create the largest urban security operation in Colombia. No more extortions, robberies, and homicides in our Homeland. Stand firm for the homeland!”

The president-elect said the decree will be among the first executive measures issued after he takes office, alongside steps to begin dismantling the “Total Peace” policy pursued by outgoing President Gustavo Petro, which sought negotiated settlements with armed groups operating across Colombia.

De la Espriella has repeatedly ruled out new peace negotiations with illegal armed organizations, saying his government will instead focus on restoring state control over territory and strengthening security operations.

“To the violent, I make only one offer: submission to justice with the benefits contemplated under current law,” he said previously after receiving his presidential credentials. He added that his administration would prioritize recovering territorial control and reinforcing the state’s presence in regions affected by armed groups.

The proposed urban security blocs received swift backing from the mayors of Colombia’s largest cities, many of whom have argued for greater national government support to combat organized crime and urban violence.

Bogotá Mayor Carlos Fernando Galán said the initiative could strengthen ongoing efforts against criminal networks. “The Public Force needs more support from the national government so that we can continue striking extortion, robbery and drug trafficking. Only by weakening these structures will we recover security and reduce homicides,” Galán said on social media.

He also called for broader reforms to Colombia’s criminal justice system.

“We cannot forget another key aspect: the country needs to redefine its criminal policy,” Galán said, arguing that many suspects arrested in Bogotá have later had arrest warrants lifted or have been released.

Medellín Mayor Federico Gutiérrez welcomed the announcement while criticizing Petro’s administration. “What a difference a president who wants security for the people versus one who came to Medellín to hold rallies with criminals,” Gutiérrez wrote on X. “May our people live in peace.”

“The only ones who should be afraid are the criminals,” he added.

Barranquilla Mayor Alejandro Char said he received the proposal “with satisfaction and hope.”

“Colombia needs firm decisions on security and justice, and the leadership of the President of the Republic is fundamental to support those of us who face this challenge every day from the regions,” remarked Char as the capital of the department of Atlántico grapples with the high cases of extorsion from illegal armed groups .

Cali Mayor Alejandro Eder, whose city has faced repeated attacks blamed on dissident guerrilla factions and other armed groups, described the measure as “the right decision.”

“That is the way forward: coordination, authority and concrete actions to protect citizens,” he said. “Cali has been one of the cities that has suffered most from insecurity and terrorist attacks. That is why, since the beginning of my administration, I have requested greater capabilities for cities and joint work between the national government and local governments to confront these threats. We are ready to contribute and work together to restore peace of mind to our people.”

Cristian Portilla, Bucaramanga’s acting mayor, also pledged support for the initiative.

“I join your call, President-elect, and the cooperation with the National Government that begins on August 7,” Portilla said. “In our city we work every day for the security of our citizens, with our own resources and with the support of the Public Force. It is essential that mayors have presidential backing in the fight against criminals.”

Portilla said Bucaramanga would prepare a detailed report on the city’s security situation before the decree is signed. “I am ready to work hand in hand toward this objective. Having the support of the government fills the people of Bucaramanga with hope,” he said.

The president-elect has not yet provided details on the structure, funding or operational framework of the proposed security blocs, nor which agencies will participate. His office said the consultations with city mayors are intended to tailor the strategy to the security needs of each municipality before implementation begins.

The announcement underscores what is expected to be one of the clearest policy breaks between De la Espriella’s incoming administration and Petro’s left-wing government, with the president-elect promising a security strategy inspired by U.S. President Donald Trump and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, centered on expanding military and police operations and increasing funding for Colombia’s armed forces.

The confrontation marks a further escalation in tensions during Colombia’s increasingly acrimonious presidential transition, less than six weeks before De la Espriella is scheduled to be inaugurated on Aug. 7.

Speaking to Blu Radio, Restrepo urged Colombians to reject what he described as attempts to undermine the constitutional transfer of power.

“Declaring civil disobedience is a disgrace. It is a disgrace against democracy, an attack on our institutions. That is the conduct of someone who is not a democrat,” Restrepo said.

Cepeda announced Tuesday that he would promote a campaign of “peaceful civil disobedience” if several demands are not met before De la Espriella takes office. Chief among them is that the president-elect formally renounce his U.S. citizenship, arguing that dual nationality would create an unacceptable conflict of loyalty between Colombia and the United States.

Cepeda also demanded that De la Espriella disclose whether he has collaborated with U.S. security agencies, abandon any effort to seek the extradition of outgoing President Gustavo Petro, halt what he described as judicial persecution of political opponents, and clarify allegations regarding past professional associations.

In a public statement, Cepeda argued that De la Espriella’s inauguration would be “illegal and illegitimate” unless those issues are resolved beforehand.

However, Colombia’s Constitution does not prohibit a Colombian president from holding dual nationality. Legal experts have noted that no constitutional provision requires a president to renounce a second citizenship before assuming office.

The constitutional reality is underscored by recent precedent. President Gustavo Petro himself held dual Colombian and Italian nationality when he was inaugurated on Aug. 7, 2022, and continues to possess both citizenships through his Italian ancestry without constitutional challenge.

Cepeda nevertheless argued that De la Espriella’s case differs because his U.S. citizenship was acquired through naturalization, which requires an oath of allegiance to the United States. According to Cepeda, that oath raises questions about where the president-elect’s loyalty would lie in the event of a conflict between the two countries.

He also accused U.S. President Donald Trump of interfering in Colombia’s June 21 presidential election and alleged that De la Espriella’s proposal to align Colombia with the so-called “Shield of the Americas” security initiative would subordinate Colombia’s national interests to those of Washington.

Restrepo rejected Cepeda’s arguments outright, saying political disagreements must be resolved through Colombia’s constitutional institutions rather than campaigns encouraging civil disobedience against a democratically elected government.

The dispute illustrates the increasingly polarized atmosphere surrounding Colombia’s transfer of power, with relations between the outgoing Petro administration and the incoming government deteriorating amid disputes over the transition process and the legitimacy of the election.

Omar Rayo: The Study of the Labyrinth, presented by the Leon Tovar Gallery is both a tribute to the artist’s celebrated works of the 1960s and 1970s and an invitation to reconsider his legacy. Rather than emphasizing optical illusion alone, the exhibition explores the intellectual and cultural foundations that shaped Rayo’s distinctive visual language, revealing an artist deeply engaged with the ancestral traditions of Latin America.

The appointme-only showing at the Gun Club in Bogotá presents a carefully curated selection of monochromatic paintings, inviting visitors to look beyond their immaculate surfaces and discover a body of work rooted in historical research, Indigenous knowledge and cultural memory.

While Rayo embraced many of the formal concerns that defined international modernism, his artistic vocabulary emerged from extensive travels throughout Latin America, where he studied the visual systems developed by pre-Columbian civilizations. Geometric incisions carved into ancient ceramics, the rhythmic structures of Andean textiles and the architectural reliefs of cultures including the Inca and Nazca became enduring sources of inspiration.

These influences never appeared as direct quotations. Instead, Rayo distilled them into a highly refined abstract language in which every line, shadow and intersection contributes to a carefully balanced composition. His paintings reject ornament in favor of disciplined geometry, transforming ancestral motifs into works that feel both timeless and unmistakably familiar.

Central to the exhibition is the idea of the labyrinth, a recurring concept that extends beyond visual complexity. For Rayo, the labyrinth was not a place of confusion or entrapment but a symbol of spiritual inquiry, continuity and belonging. His compositions invite prolonged contemplation, encouraging viewers to navigate intricate spatial relationships that gradually reveal unexpected harmony beneath their apparent complexity.

Perhaps most remarkable is the painstaking craftsmanship behind the works. Long before the advent of digital design software, every illusion of depth, every subtle transition between light and shadow, and every precisely calibrated edge was executed entirely by hand. The precision often suggests mechanical production, yet each painting bears the unmistakable evidence of extraordinary technical discipline and artistic patience.

Born in 1928 in the town of Roldanillo, in Colombia’s Valle del Cauca department, Rayo discovered drawing as a teenager after enrolling in a correspondence course offered by the Zaer Academy of Buenos Aires. He began exhibiting professionally in 1948, launching a career that would steadily gain international recognition.

Scholarships from the Organization of American States enabled him to live in Mexico between 1959 and 1960 before relocating to New York, where he remained until 1976. During those years, Rayo developed the visual language that would define his career while participating in an increasingly international dialogue about abstraction and modern art.

Although Fernando Botero became Colombia’s most recognizable artist among the general public, Rayo’s work is represented in more international museum and gallery collections than that of any other Colombian artist, underscoring the remarkable reach of his career. His paintings are held in the permanent collections of institutions including the Museum of Modern Art, the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and the Art Institute of Chicago, alongside hundreds of museums, universities and private collections across Europe, the Americas and Asia.

Even as his reputation grew abroad, Rayo maintained close ties to his birthplace. In Roldanillo (Valle del Cauca), he founded the Museo Rayo, creating one of Colombia’s most important centers dedicated to Latin American drawing and graphic arts. The museum continues to serve as a cultural landmark, bringing international exhibitions and visitors to a town better known for its sugarcane fields than its art scene.

By presenting Rayo’s geometric masterpieces within the broader context of Latin America’s artistic heritage, Omar Rayo: The Study of the Labyrinth encourages viewers to reconsider an artist often categorized too narrowly. His paintings demonstrate that abstraction can be more than an exploration of form. In Rayo’s hands, geometry became a bridge between ancient civilizations and contemporary art, revealing a visual language in which the memory of the Americas continues to unfold with quiet elegance and enduring relevance.

For audiences, the exhibition is more than a survey of optical precision. It is an opportunity to rediscover an artist whose work helped redefine modern abstraction by drawing upon the ancestral visual traditions of the Americas. More than half a century after these paintings were created, Rayo’s labyrinths continue to draw viewers inward, offering no easy exit—only new ways of seeing.

To book an appointment and inquiries contact: info@leontovargallery.com

For Cepeda, this is hospitality at its purest. Her home is neither a restaurant nor a private club, but a place where conversation matters as much as cuisine.

Her latest culinary venture, Seis y Seis, is built on a deceptively simple idea: twelve people who may never have met before share an evening of thoughtful conversation over a menu prepared by a chef whose culinary education spans New York’s demanding restaurant kitchens and Colombia’s rich regional traditions.

The result is something between a private dinner party and a fine-dining restaurant, yet without the formality or anonymity that often accompanies either.

“I wanted people to reconnect around a table,” Cepeda explains. “Cooking has always been about much more than food.” That philosophy began long before she ever stepped inside a professional kitchen.

An economist educated at the Universidad de los Andes and later at the London School of Economics, Cepeda initially built a career in development, working with Colombia’s National Development Agency and the Colombian Coffee Federation before moving to New York with her husband and young daughter.

There she worked on fundraising initiatives with non-governmental organisations, including the Salvation Army. In the days and months following the September 11 attacks, she volunteered in soup kitchens serving Lower Manhattan.

Watching thousands of meals prepared not for luxury but for comfort transformed her understanding of what cooking could accomplish. “I realised cooking had a social purpose.”

