Pava’s decision has triggered stern criticism as the confirmed death toll from the earthquake rose to 285, with 3,975 people injured and 379 still missing, according to the latest UNGRD report issued Friday morning. A total of 354 people have been rescued.

The document said the decision would be reviewed as the emergency evolved and that, if the scale of the disaster exceeded Colombia’s national capacity, the government would communicate specific requirements for international assistance and could then request appropriately classified international search-and-rescue teams.

The controversy centers on the timing of that decision.

Pava left the UNGRD leadership on Wednesday, August 12, when David Santiago Tamayo was sworn in as his replacement. Following the change, Colombia began accepting international rescue assistance, including teams from Israel, the United States and El Salvador.

Tamayo said the foreign teams would operate under United Nations protocols. He also stressed that Colombia was open to international cooperation and that assistance would be accepted without political or ideological considerations.

The issue has become particularly contentious because rescue operations were continuing in several of the cities hardest hit by the earthquake, while images of collapsed buildings and local rescuers digging through rubble circulated across Colombian and international media.

Interior Minister Rodrigo Lara confirmed that Pava had been the official who determined that international rescuers were not initially required. “Pava was the one who certified in a letter that we did not need help from international rescuers,” Lara said in an interview with Blu Radio.

Lara defended the decision as a technical assessment rather than a political one. He argued that Colombia could not simply bring thousands of foreign rescuers into the country without creating additional logistical challenges. According to Lara, international teams were requested from three countries because authorities determined that more were not necessary at the time.

The controversy has also produced confusion over the distinction between officially classified international USAR teams and independent rescue groups. Colombia has 23 nationally certified rescue groups, according to the information cited in the debate, while independent groups such as the Mexican Topos generated public attention after saying they had not been allowed to enter the country.

Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum also became involved in the controversy after comments about the entry of Mexican rescuers were interpreted as indicating that Colombia had rejected official Mexican rescue teams. The dispute highlighted the complexity of coordinating international disaster assistance during the first hours of a major catastrophe.

The government has rejected allegations that political considerations influenced its decisions. Foreign Minister Omar Bula said the acceptance or rejection of foreign assistance was not based on political considerations. Tamayo similarly said Colombia would receive international cooperation according to the needs of the emergency.

The latest disaster figures underline the scale of the challenge facing the country.

The UNGRD says the earthquake has affected 15 departments and 426 municipalities, with 45,523 families and 102,263 people affected. More than 73,455 homes have been damaged, while 12,828 homes have been destroyed. At least 121 buildings have collapsed, along with damage to 240 health centers, 2,205 educational institutions and 1,208 community centers.

The earthquake has also generated continuing seismic activity. The Colombian Geological Service reported several smaller earthquakes and aftershocks in Chocó and neighboring areas through Friday morning, including a magnitude 4.0 event in Nóvita late Thursday.

Authorities have warned that aftershocks can continue for days or weeks following a major earthquake, although their frequency and intensity generally decline over time.

In Chocó, Governor Nubia Carolina Córdoba-Curi announced Wednesday night that the search-and-rescue phase had been closed in the department and that attention is shifting toward reconstruction and recovery.

The decision to close rescue operations in some areas contrasts with the continuing search for missing people elsewhere, including the hard-hit cities of Pereira, Dosquebradas and Cali. For families still searching for missing relatives, the new government of President Abelardo de la Espriella has stressed solidarity among Colombians and to set aside their political differences. For now, the priority is for this country of 45 million to pool together every available resource where it matters most.

For people in Bogotá who want to assist earthquake victims, collection centers have been established to receive basic supplies. The Bogotá-Cundinamarca Red Cross has identified collection points including its administrative headquarters at Carrera 24 #73-38, the Palacio de los Deportes, the Centro de Salvamento Acuático, and other designated facilities.

HOW TO HELP

The Colombian Red Cross has opened four collection points in Bogotá for donations following the 7.4-magnitude earthquake. Donations are being directed to communities affected by the disaster.