The idea was hardly foreign. Growing up in Bogotá, family meals were treated almost ceremonially. “My father believed cooking had to transcend the kitchen,” she recalls. “Everything mattered – from setting the table to choosing the utensils used to prepare each meal.”

Eventually, she abandoned the boardroom for the cutting board.

Cepeda enrolled in culinary courses at the New School before earning professional training at the French Culinary Institute in SoHo, where she worked in the school’s restaurant and catering kitchens.

From there she entered New York’s fiercely competitive restaurant scene, becoming the first female chef at the Manhattan Ocean Club, one of Midtown’s celebrated seafood institutions. The experience exposed her to every aspect of professional gastronomy—from sourcing ingredients and managing kitchen brigades to understanding how service, wine and hospitality combine to create memorable dining experiences.

She later joined CORE: Club on Fifth Avenue, the invitation-only private club created by celebrated American chef Tom Colicchio. Rising to Executive Sous Chef, she spent four years preparing meals for New York’s financial, corporate and cultural powerbrokers before deciding that it was time to return home.

Back in Bogotá in 2008, Cepeda devoted herself to consulting projects that ranged from preserving ancestral Colombian recipes in Norte de Santander to redesigning menus for the Movich hotel group and teaching future chefs at La Salle College. Sustainability, local ingredients and regional food traditions became recurring themes throughout her work.

Yet it wasn’t until years later that the idea behind Seis y Seis emerged almost accidentally.

Friends began asking her to cook intimate dinners in her home. Six invited six. Then friends brought friends. Soon entrepreneurs, advertising creatives, management executives, journalists and newcomers to Bogotá were gathering around the same table, many meeting for the first time.

Today, a seat at her table costs COP $190,000 and includes a welcome cocktail, carefully paired wines and a seasonal three-course menu designed to encourage conversation as much as appreciation for the food itself. On the evening we joined the table, conversation flowed almost as effortlessly as the wine.

Dinner opened with delicate ravioli filled with goat’s cheese, brightened by yellow lemon, pink peppercorns and tarragon. It was paired with crisp Chilean Sauvignon Blancs from Morandé and Pionero Reserva, whose citrus notes echoed the freshness of the starter.

The second course featured semi-cured salmon served over a vibrant cilantro and jalapeño sauce with crisp carrot and beetroot, before giving way to the evening’s centrepiece: duck confit scented with garam masala, sweet paprika, plums, rosé wine and balsamic vinegar. Roasted asparagus finished with lemon zest accompanied by silky sweet potato purée enriched with butter and cream.

A Chilean Doña Dominga Syrah, layered with ripe plum and red berry aromas, complemented the richness of the duck.

Dessert arrived as a panna cotta combining cream and Greek yoghurt with basil, lemon and raspberries, a light finish after an evening that had become as much about conversation as cuisine.

By the end of the night, business cards had been exchanged, friendships formed and plans made for future meetings. That may be the greatest achievement of Seis y Seis.

Around the world, supper clubs have become an increasingly popular alternative to traditional restaurants, blending the intimacy of home hospitality with professional gastronomy. In Bogotá, Cepeda has adapted the concept into something uniquely Colombian: a place where carefully prepared food serves as the catalyst for conversation, connection and community.

For newcomers to the capital, seasoned food lovers or simply those curious enough to spend an evening dining with strangers, Seis y Seis offers something that cannot be listed on a menu. It offers a seat at someone else’s table – and, by the end of the evening, the feeling that it might also be your own.

To participate in a fine dining experience contact Seis y Seis on IG: @6yseis

Speaking after receiving his official credentials from the National Election Council (CNE) during a ceremony at Bogotá’s Corferias exhibition center, De la Espriella said his administration would offer no sweeping peace deals or generous concessions to guerrilla groups, criminal gangs or drug trafficking organizations.

“They have one month to organize their surrender,” De la Espriella told hundreds of supporters gathered inside one of the exhibition halls. “In my government there will be no generous offers or unacceptable concessions such as those received from the regime that is coming to an end.”

The president-elect, who campaigned on restoring security and strengthening the armed forces, used his first major address since his election victory to sharply criticize outgoing President Gustavo Petro’s “Total Peace” policy, accusing the government of allowing criminal organizations to strengthen during negotiations.

“The coexistence of the current government with organized crime is disgusting and shameful,” he said. “In the era of the Tiger, impunity is over. Only the rule of law will prevail.”

He warned that groups continuing to engage in terrorism, drug trafficking, extortion and other criminal activities would face “the full capacity of the Colombian State and the unwavering determination of our glorious Armed Forces.”

The remarks signal a dramatic shift in Colombia’s security policy after four years of Petro’s efforts to negotiate simultaneous peace agreements with multiple armed organizations, including left-wing guerrillas, dissident factions and criminal groups. While several ceasefires were agreed during Petro’s presidency, many ultimately collapsed amid renewed violence and accusations that armed groups had used negotiations to expand their territorial control.

De la Espriella also declared that Colombia had “saved its democracy” following the closely contested election, praising both the electorate and the country’s institutions for safeguarding the constitutional order.

“I say it loudly: democracy has been saved, thanks to God and the determination of Colombia,” he said, adding that millions of Colombians had participated peacefully in the election and that the institutions responsible for overseeing the vote had ensured its legitimacy and transparency.

The president-elect pledged to respect Colombia’s democratic institutions throughout his four-year term, emphasizing that power would again be transferred through free elections at the end of his presidency.

“Four years from today, the person freely elected by the Colombian people to replace me as president will stand in this very place,” he said.

De la Espriella’s ultimatum is expected to be one of the first major policy tests for his administration before he formally takes office on Aug. 7.

The conservative lawyer and political newcomer also announced plans for an extensive anti-corruption audit during the transition period, promising what he described as a comprehensive review of the outgoing government’s finances and institutions.

“We will begin with an exhaustive audit, an anti-corruption transition process that allows us to establish the true magnitude of the institutional deterioration that we are inheriting,” he said.

Although he did not identify who would lead the investigation, he has previously proposed carrying out a forensic audit to uncover alleged corruption within the outgoing administration.

Throughout his address, De la Espriella portrayed his electoral victory as an unprecedented political achievement, emphasizing that his campaign had been conducted without the backing of traditional political parties, powerful business groups or major media organizations. “I do not hesitate to affirm that this victory is epic,” he told supporters to sustained applause.

Official final results certified by electoral authorities showed De la Espriella and vice president-elect José Manuel Restrepo won 12,960,166 votes, 624 more than the preliminary election-night count. His opponent, left-wing senator Iván Cepeda, received 12,708,312 votes after the final scrutiny, 400 fewer than initially reported.

The president-elect maintained the assertive tone that characterized his campaign, repeatedly promising to restore what he called the dignity of Colombia’s security forces and rebuild institutions weakened under Petro’s presidency.

“The person I will succeed was responsible for diminishing the majesty of the presidency and weakening our institutions,” De la Espriella said. “I will receive a nation that has been battered, but not defeated.”

In one of his first foreign policy announcements since the election, De la Espriella’s office said he would hold institutional meetings with Israel’s foreign minister to advance bilateral cooperation. According to his team, discussions will focus on cooperation against organized crime, security and intelligence exchanges, expanded trade opportunities and strengthening what it described as a strategic partnership based on technology, security and the defense of democratic institutions.

His office said the incoming government intends to restore what it called a “serious and firm” relationship with Israel while seeking closer cooperation with international partners in combating organized crime, attracting investment and expanding commercial ties.

De la Espriella’s victory marks a decisive turn toward a tougher security agenda after campaigning under the slogan “Firmes por la Patria” (“Firm for the Homeland”). He has pledged to strengthen the military, combat drug trafficking and illegal armed groups, and revive Colombia’s mining and energy sectors in an effort to boost investment and economic growth

The concession, coupled with outgoing President Gustavo Petro’s announcement that he would begin the formal transition of power, marked a decisive step toward an orderly transfer of government following one of Colombia’s most closely watched presidential elections.

One day after Colombia’s National Civil Registry said the official scrutiny of ballots matched the preliminary count by 99.997%, dispelling allegations of counting errors, Cepeda accepted the outcome while vowing to continue raising concerns over what he described as irregularities during the campaign.

“I have decided to accept the result that emerges from this process, which indicates that Abelardo de la Espriella is the new president of the Republic,” Cepeda said in a public statement.

“The time has come to affirm that we assume, with serenity, responsibility and complete determination, the role that circumstances now demand of us,” he added.

Cepeda’s concession follows several days of uncertainty after his campaign questioned aspects of the vote count, although election authorities consistently maintained that the preliminary results accurately reflected the ballots cast.

While recognizing De la Espriella’s victory, Cepeda insisted that accepting the election outcome did not mean abandoning allegations concerning the conduct of the campaign.

“Accepting the electoral result does not mean renouncing the truth or remaining silent in the face of facts that we consider serious and that marked this presidential campaign,” he said.

The senator also called for democratic guarantees for the opposition during the incoming administration, urging respect for Colombia’s constitutional institutions as political power changes hands.

The concession removes one of the final obstacles to the transition following Sunday’s runoff election, in which De la Espriella secured the presidency on a platform centered on restoring security, strengthening institutions and reviving economic growth.

Outgoing President Gustavo Petro also acknowledged the election result, announcing that his administration would begin the formal handover process while suggesting that his political movement could continue mobilizing after he leaves office.

“The transition will begin, and so will my withdrawal, and perhaps peaceful resistance,” Petro wrote in a lengthy message published late Monday on the social media platform X.

Petro’s statement blended reflections on international affairs, Colombia’s armed conflict and his own political legacy before reaffirming his commitment to a peaceful transfer of power.

“I swore an oath to peace, and I will not lead my people into violence,” the outgoing president wrote.

The departing leader also referred to U.S. President Donald Trump, saying the two leaders had effectively “drawn” politically in Peru and Colombia while expressing support for Trump’s stated efforts to end ongoing international conflicts.

Petro argued that relations between Colombia and the United States should be rebuilt through what he described as a new agreement capable of bringing greater regional stability.

He also reiterated long-held views on narcotics policy, arguing that coca cultivation in Colombia stems largely from historic land dispossession during decades of armed conflict. Petro said approximately 300,000 rural farmers had been killed during the violence and maintained that criminal organizations had replaced the guerrilla groups that once dominated the conflict.

Despite criticizing both Trump and president-elect De la Espriella elsewhere in his message, Petro emphasized that Colombia’s democratic institutions would be respected during the transition.

The remarks signal that Colombia’s first left-wing president intends to oversee a constitutional transfer of power after four years in office, even as his supporters prepare to move into opposition.

De la Espriella, a lawyer known for his hardline positions on crime and security, will assume office on Aug. 7 following the completion of the transition process.

The president-elect has pledged to restore public security, confront armed criminal groups and rebuild investor confidence while seeking closer relations with the United States and regional allies.

The acceptance of the election results by both Cepeda and Petro is likely to reduce political polarization after a fiercely contested campaign that highlighted deep ideological divisions over security, the economy and Colombia’s future direction.

The country’s electoral authorities have maintained throughout the process that Colombia’s voting system functioned normally and that the official scrutiny confirmed the accuracy of the preliminary count.

Addressing thousands of jubilant supporters waving Colombian flags along the Caribbean city’s waterfront, De la Espriella sought to strike a conciliatory tone only hours after narrowly defeating leftist rival Iván Cepeda in a fiercely contested runoff. But as his nearly hour-long address unfolded, the criminal defense attorney also issued an uncompromising warning to illegal armed groups, to outgoing President Gustavo Petro and his political heir, urging them to accept the electorate’s verdict.

The transparent ballistic shield surrounding the podium was a stark reminder that, despite Colombia’s democratic traditions, political violence remains a defining feature of public life. Yet the symbolism of the evening belonged not to fear but to triumph as chants of “President! President!” echoed across Barranquilla’s waterfront.

“My fellow Colombians, today I reaffirm my solemn pledge of absolute loyalty to the 1991 Constitution. I swear to defend our Constitution with unwavering conviction so that it cannot be destroyed. I swear to protect it from those who seek to dismantle the rule of law through tyranny. And I swear to uphold it against those who, while claiming to speak in the name of the people, would strip Colombians of their freedoms.”

The constitutional pledge established the central theme of his address: portraying his incoming administration as one committed to restoring democratic institutions after four years under Petro’s left-wing government.

Seeking to reassure a nation divided almost evenly between two competing political visions, De la Espriella insisted reconciliation – not revenge – would define his presidency.

“I will govern for every Colombian – for those who voted for me and for those who chose another candidate. There will be no winners and no losers. There will be no reprisals and no persecution because, in a democracy, there are no irreconcilable enemies. There are only fellow citizens who think differently but possess exactly the same rights as we do.”

Invoking Article 188 of Colombia’s Constitution, he added:

“From this night forward, I accept the sacred duty of embodying our nation’s unity. I will be the President of every Colombian.”

Turning directly to those who had opposed his candidacy, the president-elect extended an appeal that contrasted sharply with the combative rhetoric that characterized much of the campaign.

“This is your victory too, because democracy works when people are free to choose. Your freedoms will be protected, your rights respected, and your voices heard. You will never have to fear thinking differently. My purpose is to earn your trust through results, not speeches; through achievements, not promises; through consistency, not excuses.”

Throughout the speech, De la Espriella repeatedly invoked what he described as the birth of a “new era” for Colombia, presenting his electoral victory as the beginning of a broader national renewal.

“Today marks the beginning of a new chapter in our history – a chapter in which we will once again believe in ourselves, restore confidence in our institutions, and take pride in our flag.”

Rejecting what he portrayed as years of national pessimism, he continued:

“For too long we were told Colombia was destined to fail. We were told it was impossible to defeat corruption, impossible to restore security, impossible to unite Colombians, impossible to build a nation of property owners, opportunity and shared prosperity. Tonight, the Colombian people have answered with one voice: yes, we can build a Miracle Nation under the government of the Tiger.”

That vision, he said, would rest on institutional independence, respect for democratic checks and balances, and an end to executive interference in other branches of government.

“I am a man shaped by the law and deeply respectful of the independence of every branch of government. Mine will be a government fully committed to democracy, liberty and the rule of law.”

He promised a Congress free to legislate without pressure from the executive, governors and mayors able to govern with the central government as an ally rather than an adversary, and a judiciary whose autonomy would be fully respected.

Security, however, remained the defining pillar of the incoming administration.

Declaring that Colombians had defeated not only political opponents but also intimidation by armed groups, De la Espriella vowed to restore state authority across the country.

“The authority of the Republic will once again be felt throughout every corner of our nation. There will be no territories beyond the reach of the State, no criminals beyond justice, and no organization above the law.”

Addressing drug traffickers, guerrillas, kidnappers, extortionists and corrupt officials, he issued one of the evening’s strongest warnings.

“To the drug traffickers, terrorists, kidnappers, extortionists and corrupt officials who have stolen from the Colombian people, let this serve as notice: the people once again have a government.”

“Every one of those criminals will be pursued relentlessly within the framework of our Constitution and our laws. They will be hunted down, captured and brought to justice for every crime committed against our people and our nation. True peace is not born from impunity. True peace is born from justice.”

The president-elect reserved special praise for Colombia’s armed forces and police, promising that after taking office on Aug. 7 they would once again enjoy the unequivocal backing of the presidency.

“Beginning on August 7, you will once again have a President who respects you, supports you, honors you and protects you. There can be no freedom without security, no democracy without authority, and no nation without heroes willing to defend the Republic.”

Acknowledging the scale of the task awaiting his administration, De la Espriella tempered the celebratory atmosphere with a note of realism.

“I do not inherit an easy country. We are receiving a nation that is divided, battered and burdened by debt—a nation that demands rebuilding. I will not promise miracles. Colombia’s recovery will require work, sacrifice, discipline and perseverance.”

Still, he pledged unwavering commitment to rebuilding the country.

“But I make you this solemn promise: I will not rest for a single day until Colombia regains the greatness it deserves. I will devote every day, every week, every month and every year to that mission with all my heart, all my energy and all my commitment.”

Looking beyond Colombia’s borders, De la Espriella signaled a significant shift in foreign policy.

“Colombia is once again a strong, trustworthy and respected democracy. We will reclaim our place among the world’s free nations. We will strengthen our ties with countries that defend liberty and the rule of law. Colombia will be a reliable partner, a loyal ally and a steadfast voice for freedom across the Americas.”

As the speech drew to a close, however, the conciliatory tone gave way to a direct challenge aimed at Petro and defeated candidate Iván Cepeda, who had questioned aspects of the electoral process.

“Let me be absolutely clear. To President Petro and his political heir I say this: respect the will of the Colombian people.”

He warned that any attempt to dispute the election result outside institutional channels would amount to defying millions of voters.

“By rejecting the verdict of the ballot box, Petro and Cepeda are not challenging the Tiger – they are challenging the millions of Colombians who gave us this democratic victory.”

His message then became even more pointed.

“Petro and Cepeda: do not ignite social unrest. Respect the people’s verdict. There will be no third round fought in the streets. The election is over. Pack your bags and prepare to serve as the democratic opposition.”

While reaffirming that Cepeda would enjoy every democratic guarantee to lead the opposition, De la Espriella coupled the assurance with an unmistakable warning.

“Senator-elect Cepeda will enjoy every constitutional guarantee to exercise the opposition. But let me be equally clear: do not even think of encouraging violence or sowing fear. You already know how hard the Tiger bites – and I can assure you, the Tiger can bite even harder than it did at the ballot box today.”

As fireworks illuminated Barranquilla’s skyline and supporters celebrated what De la Espriella repeatedly described as the beginning of a “Miracle Nation,” the president-elect closed his address with a call for reconciliation.

“Tonight, the Horrible Night has come to an end, giving way to the light of a prosperous, secure and hopeful nation. There will no longer be one forgotten Colombia and another privileged Colombia. From this day forward there is only one Colombia. I call on all Colombians to reconcile with one another and to make history together, because the future no longer belongs to a privileged few—it belongs to the people of Colombia.”

For Colombia’s next president, the campaign may have ended. But as he stood behind bulletproof glass before a jubilant crowd in Barranquilla, Abelardo de la Espriella made clear that, in his view, the far more difficult task of governing a deeply polarized nation had only just begun.

The strongest endorsements came from the United States, where President Donald Trump offered his trademark succinct congratulations, writing simply: “He won, BIG!”

Secretary of State Marco Rubio said he had personally spoken with De la Espriella to congratulate him, adding that the Trump administration looked forward to working closely with the incoming government “to advance regional security cooperation, end illegal immigration to the United States, and strengthen our economic ties.”

Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau described the election as “a new dawn for Colombia,” saying Colombians had chosen “a brighter future” and pledging close cooperation on security, migration and commerce.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent portrayed the result as part of a wider political shift across Latin America.

“Colombia is the latest example of voters across Latin America rejecting failed leftist policies,” Bessent said, adding that Colombians had instead backed “pro-market, pro-growth defenders of economic prosperity and freedoms.”

The U.S. Embassy in Bogotá also congratulated the president-elect, saying the result reflected “the will of the Colombian people and their commitment to democracy.”

Among the first foreign leaders to react was Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who highlighted her longstanding personal relationship with De la Espriella and pledged to deepen bilateral cooperation.

“We will work united for economic growth, stability and international security, and to strengthen cooperation in countering drug trafficking and transnational criminal organizations,” Meloni wrote, adding that she looked forward to welcoming Colombia’s new president to Italy.

Across Latin America, several conservative leaders framed the election as part of a broader ideological shift in the region.

Argentine President Javier Milei declared, “The Lion and the Tiger roar in Latin America,” celebrating what he called Colombia’s embrace of economic freedom, prosperity and security.

Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa said Colombians had chosen “order over impunity,” while Chilean conservative leader José Antonio Kast welcomed what he described as “a new stage of freedom” for Colombia.

Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado congratulated De la Espriella and expressed hope that Colombia would become “a great ally in the democratic transition of Venezuela.”

Israel’s Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar also welcomed the result, declaring, “The Tiger won, Colombia won,” and invited the president-elect to visit Jerusalem to strengthen bilateral relations following years of strained ties between the two countries.

The Government of El Salvador likewise congratulated De la Espriella, reaffirming its willingness to deepen cooperation and friendship between the two nations.

Within Colombia, former president and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Juan Manuel Santos called for national unity, congratulating De la Espriella and Vice President-elect José Manuel Restrepo while urging Colombians to rally behind democratic institutions.

“Now is the moment to unite the country, surround our institutions, and work together for a more prosperous and peaceful country,” Santos said.

Former president Álvaro Uribe Vélez hailed the outcome as a victory for what he described as Colombia’s “democratic recovery,” while sharply criticizing the outgoing administration and alleging irregularities during the campaign, without presenting evidence in his public statement.

U.S. Senator Bernie Moreno also praised Colombia’s electoral authorities, describing the vote as “world class” and suggesting the United States could learn from Colombia’s election procedures. Moreno said he looked forward to working with De la Espriella on combating drug trafficking, transnational crime and illegal migration while expanding trade between the two countries.

The unusually swift and overwhelmingly positive international reaction underscores expectations that Colombia, under De la Espriella, will pursue closer relations with the United States and like-minded conservative governments, while pivoting away from many of the foreign policy priorities championed during President Gustavo Petro’s administration.

De la Espriella, who defeated leftist rival Iván Cepeda by fewer than one percentage point in Sunday’s runoff, will be inaugurated on August 7 after campaigning on promises to restore security, revive investor confidence and strengthen Colombia’s alliances with Western democracies.

According to National Registry Bulletin 18, De la Espriella secured 12,921,702 votes, or 49.65% of ballots cast, compared with 12,673,392 votes, or 48.70%, for Cepeda. The margin of victory was just 248,310 votes, underscoring a deeply polarized nation following months of an intensely contested campaign.

The result returns Colombia to a conservative government after four years under President Gustavo Petro, whose administration pursued sweeping social reforms and a controversial “Total Peace” strategy aimed at negotiating with armed groups.