Where to donate

Cruz Roja Bogotá / Carrera 24 No.73-38

Estadio El Campín / Cra 30 with Calle 53B Bis

Centro Comercial Unicentro / Carrera 15 No.124-30

Universidad Jorge Tadeo Lozano / Carrera 4 No.22-61

Palacio de los Deportes / Calle 63 No.54A-06

What to donate

Personal hygiene

• Soap and personal-care products
• Toothbrushes and toothpaste
• Shampoo
• Diapers
• Sanitary products

Non-perishable food

• Rice and grains
• Canned food
• Panela
• Bottled water
• Hydration drinks
• Snacks

New shelter supplies

• Mattresses
• Blankets
• Pillows
• Mosquito nets
• Sheets

For companion animals

• Dry or wet pet food
• Muzzles and collars
• Beds and blankets
• Veterinary supplies

Please do NOT donate

• Medicines
• Used clothing
• Used household items
• Perishable food, including fruit and vegetables

The Red Cross Colombia asks donors to follow these guidelines so that aid can be sorted, transported and distributed efficiently according to needs on the ground.

The requested supplies include bottled drinking water, blankets, sheets, mattresses and mosquito nets, as well as non-perishable food such as rice, cooking oil, pasta, canned food, beans, lentils, flour, panela and powdered milk.

Hygiene and first-aid supplies are also needed, including masks, sterile gauze, alcohol, gloves, soap, shampoo, toothpaste, sanitary products, toilet paper, diapers and wet wipes.

Authorities and aid organizations are asking donors not to send perishable or opened food, damaged water containers or medicines that have already been opened or are close to their expiration date.

As Colombia moves from emergency rescue toward recovery, the controversy over the first hours of the response is likely to continue. The central question is not whether Colombia eventually accepted international assistance – it did – but whether the initial assessment that foreign search-and-rescue teams were unnecessary delayed potentially valuable assistance while people remained trapped in collapsed buildings.

The Institute said that, as of 7 a.m. Wednesday, it had received 202 bodies from Chocó, Caldas, Risaralda and Valle del Cauca. Of those victims, 121 had been identified, including five children.
The figures are expected to change as search-and-rescue operations continue and authorities reconcile reports from affected municipalities. An earlier consolidated assessment from Colombia’s mayors’ association, Asocapitales, reported 188 deaths and 1,677 injuries, as well as 243 completely collapsed structures and more than 1,500 damaged homes.

According to Consolidated Report No. 14, compiled from information provided by mayors’ offices, governors, the Colombian Geological Service (SGC), the National Unit for Disaster Risk Management (UNGRD) and emergency-response agencies, some of the worst-affected cities remain Cali, Pereira, Quibdó and Manizales.

Cali had reported 95 deaths and 997 injuries, while Pereira recorded 79 deaths and 278 injured people. Quibdó reported nine deaths and 116 injuries, while Manizales had five deaths and 112 injured. Authorities stressed that those figures were based on a Tuesday afternoon cutoff and could change as damage and humanitarian needs continued to be evaluated.

The earthquake struck western Colombia on Monday and was initially registered at a lower magnitude before the Colombian Geological Service upgraded it to 7.4. The epicenter was located in the department of Chocó, and the earthquake was strongly felt across large parts of western and central Colombia, including Cali, Pereira, Armenia and Manizales.

130 aftershocks recorded

The SGC has warned that aftershocks are expected to continue, describing them as a normal part of the seismic sequence following a major earthquake. Authorities have recorded approximately 130 aftershocks since Monday, adding another layer of danger for rescue workers operating around damaged and unstable structures.

The continuing tremors have complicated searches in several locations, where firefighters, police, military personnel, volunteers and specialized rescue teams are working to locate people who may remain trapped beneath rubble. As the search for survivors continues, and aftershocks continue – so does the race against time.

International rescue and humanitarian assistance is also beginning to arrive.

The United States said Wednesday that the Trump administration had mobilized technical urban search-and-rescue teams to support operations in Colombia. The U.S. State Department said teams had been mobilized from Fairfax County, Virginia, and Los Angeles County, California.
The United States has also pledged broader financial assistance as Colombia confronts the scale of the disaster. International organizations and governments have offered rescue personnel, medical assistance, logistical support and humanitarian supplies.

Mexico announced the arrival in Pereira on Wednesday of its first shipment of humanitarian assistance. The initial shipment contains 19.5 tonnes of food supplies and essential goods for families affected by the earthquake. Additional Mexican shipments are expected over the following days, bringing the country’s planned humanitarian contribution to 58.5 tonnes, according to Mexican authorities.

Colombia declares three days of national mourning

As the death toll passed 200, the Colombian government declared three days of national mourning in honor of the victims. Under Decree 1172 of August 11, the National Flag will fly at half-mast on public buildings and at Colombian embassies and consulates abroad. The measure was described as an expression of national solidarity with families who lost relatives in the disaster.