De la Espriella, 49, campaigned on a promise to restore public security, revive investor confidence, reduce government bureaucracy and taxes, and dismantle key pillars of Petro’s domestic agenda. Throughout the campaign, he portrayed the runoff as a referendum on Colombia’s economic future and the rule of law.

With the election victory, Colombian are taking to the streets with their tri-color flag and  celebrating with chants of  “Fuera Petro” and “¡Sí se pudo!”

Cepeda, a hard-leftist senator sought to extend the progressive policies of the Petro administration, arguing they were beginning to reduce inequality and expand social protections. However, a slim majority of Colombia have stumped the leftist advance in their country.

The narrow outcome reflected an electorate almost evenly divided between competing visions for Colombia’s future. Analysts said the president-elect will inherit a politically fragmented Congress, forcing him to negotiate with centrist and regional parties if he hopes to pass major reforms during his four-year term.

Financial markets and business leaders are closely watching the result of “El Tigre’s” victory, with investors viewing the election as a pivotal moment for Latin America’s fourth-largest economy. De la Espriella pledged during the campaign to restore confidence among domestic and foreign investors, simplify regulations and encourage private-sector growth while strengthening Colombia’s security institutions.

Security also dominated the election campaign amid renewed violence in several regions of the country. De la Espriella repeatedly criticized Petro’s “Total Peace” negotiations with guerrilla and criminal organizations, arguing the strategy had emboldened illegal armed groups. He vowed to restore military offensives against organizations involved in drug trafficking, kidnapping and extortion while reinforcing the authority of the state in conflict-affected regions.

International leaders are expected to congratulate the president-elect in the coming hours as Colombia prepares for a political transition that could reshape both its domestic and foreign policy. De la Espriella has pledged closer cooperation with the United States on security and counternarcotics while seeking to rebuild investor confidence after years of economic uncertainty.

The president-elect will assume office on August 7, becoming Colombia’s next head of state after one of the most fiercely contested elections in decades.

Although the vote was peaceful across much of the country, the razor-thin margin is likely to keep political tensions elevated as electoral authorities complete the official count. Attention will now turn to De la Espriella’s transition team and the composition of his first cabinet, which will provide the clearest indication of how he intends to govern a nation that emerged from Sunday’s historic runoff almost evenly split.

The security alert, issued on Thursday, comes as Colombia prepares for one of its most closely watched presidential elections in decades, with over 100,000 police and military personnel deployed nationwide amid heightened political tensions.

The Embassy advised U.S. citizens to “anticipate significant travel disruptions before, during and after the June 21 vote,” citing government-imposed security measures that include temporary border closures, a nationwide ban on alcohol sales and an increased security presence across the country.

“Protests and election-related violence may occur throughout Colombia before and after the election,” the embassy said in its advisory, adding that demonstrations and police operations could result in road closures and transport delays. It urged Americans planning to travel over the weekend to allow extra time for their journeys or “reconsider non-essential travel”.

Under measures announced by Colombian authorities, land and maritime borders will remain closed from 6:00 a.m. on Saturday until 6:00 a.m. on Monday, while the sale of alcoholic beverages will be prohibited from 6:00 p.m. Saturday until midday Monday as part of the country’s traditional “Ley Seca,” or dry law, enforced during national elections.

The Colombian government has also ordered an extensive deployment of security forces across the country to safeguard polling stations and maintain public order during the election.

The U.S. advisory drew an immediate response from Petro, who dismissed suggestions that Colombia faced an elevated security threat and accused the Embassy of portraying an inaccurate picture of the country’s stability.

Speaking during a public event in Villavicencio, departmental capital of Meta, the president insisted Colombia was fully capable of guaranteeing a peaceful democratic transition regardless of the election’s outcome. “The Colombian people will decide their own destiny,” he said, urging the U.S. diplomatic mission to “stop frightening Americans”.

He described the warning as “an insult to Colombia” and argued there was no reason for foreign residents to fear violence either during Sunday’s vote or after Aug. 6, when he is due to hand over power to his elected successor.

Petro also suggested that comments by foreign governments regarding Colombia’s electoral process risked being interpreted as interference in the country’s domestic affairs. “I have nothing against the United States,” Petro said, while adding that Colombians alone would determine the country’s political future at the ballot box.

The diplomatic exchange comes during the final hours of an increasingly polarized election campaign, with security remaining a central concern following weeks of heightened political rhetoric and street protests.

Authorities have stepped up protective measures around strategic infrastructure, government buildings and electoral facilities in Bogotá and other major cities. Police have also identified more than 100 locations nationwide – including police stations and neighborhood CAI command posts – as potential targets for vandalism or public disorder during the election period.

Interior and defense officials have repeatedly stressed that the restrictions are precautionary and form part of Colombia’s standard election security protocol, designed to ensure voters can cast their ballots safely and transparently.

Sunday’s runoff will determine who succeeds Petro as Colombia’s next president at a time when the country faces deep security challenges and political divisions.

Despite the exchange between Bogotá and Washington, Colombian authorities continue to insist that robust security arrangements are in place and that the electoral process will proceed will all  constitutional guarantees and slate of international observers.

Mayor Carlos Fernando Galán and Defence Minister Pedro Sánchez chaired a high-level Security Council meeting on Thursday attended by senior military commanders, police officials, representatives of the national government, electoral authorities and oversight agencies to coordinate the final operational details before Colombians return to the polls on June 21.

The measures come as Colombia prepares for one of the most consequential presidential elections in decades, with authorities seeking to reassure voters that the democratic process will be conducted under secure and transparent conditions despite heightened political tensions.

“It was an important meeting at this moment to review how we are working together to guarantee the development of the second-round presidential election,” Galán said following the meeting.

The mayor said Bogotá has been implementing contingency plans since April to support the electoral process and ensure that citizens are able to exercise their constitutional right to vote safely.

Among the measures announced is the activation of a special emergency services coordination centre that will prioritize responses to any disruption affecting electricity, telecommunications, public transportation, water supplies and traffic management throughout election day.

The capital will also establish a central Unified Command Post (PMU), alongside command centres in each of Bogotá’s 20 localities, allowing authorities to monitor events in real time and respond rapidly to any security or logistical incidents.

Police will deploy approximately 12,500 officers across the city, supported by an additional 2,500 district officials responsible for assisting voters, coordinating public services and helping maintain order at polling stations.

Authorities said security forces will also oversee the distribution of ballot papers, protect electoral materials throughout the voting process and accompany their transfer for official vote counting once polls close.

Galán stressed that safeguarding Colombia’s democratic institutions remained the city’s overriding priority. “Our responsibility is to ensure that citizens can vote freely and that the electoral system enjoys every guarantee before, during and after election day,” the mayor said.

He added that national and local authorities had committed themselves to coordinating closely under the government’s nationwide “Plan Democracia,” which brings together the armed forces, police and civilian agencies to protect polling stations and maintain public order.

“The legitimacy of the electoral system depends upon ensuring that the entire process unfolds without disruption,” Galán said. “Every institution must fulfil its responsibilities so that election day proceeds peacefully and in full compliance with electoral law.”

The mayor also appealed for calm regardless of the outcome, urging Bogotá residents to respect the official results and avoid actions that could undermine public confidence in the electoral process.

Authorities are expecting another high turnout after more than 65% of eligible voters in Bogotá participated in the first round of the presidential election. Officials believe participation could increase further in Sunday’s decisive vote, potentially generating longer queues at polling stations.

“We encourage citizens to vote early,” Galán said. “That will help avoid unnecessary waiting times and contribute to a smoother electoral process.”

In a move welcomed by many business owners, Bogotá’s administration also announced a last-minute adjustment to the city’s alcohol restrictions for the election weekend.

The so-called ley seca, or dry law, will now begin at midnight on Saturday, June 20, rather than at 6 p.m. on Friday as originally planned. The restrictions will remain in force until noon on Monday, June 22.

Secretary of Government Gustavo Quintero said the decision followed consultations with representatives of Bogotá’s bars and restaurants, who warned that an earlier ban would significantly affect trade during the FIFA World Cup, when football supporters are expected to gather in large numbers to watch international matches.

The revised schedule allows businesses to operate normally on Friday evening while preserving alcohol restrictions throughout election day and during the immediate post-election period, when authorities consider maintaining public order to be essential.

Bogotá, home to the country’s largest concentration of registered voters, is expected to play a decisive role in determining Colombia’s next president. Security measures in the capital form part of a broader nationwide operation designed to safeguard polling stations, electoral officials and ballot transportation across the country.

Authorities have also identified more than 100 locations across Bogotá as potential targets for vandalism or public disorder during and after Sunday’s vote, prompting additional security measures. The sites include police stations, neighbourhood police command posts (CAIs), government buildings and other strategic infrastructure

For many Colombians, Sunday’s vote represents not only the conclusion of a closely fought presidential race but also a critical test of the country’s democratic institutions. Authorities say their objective is to ensure that every voter can cast a ballot freely and that confidence in the electoral process remains intact from the opening of polling stations to the certification of the final results.

His first-round victory on May 31 was not built on celebrity or “costeño” novelty alone. It was built on discipline. While opponents lurched from one political controversy to the next, De La Espriella maintained a remarkably coherent message centered on restoring public security, reviving economic confidence and reaffirming the authority of the Colombian state. He campaigned with confidence, directness and an unmistakable sense of patriotism that resonated with voters looking for certainty after years of political turbulence.

Winning an election, however, is infinitely easier than governing Colombia.

The next administration will inherit a country burdened by profound structural challenges. Criminal organizations continue to dominate territories where the state remains weak. Extortion, illegal mining and narcotics trafficking have become entrenched features of local economies in many regions. Businesses remain cautious as uncertainty surrounds fiscal policy, taxation and investment. Confidence – perhaps Colombia’s most valuable political currency – has become increasingly scarce.

Entire ministries – from Education to Equality – have swollen into “white elephants” to bureaucracy, nepotism and patronage, measuring their limited successes by bloating budgets, squandering payrolls and finger-pointing contracts to “activists”.

The health system is buckling under the weight of improvisation and ideological disdain of doctors, nurses and patients, while uncertainty over energy policy has chilled investment in one of Colombia’s most strategic sectors. Look no further than the state-owned RTVC, to see a revolving-door of click-farm “journalists” and social media “hacks” spewing propaganda from their mics.

Fiscal discipline must be restored without suffocating growth. These are not campaign talking points. They are the governing realities awaiting Colombia’s next president.

Security, however, stands above every other challenge.

For many Colombians, President Gustavo Petro’s “Total Peace” policy failed to deliver the improvements in public safety that had been promised. Negotiations with armed groups coincided with continued violence, extortion and territorial expansion by criminal organizations. Whether one accepts that assessment in whole or in part, the next administration will face intense pressure to demonstrate measurable improvements in public security and state presence.

De La Espriella has promised an approach centered on strengthening institutions, enforcing the law and protecting citizens. Those promises will ultimately be judged not by speeches or symbolism, but by results.

One decision during the campaign deserves particular attention: the selection of José Manuel Restrepo as the vice-presidential candidate.

Successful presidencies are rarely built upon personality alone. They require capable governing teams. In choosing Restrepo, De La Espriella signaled that economic competence would occupy a central place in his administration.

Restrepo belongs to a tradition of public servants whose reputation rests on technical expertise rather than political performance. An accomplished economist with experience in academia and government, he has earned respect across business, academic and policy circles for his analytical rigor and measured temperament. Soft-spoken without being timid, intellectually confident without pretension, he projects the calm authority of someone more interested in solving problems than winning headlines.

At a time when politics increasingly rewards outrage and spectacle, that is a valuable quality.

The partnership also reflects an intriguing political balance. De La Espriella, a hardline Barranquila-based attorney known for his forceful public presence, is complemented by Restrepo, the thoughtful Bogotano whose strength lies in economic management and institutional credibility. Together they project both political leadership and technocratic competence.

If elected, they will need both. When sworn-in on August 7,  this “dream team” will rise to the moment.

The challenges awaiting the next government cannot be resolved through rhetoric alone. Restoring investor confidence while balancing the national budget, strengthening security while preserving democratic institutions, improving public services while maintaining fiscal responsibility, and rebuilding confidence among international allies will require discipline, pragmatism and sustained political leadership.

History offers a useful reminder. Colombians have repeatedly invested enormous hope in newly elected presidents, only to discover that structural problems rarely yield to campaign promises alone. Governing demands persistence long after electoral enthusiasm has faded.

That is why De La Espriella’s greatest achievement may not ultimately be his campaign, impressive though it has been. It will be whether he succeeds in restoring confidence in the Colombian state itself: confidence that laws will be enforced fairly, institutions will function effectively, economic policy will provide stability, and government will be judged by competence rather than ideology.

Campaigns are designed to inspire. Governments are judged by what they accomplish.

The applause of victory fades quickly. Colombians will soon demand something far more consequential than compelling speeches or patriotic symbolism. They will expect safer communities, stronger institutions, sound public finances and a government capable of addressing the country’s most pressing challenges.

History rarely remembers impeccable campaigns. It remembers successful governments. On June 21 every vote counts. And despite the roiling threats from the hard-left to “burn down” one of Latin America’s oldest democracies, The City Paper is proud to endorse Abelardo De La Espriella for President and José Manuel Restrepo for Vice President of Colombia.

The National Liberation Army (ELN) said it would suspend offensive operations between June 20 and June 23 to guarantee citizens’ right to vote in the June 21 presidential election. According to a statement issued by the illegal armed group, fighters have been instructed not to carry out military actions against state security forces during that period.

The announcement comes as the highly polarized contest between conservative candidate Abelardo de la Espriella and hard-leftist Iván Cepeda has increasingly focused on questions of electoral integrity and security in conflict-affected regions.

Meanwhile, Defensores de la Patria, a movement supporting De la Espriella’s candidacy, said it had filed a complaint with Colombia’s Attorney General’s Office requesting an investigation into possible voter coercion in areas where illegal armed groups maintain influence.

The legal action, submitted by constitutional lawyer Germán Calderón España, relies on an electoral analysis by former senator Rodrigo Lara Restrepo that compared first-round results with municipalities identified by Colombia’s Ombudsman’s Office as facing elevated electoral risks due to the presence of armed groups.

According to the complaint, Cepeda secured more than 70% of the vote in 109 municipalities across the departments of Cauca, Chocó and Nariño. The movement argues that 100 of those municipalities overlap with areas previously flagged by authorities as vulnerable to electoral interference by illegal armed organizations. In some localities, support for Cepeda exceeded 97% of the vote.

Defensores de la Patria alleges the results warrant an investigation into what Colombian political commentators have termed “voto fusil” — or “shotgun voting” — referring to alleged voting under threat or coercion by armed actors.

However, separate analyses have urged caution in interpreting the data.

The digital publication La Silla Vacía found that while Cepeda performed more strongly in municipalities affected by armed conflict, much of that trend mirrored historical voting patterns observed during President Gustavo Petro’s electoral victories. The outlet reported that statistical anomalies appeared concentrated in a relatively small number of polling stations.

According to an invetigation, 334 polling tables exhibited unusual voting patterns favouring Cepeda, involving approximately 25,000 votes — equivalent to around 0.3% of his first-round total. The publication noted that while the figures merited scrutiny, they would likely prove decisive only in an exceptionally close runoff.

The debate over electoral conditions has intensified amid growing concerns about political violence.

Colombia’s Ombudsman’s Office had previously issued warnings covering hundreds of municipalities considered at risk because of the activities of illegal armed groups. Regional officials have also raised alarms over reports of threats directed at local communities ahead of the vote.

The runoff follows months of heightened political tensions, including attacks against campaign figures and mounting accusations between rival political camps over the influence of armed organizations in remote areas of the country.

For Cepeda’s supporters, allegations of systematic coercion amount to an effort to delegitimize the left’s electoral gains among historically marginalized populations. The expansion of armed groups under Petro’s “Total Peace” strategy has also created conditions that could undermine free participation in the election process by vulnerable Colombins in rural areas of Cauca, Nariño, Putumayo, and Valle del Cauca.

The Attorney General’s Office has not publicly announced whether it has opened a formal investigation into the claims by the front-running candidate and criminal defense attorney De La Espriella.

Delivery carts rattle across uneven sidewalks. Shopkeepers roll up metal shutters to reveal stacks of denim, sequined dresses and school uniforms. Buyers from Colombia’s Caribbean coast negotiate prices over coffee, while students weave through the crowd on their way to class. The district hums with the practiced efficiency of a place that has spent centuries perfecting the art of commerce.

For many Bogotanos, San Victorino has long occupied a complicated place in the city’s imagination. Located in the historic centre, between Avenida Caracas and Avenida Décima, the neighborhood was often defined by stories of congestion, pickpockets and urban disorder. It was a place people came to shop with purpose — and left quickly.

Now, city officials and local business leaders are inviting visitors to slow down.

The recently launched “Vive San Victorino” tourism route seeks to recast one of Bogotá’s busiest commercial districts as an unexpected destination for travelers interested in understanding the city’s entrepreneurial spirit. The three-hour guided experience traces more than 400 years of history through a neighborhood that has evolved from a colonial marketplace into one of Colombia’s largest wholesale commercial centers.

The effort reflects a broader shift in contemporary tourism, one that favors authentic experiences over postcard-perfect attractions.

“People increasingly want to understand how cities actually function,” said a guide leading a recent tour through the district. “San Victorino tells an important story about Bogotá.”

That story begins in the colonial era, when merchants gathered near what is now the Plazoleta de La Mariposa to exchange goods arriving from different corners of the region. Over the centuries, waves of migration, economic upheaval and urban growth transformed the area into a commercial powerhouse.

Today, San Victorino encompasses 17 commercial blocks and supports an estimated 25,000 entrepreneurs. More than 80 lines of business operate within its boundaries, ranging from fashion and footwear to electronics, household goods and beauty products.

The district is the capstone of Colombia’s garment industry.

Textile warehouses, tailoring workshops, fashion design studios and wholesale retailers occupy multi-story commercial buildings where transactions unfold at a relentless pace. Merchants travel from across Colombia — and occasionally neighboring countries — to purchase merchandise destined for shops hundreds of miles away.

For travelers accustomed to visiting museums and monuments, the experience can feel unexpectedly revealing.

During one stop, participants hear the story of a family-run tailoring business that has operated for decades. At another, guides explain how informal commerce shaped the social fabric of downtown Bogotá. The route passes landmarks such as the Edificio Nariño and introduces visitors to a neighborhood often overlooked by traditional sightseeing itineraries.

There is also time for lunch.

Food courts tucked inside shopping complexes provide an opportunity to sample the everyday flavors of the district: hearty corrientazos, fresh fruit juices and steaming bowls of soup served to workers preparing for long days behind cash registers and sewing machines.

The experience does not ignore San Victorino’s challenges.

Residents and business owners acknowledge the area’s enduring concerns surrounding security and overcrowding. Tour organizers advise visitors to remain with their groups, avoid displaying valuables and stay aware of their surroundings — precautions familiar to travelers navigating busy urban environments around the world.

Yet those same business owners argue that reducing San Victorino’s reputation to street crime and negative perceptions obscures its more nuanced reality.

What emerges during the tour is not a polished version of Bogotá designed exclusively for tourists, but rather a portrait of a city negotiating questions of identity, opportunity and inclusion.

The route also highlights the role of Colombia’s economía popular — the vast network of small businesses and family enterprises that sustain millions of livelihoods across the country. In San Victorino, commerce is not merely transactional. It is generational.

A grandmother teaches her granddaughter to operate the register. Brothers expand their parents’ wholesale business. Young designers launch edgy clothing brands from modest workshops hidden above crowded storefronts.

These stories unfold against the backdrop of one of Latin America’s most dynamic capitals, a city increasingly eager to broaden the narratives it offers visitors.

Bogotá’s celebrated museums, acclaimed restaurants and mountain vistas continue to draw travelers. But experiences such as Vive San Victorino suggest that the city’s future as a destination may depend equally on its willingness to embrace places that feel less predictable.

As afternoon settles over the district, buyers carrying oversized bags continue their search for bargains. Vendors call out promotions. Delivery trucks idle outside shopping centers.

San Victorino remains, first and foremost, a place of work.

But for those willing to venture beyond Bogotá’s established tourist circuits, it has become something else as well: a window into the rhythms, contradictions and resilience of a city that has always reinvented itself through trade. It is Colombia’s version of Delhi’s Chandi Chowk, Istanbul’s Grand Bazaar or London’s Brick Lane.

And perhaps that is the greatest souvenir San Victorino has to offer outsiders is to “blend in”, connect with local hospitality and and come to appreciate the social fabric that weaves Bogotá together.

Yet, as Colombia enters the decisive final ten days of a fiercely contested presidential run-off, the country’s courts have ruled that right-wing candidate Abelardo de la Espriella cannot wear the official jersey of the national football team at campaign events, nor can his movement invoke patriotic slogans or employ certain national symbols in political advertising.

The decisions arrive at an extraordinary moment. Colombians will return to the ballot box on June 21 to choose between two starkly different political projects represented by hard-leftist Iván Cepeda and conservative Abelardo de la Espriella. Less than a week earlier, on June 16, Colombia will face Uzbekistan as the FIFA World Cup 2026 gets underway in North America. Once again, football and politics are colliding in a country where both stir powerful emotions and competing visions of national identity.

The controversy surrounding the use of the national team’s yellow jersey began shortly after the first round of voting on May 31, in which De la Espriella secured 10.3 million votes, representing 43.7 percent of the electorate, while Cepeda obtained 9.6 million votes, or 40.9 percent.

On June 4, Bogotá’s 120th Municipal Criminal Court admitted a protection measure – tutela – ordering De la Espriella to refrain from using or displaying the official Colombian football jersey in campaign events, publicity materials, social media posts and communications with the media.

The court argued that the jersey and symbols associated with the national team should be reserved for “sporting contexts” and that, during a sensitive electoral period, “the state had a duty to protect the rights of a broader social collective”.