The mourning period comes as rescue workers continue their efforts in the most heavily damaged areas, while thousands of families confront destroyed homes, damaged infrastructure and uncertainty over missing relatives.

National Disaster declaration gives the administration of President Abelardo de la Espriella  greater capacity to coordinate emergency resources, humanitarian assistance, reconstruction and recovery across the most affected territories of Antioquia, Caldas, Cauca, Chocó, Quindío, Cundinamarca, Risaralda, Huila, Valle del Cauca, Tolima, Putumayo and Norte de Santander,

For Colombia, the earthquake has become one of the country’s most devastating seismic disasters in decades. With rescue operations now entering their third day, emergency crews remain focused on the possibility of finding survivors while authorities confront the rapidly expanding humanitarian and reconstruction needs.

Authorities warned that the death toll is likely to rise as emergency teams work through the rubble of damaged and collapsed structures in Risaralda, Valle del Cauca, Quindío and Caldas, as well as Chocó and other affected departments.

The most urgent operations are focused on buildings where authorities believe people may still be trapped. Rescue teams are working through unstable structures and piles of debris, with the search expected to continue for hours and potentially days.

The Colombia Geological Service (SGC) said the earthquake began at 7:34 a.m. Monday, with its epicenter near the municipality of San José del Palmar in Chocó, at a depth of approximately 103 kilometers. The earthquake was revised upward to magnitude 7.4 after initially being registered at 6.4 within minutes of the earthquake.

The main shock lasted over one minute, according to authorities, and has been followed by 54 aftershocks measuring 2.8 and 4.8 magnitude. The earthquake impacted most of Colombia’s 12 western and central departments, with the most severe destruction reported in Chocó, Valle del Cauca and the Coffee Region.

The scale of the disaster remains difficult to determine. Landslides have blocked roads leading to isolated communities, while damage to telecommunications infrastructure has disrupted communications and complicated efforts to establish the number of people affected.

Chocó faces a medical emergency

The department of Chocó, closest to the epicenter, is facing a particularly severe humanitarian emergency. Authorities reported 10 deaths and 170 injured people in the department, many of whom are expected to be transferred to other cities, including Medellín, because Chocó lacks sufficient hospital capacity for a disaster of this magnitude.

Governor Nubia Carolina Córdoba said the department has no third-level hospital and that the San Francisco de Asís Hospital, the only second-level facility, was overwhelmed within minutes of the earthquake.

Patients were forced to remain outside the hospital while authorities coordinated transfers and sought additional medical capacity elsewhere.

The situation has underscored the vulnerability of one of Colombia’s poorest and most geographically isolated departments, where damaged roads, landslides and communications failures are making the emergency response considerably more difficult.

Pereira rescue operation

In Pereira, capital of Risaralda, rescue crews have prioritized the search for survivors trapped beneath the remains of at least 19 buildings.

Several areas have been left without electricity, gas or water, adding to the difficulties facing emergency workers and residents.

The disaster has revived memories of the 1999 Eje Cafetero earthquake, which devastated Armenia and surrounding areas. Monday’s earthquake has again placed Colombia’s coffee-growing region at the center of a major national disaster.

Valle del Cauca heavily damaged

The emergency extends well beyond Cali. Authorities have reported serious damage across numerous municipalities in Valle del Cauca, with some communities facing particularly severe destruction.

In El Cairo, in northern Valle del Cauca, regional disaster officials said approximately 80 percent of homes may have collapsed, according to the department’s risk-management authorities.

The figure remains a preliminary assessment, but if confirmed it would make El Cairo one of the worst-affected municipalities in the department.

Cali has also reported major structural damage, with rescue operations continuing at damaged buildings and authorities assessing the safety of other structures.

Manizales and the Coffee Region

Manizales, departmental capital of Caldas, was among the cities where the earthquake caused highly visible structural damage. Part of the tower of the city’s historic cathedral collapsed during the tremor, while other buildings were damaged.

Armenia and Pereira also experienced severe shaking and structural damage.

The earthquake was felt across a broad section of western and central Colombia, including Antioquia, Bogotá, Risaralda, Valle del Cauca and Caldas. Residents in numerous cities reported prolonged shaking – up to to four minutes – while evacuation protocols were activated in residential complexes and office buildings.