Cepeda had previously questioned the use of the jersey by his rival’s campaign, writing to the Colombian Football Federation to argue that the national team “belongs to all Colombians” and should not become a partisan emblem.

The issue escalated further this week when Bogotá’s Superior Tribunal ordered De la Espriella to withdraw political propaganda featuring national symbols, including the Colombian flag, coat of arms, and references to the Armed Forces under his campaign slogan, “Firmes por la Patria.”

The ruling, prompted by another tutela action, gave the campaign 24 hours to remove the material from its website, social media platforms and other forms of mass communication.

The Barranquilla-based criminal defense attorney responded by vowing to challenge the court’s decision through legal channels while openly encouraging supporters to continue using the symbols in question.

“Every cellphone, every national team jersey, every video saying ‘Firmes por la Patria’ is a cry for freedom,” he declared during a campaign rally in Cartagena. “The justice system will have to imprison half the country.”

His VP running mate, former Finance Minister José Manuel Restrepo, framed the issue as one of individual liberties.

“I will wear this jersey whenever I want, wherever I want and as many times as I want,” Restrepo wrote on social media. “The free development of personality and individual freedoms are fundamental principles of our democracy.”

For supporters of the judicial decisions, however, the issue is not freedom of expression but the monopolization of symbols that should unite Colombians regardless of ideology.

“The national team belongs to everyone,” Cepeda argued while receiving the endorsement of supporters’ groups linked to professional football clubs. “We cannot allow anyone to steal it and claim that it exclusively represents their ideals.”

The dispute raises difficult constitutional questions.

Can the state determine how citizens express patriotism during an election campaign? At what point does the regulation of political messaging become an infringement upon freedom of expression? Should national symbols be treated differently from other forms of political speech?

Perhaps most significantly, critics have pointed to what they view as an inconsistency in the application of these principles.

If the Executive has been permitted to invoke Simon Bolívar’s sword, protect cultural “relics” such as the sombrero of the M-19’s commander Carlos Pizarro, should ordinary citizens face judicial restrictions for wearing the jersey of the national football team?

The timing only intensifies the debate. Presidential elections in Colombia have frequently coincided with football’s greatest tournaments. Politicians across the ideological spectrum have sought to harness the emotional power of the yellow jersey, a garment that has become one of the country’s most potent expressions of shared identity.

De la Espriella’s use of the national team jersey constitutes not only strategic political branding but it has also caught the Cepeda camp unprepared to deal with the mass outpouring of patriotic sentiment.

As the World Cup begins and millions of Colombians prepare to cheer for their national team before returning to the polls days later, the yellow jersey has become something few could have anticipated: the latest battleground in Colombia’s struggle over identity, democracy and the boundaries of liberty.

The real question may not be whether a presidential candidate should wear Colombia’s tri-colours. It may be whether the court’s ruling may prompt many more citizens to do so, especially on voting day.

It is a question that would have seemed unthinkable only a generation ago. Yet it has become increasingly difficult to dismiss.

Within hours of the first-round results, President Gustavo Petro publicly questioned the electoral process without presenting evidence of systemic fraud. Cepeda, the candidate of the governing Pacto Histórico coalition, also echoed the same concerns as the final count was taking place on May 31. In a healthy democracy, candidates have every right to seek transparency. But when leaders cast doubt on elections without substantiating their claims, they risk eroding confidence in the very institutions that brought them to power.

The problem for Cepeda is that he has failed to convince many Colombians that he represents a departure from the Petro administration. Rather than positioning himself as a corrective to a government criticized for economic uncertainty, legislative paralysis and deteriorating security conditions, he has remained politically inseparable from the president.

Abelardo de la Espriella has taken a different approach.

A polarizing figure in his own right, the criminal defense attorney has increasingly emphasized the role of his vice-presidential running mate, José Manuel Restrepo. The contrast between the two vice-presidential candidates is difficult to ignore.

Restrepo is a former minister of commerce and finance, a respected economist with postgraduate degrees and years of experience in public administration. He has outlined detailed proposals for managing fiscal policy, restructuring government and addressing immediate governance challenges during a potential transition.

Aída Quilcué brings a markedly different narrative to the campaign.

An Indigenous activist, Quilcué has dedicated much of her public life to advocating for Indigenous rights and territorial autonomy. Her supporters view her as a symbol of representation for communities historically excluded from political power. But representation alone is not governance. The social leader from Cauca also counts with the support of the Indigenous Guard, movement that has participated in road blockades and mobilizations to disrupt commerce and challenge the authority of the state’s Armed Forces.

Quilcué’s limited high school education, has become a relevant question as Colombians assess who might assume the presidency in the event of unforeseen circumstances. Critics have also questioned her reluctance to engage in sustained public debates with Restrepo, depriving voters of the opportunity to evaluate the competing visions embodied by the two tickets.

Colombia’s democracy must remain open to individuals from all backgrounds. The issue at stake is preparedness. A presidency and vice presidency are not symbolic offices – they demand administrative competence, strategic judgment and ability to navigate crises affecting more than 50 million citizens. Petro’s four year term is hardly a resumé Cepeda can count on.

Equally concerning is the increasingly militant tone emerging from sectors of the pro-government coalition following Cepeda’s first-round defeat.

Pacto Histórico supporters describe the protests, university mobilizations and digital campaigns now unfolding across the country as “legitimate expressions” of democratic participation. Yet Colombians have reasons to be wary of terms that recall the “social explosion” of a National Strike.

Promoted by then Senator Gustavo Petro, the 2021 Paro Nacional demonstrated how quickly mass mobilizations descended int prolonged blockades, disruptions to food supply chains and acts of vandalism that disproportionately affected working families. The economic and psychological scars of that period remain fresh among De La Espriella supporters.

Independent oservers to the electoral process fear that the line between so-called “activism” and “intimidation” may once again become blurred.

Those concerns extend beyond urban protests. Colombia continues to struggle with the presence of illegal armed groups in several regions of the country, where electoral processes have historically been vulnerable to coercion and intimidation. While there is no evidence of a coordinated effort on behalf of any presidential campaign, the state’s inability to guarantee equal political conditions in every municipality remains a serious challenge for democratic legitimacy.

The burden of responsibility therefore rests heavily on political leaders.

If Cepeda loses, he and President Petro will face a defining test. They can reinforce democratic norms by unequivocally accepting the result and urging supporters to pursue change through constitutional means. Or they can continue cultivating narratives of institutional distrust that deepen polarization and uncertainty.

Should De la Espriella prevail, he would need a large margin of victory – more than one million votes – to start his first term with a clear mandate. But he will face a nation with deep social challenges and ideological agitation.

But before Colombia can begin addressing those problems, it must first answer a more basic question: Are elections still accepted as the ultimate expression of popular sovereignty?

Democracy does not require citizens to agree with election outcomes. It requires political leaders to respect them.

As Colombians prepare to cast their ballots, they are choosing between competing visions for the country’s future. Yet the most important decision may ultimately belong to those who lose.

Trump praised De la Espriella’s first-round victory and portrayed him as a future champion of economic growth, law and order, and closer ties with the United States.

“The results of this Election are very important to the future of Colombia and its relationship to the United States,” Trump wrote.

The endorsement was notable not only for its enthusiasm but also for its language. Trump attacked De la Espriella’s opponent, left-wing senator Iván Cepeda, as a “Radical Left Marxist” and suggested the runoff could shape the future direction of one of Washington’s closest allies in Latin America.

Then came the response.

Addressing Trump directly, De la Espriella published a lengthy open letter that read less like a campaign statement and more like a declaration of intent.

“With my head held high and a heart full of patriotic gratitude, I receive your words and your steadfast support,” he wrote.

“Thank you, Mr. President.”

The candidate praised Trump as “a leader of true strength and conviction” who had refused to surrender to ideological trends or enemies of freedom.

More importantly, he suggested that Colombia was now following a path similar to that taken by Trump’s political movement in the United States.

“You have paved the way for the people to defeat the entrenched powers that have long held sway,” De la Espriella wrote. “In Colombia, we have now begun to follow that same path.”

It was one of the clearest attempts yet by the conservative candidate to place his campaign within a broader political realignment taking shape across the Americas.

The letter repeatedly returned to the idea of a common destiny shared by Colombia and the United States.

“The United States and Colombia are sister nations, bound by the blood of heroes and by our shared destiny to defend Western civilization across the Americas,” he wrote.

“Together, we are unbreakable.”

For De la Espriella, the relationship extends beyond diplomacy. It is rooted in what he described as shared values, mutual respect and a common struggle against forces that threaten both nations.

The candidate outlined a vision of closer cooperation on security, trade and economic development while emphasizing that both countries face similar challenges from organized crime and drug trafficking.

“Our security policies are fully aligned,” he wrote.

“Narcoterrorism is the cancer destroying our societies, and we will confront it relentlessly, with iron resolve and without apology.”

The statement echoed themes that have defined much of De la Espriella’s campaign: security, economic growth, private enterprise and a promise to reverse what he views as the failures of the Petro administration.

“We stand together in the sacred defense of private property, free enterprise, productive growth, and the well-being of our citizens as the highest purpose of government,” he wrote.

The candidate also pledged resistance to what he called the advance of communism in the hemisphere and announced support for an “Alliance of the Shield of the Americas,” a regional initiative intended to strengthen cooperation among governments committed to security, democracy and economic freedom.

The exchange unfolded as another senior figure in the Trump administration weighed in on Colombia’s election. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Washington would closely monitor the electoral process. “We will be very firm in guaranteeing free and fair elections in Colombia and will do everything within our power to achieve that,” he said.

The comments were interpreted by many as a sign of growing U.S. interest in the outcome of the June 21 runoff.

President Gustavo Petro responded without mentioning Trump directly.

“When one country intervenes in the decisions of another country, freedom dies,” he wrote on social media, before posting videos of anti-riot police on the streets of Santiago, Chile, accompanied by the text: “They chose (President) Kazt and once again the violent war against youth in Chile.”  Petro’s incoherence is palpable.

Yet it was the final image accompanying De la Espriella’s letter that perhaps captures the moment more effectively than any political statement.

Created using artificial intelligence, the illustration shows a bald eagle next to a fearless tiger. Behind them, the flags of the United States and Colombia under a turbulent sky.

The symbolism requires little explanation.

The eagle represents the United States. The tiger represents the firebrand “outsider”.

And together they illustrate the central message of De la Espriella’s response: that if voters elect him on June 21, relations between Bogotá and Washington will enter a new chapter.

“In this coming Era of the Tiger – which begins on June 21 – we look forward to the full normalization of relations between Colombia and the United States, built on mutual respect, sovereignty, and mutual benefit.”

Whether Colombians embrace that vision remains to be seen.

But for one extraordinary day in the campaign, the conversation was no longer only about Colombia’s future. It was about two flags, an eagle, a tiger and a political alliance that both supporters and critics believe could reshape relations across the hemisphere.

The endorsement, published Tuesday evening on Trump’s Truth Social platform, immediately injected an international dimension into Colombia’s presidential race and marked a rare intervention by a sitting U.S. president in support of a candidate during an active electoral campaign.

The U.S. president went on to congratulate the Barranquilla-based lawyer on his first-round victory and expressed confidence that he would become Colombia’s next president. Trump also used the post to attack De la Espriella’s rival, left-wing senator Iván Cepeda, describing him as a “radical left-wing Marxist.”

Drawing parallels between MAGA (Make America Great Again), and “The Tiger’s” Defensores de la Patria (Defenders of the Homeland) movement, the two-term Republican leader stated the following:

“Abelardo de la Espriella, fights tirelessly for, and loves, his Great Country and People, just like I do for the United States of America.”

He then went on to claim: “As President, Abelardo would be tremendously successful in leading Colombia to Grow the Economy, Create Jobs, Promote Trade, Stop Illegal Immigration, Crack Down on Crime and Drugs, and Restore LAW AND ORDER! (…) “EL TIGRE” ABELARDO DE LA ESPRIELLA WILL NOT THE WONDERFUL PEOPLE OF COLOMBIA DOWN!”

The comments came less than three weeks before Colombians return to the polls to choose a successor to President Gustavo Petro, who is constitutionally barred from seeking reelection.

The runoff has emerged as one of the most polarized presidential contests in recent Colombian history, pitting firebrand De la Espriella, a political “outsider” who has campaigned on restoring security and strengthening ties with Washington, against Cepeda, a veteran senator and one of Petro’s closest political allies.

De la Espriella welcomed Trump’s endorsement, describing it as a sign of confidence in his vision for Colombia and its future relationship with the United States.

“President Trump has my deepest gratitude,” De la Espriella said in a statement following the endorsement.

The candidate has spent much of the campaign positioning himself as a staunch defender of free-market policies and a critic of Petro’s administration, which has faced mounting public dissatisfaction over security, corruption and economic management.

Trump’s endorsement follows months in which De la Espriella cultivated ties with conservative political figures in Washington. As his campaign gained momentum, he received backing from prominent Republican lawmakers including Florida Representative Maria Elvira Salazar and Ohio Senator Bernie Moreno, both influential allies of the U.S. president.

The support from Republican circles comes as Colombia remains one of Washington’s closest partners in Latin America. The two countries maintain extensive cooperation on trade, security, counternarcotics operations and migration issues.

Although U.S. administrations have traditionally avoided direct involvement in Colombian electoral politics, Trump’s endorsement places the White House squarely into the political conversation during the final stretch of the campaign.

Political analysts say the endorsement could resonate among some conservative voters while reinforcing De la Espriella’s efforts to present himself as the candidate most capable of rebuilding a close relationship with Washington.

President Gustavo Petro responded on social media without mentioning Trump by name, framing the issue as one of national sovereignty and warning against foreign influence in Colombia’s democratic process.

“When one country intervenes in the decisions of another country, freedom dies,” Petro wrote.

“I invite all Colombians to vote in complete freedom and not become slaves or a colony of anyone.”

The president also invoked Colombia’s independence heroes, writing that “an entire generation of young men and women of New Granada fought alongside Bolívar and Nariño to give us freedom and sovereignty.”

“If the heart of the world loses its freedom and sovereignty, the hope of the world and of Colombia is extinguished,” Petro added.

The exchange between U.S President Donald Trump and his Colombian counterpart adds a new layer of tension to an election campaign already marked by heightened political polarization and security concerns. The assassination of presidential candidate Miguel Uribe Turbay in June last year shocked the nation and has revived memories of Colombia’s violent political past.

More than 41 million Colombians are eligible to vote in the June 21 election, including approximately 1.4 million citizens living abroad. Recent polling suggests a highly competitive race, although De la Espriella has gained momentum since emerging as the leading candidate in the first round.

The Colombian runoff is now attracting attention far beyond the country’s borders. Whether the U.S. president’s words manages to convince undecided voters in the center of the political spectrum, remains to be seem, but it has already ensured that the race between De la Espriella and Cepeda raises a high-stakes political gambit in Washington and Bogotá.

The nomination was formally submitted to lawmakers on Monday, one day after right-wing presidential candidate Abelardo “El Tigre” de la Espriella emerged as the frontrunner in Colombia’s first-round election, setting up a runoff that could reshape relations between Bogotá and Washington.

Morris, 45, is the founder of Rubicon Technologies, an environmental technology and waste-management company, and has become one of Trump’s most visible political allies in Kentucky. His nomination comes as Colombia enters a period of political transition and uncertainty over the future direction of bilateral cooperation on security, counternarcotics efforts, trade and migration.

The White House announced Morris’s nomination as part of a broader package of diplomatic appointments across Latin America. If confirmed by the Senate, he would become Washington’s top representative in Colombia at a pivotal moment for relations between the longtime allies.

Trump had previously urged Morris to abandon a potential bid for the U.S. Senate in Kentucky in order to join his administration.

“Nate is a fantastic businessman and a strong MAGA warrior,” Trump wrote on social media. “I have asked Nate to step aside from the Senate race to take a role in my Administration as Ambassador. Nate is Oxford-educated, tough as steel, loves our great nation, and will represent the United States very well.”

Although Morris has limited public diplomatic experience, his appointment reflects the Trump administration’s preference for politically connected allies and business leaders in several ambassadorial posts.

A native of Kentucky, Morris studied at George Washington University before pursuing further studies at the University of Oxford. He founded Rubicon Technologies, a company focused on waste management and environmental services, and later established Morris Industries, a private investment holding company based in Lexington with interests in sustainability, technology, industrial operations and financial services.

The nomination comes amid expectations that Colombia’s foreign policy could shift following Sunday’s election result. De la Espriella’s strong showing has fueled speculation that a future administration could seek closer alignment with Washington after years of tensions between the governments of President Donald Trump and Colombian President Gustavo Petro.

Before taking up the post in Bogotá, Morris must undergo Senate hearings and secure confirmation by a majority vote, a process that could take several weeks or months.

Harris Tweed jackets rest beside pastel-hued linen shirts, and Italian Merino wool jumpers hang near tailored overcoats fastened with tagua-nut buttons. A carefully curated playlist hums somewhere in the background. The experience resembles less a conventional boutique than the private library of a well-travelled aesthete.

Named after the great American poet Walt Whitman, whose seminal work Leaves of Grass celebrated the sacred beauty of the everyday and humanity’s intimate relationship with nature, WHITMAN has emerged over the past decade as one of Colombia’s most compelling premium lifestyle brands.

The label advances a philosophy its founders describe as “Slow Made”, though the phrase extends beyond tailoring or craftsmanship into a broader meditation on how people inhabit time itself. There is an unpretentiousness to the WHITMAN community — a quiet rejection of excess and spectacle — rooted instead in simplicity, permanence and a profound connection to the natural world.

Founded by brothers Felipe and Sebastián Falla, who hail from the southern Colombian city of Neiva, WHITMAN began modestly in 2014 designing outerwear for men. Colombia’s fashion industry at the time was still heavily associated with mass-market denim, fast-growing textile conglomerates and tropical resort wear. Menswear, particularly tailored menswear, often occupied a conservative and uninspired corner of the market. WHITMAN entered that landscape with something altogether more literary and contemplative.

“From a very young age we were curious about art and music,” Felipe Falla says of the brothers’ early influences, which ranged from cinema and gastronomy to the melancholic lyricism of Leonard Cohen. Before launching the label, Felipe worked in advertising campaigns for major brands while Sebastián studied gastronomy in Buenos Aires, another passion that would later shape the sensory universe surrounding WHITMAN stores. “Life gave us the opportunity to serve,” the brothers explain of the company’s mission, “and this project exists as a platform for growth and transformation.”

That language might sound grandiose were it not so carefully embodied in the garments themselves. WHITMAN’s tailoring is meticulous without becoming rigid. Jackets in Harris Tweed wool retain a reassuring weight and texture rarely encountered in contemporary ready-to-wear. Their made-to-measure suits, inspired by Savile Row traditions and constructed using top-tier textiles, favour timeless silhouettes over exaggerated cuts.

Each blazer is designed to age gracefully rather than remain pristine. Even their shirts — including guayaberas intended for that “magic hour” between afternoon and evening — are treated with near-ceremonial attention. Clients are encouraged to personalise collars, cuffs and fit through WHITMAN’s in-house tailoring service. Rather than pursuing relentless seasonal turnover, WHITMAN releases limited-edition “capsules” built around fabrics, textures and moods, reinforcing the brand’s philosophy that clothing should be collected slowly and lived in fully.

Increasingly, WHITMAN has evolved beyond clothing into a broader lifestyle proposition. Its “Home Collection” introduces visitors to hand-painted ceramics, artisanal candles and small-batch chocolate sourced from carefully curated cacao harvesters across Colombia. Guests visiting the stores are often offered cups of “La Molienda”, a Huila Arabica coffee that reflects the founders’ attachment to their Andean roots and tradition of hospitality. The atmosphere feels intentionally domestic rather than commercial — a place designed to make clients linger, converse and reconnect with slower rhythms of living.

The company’s commitment to craft extends deeply into Colombia’s artisanal traditions. WHITMAN works closely with women artisans from the department of Cauca, incorporating delicate embroidery into its women’s wear collections and preserving techniques passed through generations. In doing so, the brand positions craftsmanship not as decorative nostalgia but as a living cultural dialogue between fashion, territory and memory.

The company’s flagship boutique near Bogotá’s upscale Centro Andino shopping district has become something of a pilgrimage site for Colombia’s emerging creative class: architects, filmmakers, restaurateurs and musicians who regard clothing less as conspicuous consumption than as an extension of cultural identity. WHITMAN’s expansion to five stores in Bogotá, as well as boutiques in Cartagena, Barranquilla and Medellín, reflects how successfully the brand has tapped into a regional appetite for understated luxury rooted in authenticity.

Crucially, WHITMAN’s refinement does not exist in opposition to sustainability but alongside it. The brand works with organic cottons and Indian block prints while openly acknowledging the contradictions inherent in the fashion industry. “We do not believe sustainability is an absolute claim,” the company notes in its manifesto, “but a constant exercise of consciousness, revision and responsibility.” It is a refreshingly nuanced position in an era when many fashion houses deploy ecological language as little more than marketing varnish.

The WHITMAN approach instead suggests that sustainability begins with permanence: clothing designed not to be discarded after one season. In this respect, the label belongs to a wider international movement challenging the disposability of modern consumption. Its “Slow Made” philosophy prioritises craftsmanship over industrial repetition, quality over quantity and emotional attachment over instant gratification. To purchase a WHITMAN “Loretto” overcoat or dark-blue “Poet” blazer is, in some sense, to reject the accelerated rhythms of fast fashion altogether.

There are also echoes here of the old-world ateliers that once defined European tailoring culture. WHITMAN’s made-to-measure programme remains entirely hand-finished, preserving artisanal techniques passed from one generation of tailors to the next. The process unfolds deliberately: fabric selection, inner lining, structure, stitching and finishing all treated as rituals rather than stages of production. “The true value of bespoke tailoring,” WHITMAN argues, “lies in its capacity to reflect authenticity.”