President Abelardo de la Espriella has been coordinating with governors and mayors in the hardest-hit regions as local authorities request additional resources for rescue, medical care and relief operations.

The immediate priority remains the same: find people who may still be alive beneath the rubble.

With communications still disrupted in some areas and roads blocked by landslides, authorities have yet to establish the full number of displaced and affected residents.

As search teams move deeper into collapsed buildings, officials are warning that the 132-death toll is provisional and could rise substantially.

The focus Tuesday is therefore shifting from damage assessment to a race against time: locating survivors before unstable structures, lack of access and the passage of time make rescue operations increasingly difficult.

The earthquake struck at 7:34 a.m. local time, with its epicenter near San José del Palmar in the department of Chocó, according to the Colombia Geological Service (SGC). The quake was initially registered at a lower magnitude before being revised upward to 7.4. Its depth was reported at roughly 100 kilometers.

The tremor was felt strongly across much of Colombia, including the coffee-growing cities of Pereira, Manizales and Armenia, as well as Medellín, Colombia’s second-largest city.  In Cali, dust clouds were reported rising over the departmental capital of Valle del Cauca, as multiple buildings collapsed. The shaking was also felt in high-altitude Bogotá, and as far away as neighboring Panama, Ecuador and Venezuela.

In Manizales, part of the tower of the city’s historic cathedral collapsed during the earthquake. The city was among the areas reporting serious structural damage, with two deaths reported there. Footage circulating after the quake showed residents fleeing buildings as structures shook and debris fell.

Pereira, in Risaralda, also reported substantial structural damage and was among the cities hardest hit. Authorities temporarily suspended operations at several airports in affected cities, including Pereira, Manizales and Armenia, while infrastructure was inspected.

In Cali, at least 19 buildings were reported damaged, with people trapped in some structures and rescue teams mobilized. Authorities requested additional emergency support as crews searched damaged buildings for survivors.

In Quibdó, the capital of Chocó and the city closest to the earthquake’s epicentral region, officials reported injuries and significant damage to buildings. Chocó Governor Nubia Carolina Córdoba warned residents about the possibility of aftershocks as emergency crews assessed the situation.

The earthquake is the strongest recorded in Colombia in a decade, according to the SGC. The agency’s earthquake record identifies San José del Palmar as the epicentral location.

The scale of the shaking revived memories of Colombia’s devastating 1999 Eje Cafetero earthquake, which struck the coffee-growing region on January 25 of that year. The magnitude 6.2 earthquake devastated Armenia and surrounding areas, killing approximately 1,185 people, injuring thousands and leaving hundreds of thousands affected.

Monday’s earthquake, however, struck at a considerably greater depth than the 1999 disaster, potentially limiting some of the damage that might otherwise have resulted from a shallow earthquake of similar magnitude.

Recently inaugurated President Abelardo de la Espriella said he was overseeing the national emergency response and was expected to travel to Pereira as authorities coordinated rescue and recovery operations. Emergency agencies continued to assess damage across the affected departments as reports of collapsed structures and trapped residents emerged.

Authorities urged residents to remain alert for aftershocks and avoid entering damaged buildings until they have been inspected by emergency and structural-assessment teams.

The death toll and extent of the damage are expected to rise as rescue crews reach affected areas and communications were restored. As of midday on Monday, 74 persons have been confirmed dead across the region, including 19 in the southern city of Cali.

The ceremony marks a departure from Colombia’s recent presidential tradition. For the first time in recent history, the main investiture will be held in Cali, with the proceedings divided between two locations.

The formal ceremony at the Universidad Santiago de Cali is scheduled to begin at 3 p.m. There, Congress will install the solemn session at which De la Espriella will take the constitutional oath and formally assume the presidency.

According to the protocol published by Congress, the president of the Senate, Honorio Henríquez, will place the presidential sash on De la Espriella. The ceremony will also include the swearing-in of Vice President José Manuel Restrepo and an official intervention by the incoming government.

However, De la Espriella’s first presidential address will not take place at the university arena.

Following the formal investiture, the new president and members of his cabinet will travel to Cantón Militar Pichincha, where military honors accompanying the transfer of command will be held. It is there that De la Espriella is expected to address Colombians for the first time as head of state.

The decision to move the inaugural speech to a military installation adds an unusual dimension to the ceremony and underscores the importance the incoming administration has placed on the armed forces at the outset of its term.