That sensibility extends beyond clothing into cultural patronage. WHITMAN has positioned itself as an active supporter of Colombia’s artistic ecosystem, sponsoring emerging cultural initiatives and independent artists. At Bogotá’s prestigious ARTBO art fair, the company awards the annual Premio Whitman to emerging artists participating in the ArteCámara section, reinforcing the brand’s dialogue with contemporary art and design. The label has also forged close ties with Colombia’s film world, dressing the jury for the “Cine en los Barrios” category at the Festival Internacional de Cine de Cartagena de Indias, better known as FICCI, the oldest film festival in Latin America.

International expansion has followed organically. In 2024, WHITMAN announced its arrival in Mexico with two stores and hinted at ambitions extending towards the United States, Spain and wider European markets. Yet unlike many Latin American brands eager for overseas validation, WHITMAN appears less interested in aggressive scale than in cultivating a community united by shared values: appreciation for music, art, nature and intentional living.

That perhaps explains why WHITMAN feels distinct within Colombia’s increasingly sophisticated fashion landscape. The brand is not merely selling jackets or linen shirts. It is offering a slower tempo of life — one in which elegance is measured not by spectacle but by permanence, texture and thoughtfulness. And if WHITMAN represents a new kind of menswear energy emerging “from Colombia to all of Latin America”, it also channels something of the Scottish Highlands, the understated elegance of Bond Street and the urban edge of St Urbain Street in Cohen’s fabled Montreal.

For a label named after a poet who celebrated beauty in ordinary existence, that feels entirely fitting. Or, as WHITMAN’s Brand and Partnerships Lead, Laura González Saavedra, puts it with understated simplicity: “wearing a WHITMAN makes you feel at home.”

Follow WHITMAN at @WHITMAN_CO or visit WHITMANSTORE.COM

Or visit their flagship store at Paseo de la Cabrera, Carrera 11 No. 84A-09, Bogotá.

According to the final bulletin (No.67) released by the National Registry Office, De la Espriella secured 43.74% of the vote, finishing ahead of Cepeda, who obtained 40.91%. Conservative senator Paloma Valencia followed with 6.92%, while centrist candidate Sergio Fajardo received 4.26%.

The outcome sets the stage for a high-stakes second round that could determine whether Colombia continues along the political path established by Petro’s administration or pivots sharply toward a more conservative agenda centered on security, economic growth and closer relations with the United States.

Within hours of the results being announced, Petro cast doubt on the preliminary count, stating on social media that he would not recognize the pre-count figures and would only accept the results produced through the official electoral scrutiny process conducted by judicial commissions.

The president argued that the election-day count “has no binding force” and raised concerns about alleged modifications to electoral software and inconsistencies in the voter registry. Petro further suggested that some 800,000 voter identification records may have been improperly added to the electoral census before the vote.

Petro’s allegations quickly became the dominant political controversy of election night. While the president suggested that software modifications and irregularities in the voter registry may have affected the process, he presented no public evidence to substantiate the claims. Electoral authorities, judicial officials and international observers subsequently defended the integrity of the vote, creating a sharp contrast between the president’s warnings and the assessments of institutions directly responsible for overseeing the election.

National Registrar Hernán Penagos responded forcefully to the allegations, rejecting claims that the software used in the electoral process handled voter identification records. Penagos emphasized that the electoral census had been closed since April 30, that all voting records were publicly available for review and that party witnesses had monitored voting and counting procedures throughout the country.

Attorney General Gregorio Eljach also challenged Petro’s assertions, publicly demanding evidence to support accusations that risked undermining confidence in the electoral process.

The controversy intensified briefly when Cepeda questioned apparent discrepancies in electoral databases and echoed concerns regarding the voter registry. However, the left-wing candidate later moderated his position after internal reviews by his campaign.

“We have found no evidence of facts that merit a statement regarding eventual irregularities,” Cepeda said, effectively distancing himself from Petro’s original claims.

The president’s fake narrative appeared to lose momentum after Cepeda’s own campaign acknowledged that it had uncovered no evidence of fraud or irregularities sufficient to challenge the outcome. The concession strengthened the position of election officials, who maintained throughout the day that Colombia’s voting system functioned normally and transparently.

Former Justice Minister Wilson Ruiz Orejuela was among those who condemned Petro’s statements, accusing the president of attempting to cast doubt on a legitimate electoral process. “Petro did not recognize last night’s results,” Ruiz said. “But he has been a complicit driver of the rigged elections that took place in Venezuela.”

International observers, meanwhile, offered a markedly different assessment of the electoral process. Scott Campbell, Colombia representative for the United Nations Human Rights Office, congratulated Colombians for what he described as a peaceful election day and praised the country’s institutions for overseeing the vote. “Today we have not documented significant violations or infringements of human rights,” Campbell said following the election.

Support for the integrity of the process also came from the United States.

Republican Senator Bernie Moreno, who participated as an international observer, described Colombia’s voting system as one of the most effective he had encountered.

“The beauty of democracy was fully displayed as the people of Colombia exercised their power to chart their future in their own hands and with their own voices,” Moreno wrote on social media.

Speaking later to Colombian media, Moreno said he had informed Secretary of State Marco Rubio and President Donald Trump that “the elections in Colombia were completely free and well done.”

Moreno went further, suggesting aspects of Colombia’s voting system compared favorably with those used in the United States. “They do it better here in Colombia than in the United States,” he said. U.S President Donald Trump directly endorsed De La Espriella ahead of Sunday’s vote, stating: “He has all my support.”

The controversy surrounding Petro’s claims also drew attention from Venezuela’s democratic opposition. President-elect Edmundo González praised Colombia’s institutions and warned of the fragility of democratic systems. “I look at Colombia with hope and with memory,” González wrote. “I know the value of what our Colombian brothers possess because we lost it. The right to choose, and the institutions that make it possible, are not easily recovered. Yours are still standing. Protect them.”

While election authorities sought to contain the controversy, De la Espriella’s victory triggered an immediate wave of support from conservative political leaders across Latin America and beyond.

Argentine President Javier Milei was among the first foreign leaders to congratulate the Barranquilla criminal defense lawyer. “This result reflects the desire for freedom and progress of the Colombian people, and an explicit willingness to say enough to the failed socialist model that has caused so much damage to our region and to Colombia in particular over the last four years,” Milei wrote on X.

The Argentine leader added that if the result is repeated in the runoff, “Colombia will once again join the community of free nations” before concluding with his trademark slogan: “Long live liberty, damn it.”

Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa also congratulated De la Espriella and suggested Colombians were demanding political change after four years of left-wing government. “Being a bad loser is contagious,” Noboa wrote in an apparent reference to former president Rafael Correa, and his criticism of the 2025 election results, adding that Colombia needs “real change.”

Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado likewise celebrated the outcome, saying the result would strengthen democratic institutions and regional security. “The Venezuelan people need a strong and united Colombia,” Machado said, arguing that democratic nations must work together against organized crime and authoritarianism.

In Washington, Republican Congresswoman María Elvira Salazar welcomed De la Espriella’s performance and interpreted the result as a repudiation of Petro’s administration. “The results send a powerful message,” Salazar wrote. “Millions of Colombians reject Gustavo Petro’s direction and want to recover security, prosperity and freedom.”

The Conservative Party formally endorsed De la Espriella following the first-round results, describing him as the candidate who best “represents Colombians demanding a firm direction” for the country.

The runoff campaign now enters a critical three-week stretch as De la Espriella and Cepeda compete for support from voters whose preferred candidates were eliminated in the first round.

For firebrand De la Espriella, victory on June 21 would represent a dramatic ideological shift following four years of Petro’s left-wing presidency and could usher in closer ties with Washington and key allied governments, among them, Israel.

For Cepeda, the challenge will be persuading voters to embrace continuity with Petro’s political project despite deep public dissatisfaction over security, economic mismanagement, corruption scandals and an increasingly polarized political climate.

With more than 97% of ballots counted, National Registry Bulletin No. 15 showed De la Espriella leading with 43.77% of the vote, or approximately 10.1 million ballots, compared with Cepeda’s 40.88%, or slightly above 9.4 million votes. The margin of roughly 667,000 votes exceeded many pre-election forecasts and positioned the Barranquilla-based criminal defense lawyer as the favorite heading into the decisive June 21 runoff.

Election authorities reported that voting unfolded peacefully across the country, with preliminary results available just 90 minutes after polling stations closed at 4:00 p.m. More than 41 million Colombians had been eligible to participate in the election, including 1.4 million citizens residing abroad.

The result represents a significant rebuke to President Gustavo Petro’s political project and highlights growing voter concerns over security, economic performance and public confidence in state institutions.

Petro, who is constitutionally barred from seeking re-election, has thrown his support behind Cepeda, a leading figure within the governing coalition and one of the principal defenders of the government’s controversial “Total Peace” strategy. The policy sought negotiated settlements with FARC dissidents, criminal organizations and other armed groups operating throughout the country, but critics argue it failed to reduce violence in many regions.

While Cepeda entered election day as the favorite in most opinion polls, De la Espriella successfully capitalized on public frustration over extortion, insecurity, illegal armed groups and what many voters perceive as a deterioration of public order under Petro’s administration.

Known to supporters as “El Tigre,” De la Espriella built his campaign around a tough-on-crime platform inspired in part by the security policies of El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele. He has promised to strengthen the military, restore state authority in conflict-affected regions and confront criminal organizations with what he describes as an uncompromising approach.

His message appears to have resonated particularly among middle-class voters, business sectors and residents of regions heavily impacted by drug trafficking and armed violence.

The election also exposed the weakness of Colombia’s political center, which for years attempted to position itself as an alternative to the country’s increasingly polarized political landscape.

Conservative candidate Paloma Valencia secured more than 1.5 million votes (or 6.9%) but remained well behind the two frontrunners. Although her campaign attracted traditional conservatives and followers of former president Álvaro Uribe Vélez, she struggled to expand beyond the party’s core support base.

Centrist Sergio Fajardo, the former mayor of Medellín and former governor of Antioquia, won just 4.6% of the vote, just shy of one million ballots. Once regarded as a politician capable of bridging Colombia’s ideological divides, Fajardo failed in his third attempt to reach the presidency as voters increasingly gravitated toward candidates offering sharply contrasting visions for the country’s future.

Former Bogotá mayor Claudia López suffered one of the day’s most dramatic defeats, capturing less than 1% of the national vote. The result marked a stunning collapse for a politician who only a few years ago was considered among Colombia’s most vocal leaders.

Analysts say the runoff campaign is now likely to become a referendum on Petro’s presidency and the future direction of the country.

For Cepeda’s supporters, the June 21 vote offers an opportunity to preserve and deepen many of the social and political reforms promoted by the current administration. For De la Espriella’s backers, it represents a chance to reverse those policies and return to a security-centered model associated with the administrations of former president Álvaro Uribe.

The key question over the coming weeks will be whether De la Espriella can consolidate support among conservative and independent voters while Cepeda seeks to unite the left and attract Colombians wary of a return to hardline security policies.

After a largely peaceful election day, Colombia now faces three weeks of intense campaigning before voters make what many observers consider one of the most consequential political decisions since the country’s historic shift to the left in 2022.