The inauguration will also have a strong international presence. King Felipe VI of Spain is expected to attend, alongside the presidents of Argentina, Javier Milei; Ecuador, Daniel Noboa; Chile, José Antonio Kast; Bolivia, Rodrigo Paz; and Paraguay, Santiago Peña.

A high-level delegation from the United States, representing President Donald Trump’s administration, will also attend.

The presence of heads of state and senior American officials makes the Cali ceremony an important diplomatic event as Colombia begins a new political chapter. De la Espriella arrives at the Casa de Nariño after defeating left-wing senator Iván Cepeda in the presidential runoff on June 21.

His assumption of office, however, comes amid an unusually tense transition.

The incoming administration ordered an immediate suspension of the formal handover process after outgoing President Gustavo Petro publicly questioned the legitimacy of De la Espriella’s victory, claiming that the president-elect had not actually won the election and alleging electoral fraud without presenting evidence.

Restrepo announced that the technical committees responsible for reviewing information from government ministries had consequently been frozen.

“No one has the right to disregard that popular mandate or question the legitimacy of the president-elect,” Restrepo said in defending the decision to suspend the transition meetings.

Petro subsequently intensified his criticism, maintaining that the real winner of the election was Cepeda, the governing coalition’s candidate.

De la Espriella responded by accusing the outgoing administration of being a “corrupt government” and said he would not legitimize what he described as an attempt to undermine the constitutional order.

Against that backdrop, Thursday’s investiture will serve not only as the formal transfer of presidential power but as the opening act of a sharply contested new administration.

From the university arena to the military canton, De la Espriella’s first day in office is set to combine constitutional ceremony, military symbolism and international diplomacy in a presidential inauguration unlike any Colombia has seen in recent decades.

It is easy to miss. There are no dramatic gates or towering spires announcing its presence. Instead, thick stone walls emerge almost organically from the countryside, as though the monastery had always belonged to the valley. Built more than four centuries ago, this Dominican sanctuary remains one of the country’s finest surviving examples of colonial religious architecture—and one of Boyacá’s best-kept secrets. Founded in 1620, it continues to function as a place of contemplation while welcoming visitors seeking history, architecture and an increasingly rare luxury: silence.

The approach alone feels cinematic. Dry Andean light washes over vineyards that produce some of Colombia’s most surprising wines, while ancient cacti stand beside fertile farmland where peaches, figs and tomatoes thrive in the valley’s unusually mild climate. The pace slows almost instinctively. It is impossible not to breathe more deeply.

Crossing the threshold is like stepping through a portal into another century.

The monastery’s design reflects the restrained elegance of early Spanish colonial architecture. A central cloister frames an open courtyard where sunlight shifts slowly across weathered stone arcades. Tuscan columns support wooden galleries darkened by age, while thick adobe walls keep interiors remarkably cool, even during Boyacá’s warmest afternoons. Every corridor seems designed not simply for movement but for reflection.

Unlike the richly ornamented churches found elsewhere in Latin America, Ecce Homo favours simplicity. The beauty lies in proportion rather than excess. Wooden ceilings display subtle Mudéjar influences inherited from Moorish Spain, while hand-carved doors, quiet chapels and intimate courtyards reveal craftsmanship that has survived generations of political upheaval and changing fortunes. The complex was declared a National Cultural Heritage site, preserving not only its architecture but also its place in Colombia’s historical memory.

Every monastery carries its legends, and Ecce Homo is no exception.

Its name derives from an image of Christ—”Behold the Man”—believed to have travelled from Europe to the New Kingdom of Granada after the 1527 Sack of Rome. According to local tradition, the estate itself was donated after Catalina de Mayorga experienced a vision urging the creation of a Dominican monastery on the site. Whether one approaches these stories through faith or folklore hardly matters; they have become inseparable from the atmosphere of the place itself.

Yet perhaps the monastery’s greatest treasure is not its history but its stillness.

Visitors often arrive expecting another colonial landmark before continuing to Villa de Leyva’s restaurants or museums. Many stay far longer than planned. There is something profoundly restorative about watching shadows move across the cloister, listening to the wind pass through eucalyptus trees or sitting beneath centuries-old arches where Dominican friars once studied theology and astronomy.

The surrounding landscape rewards exploration as well. Walking trails meander across the monastery grounds, revealing native vegetation and sweeping views across the valley towards the rugged mountains of Boyacá. It is easy to imagine why the Dominican order chose this secluded location as both a spiritual retreat and a centre for evangelisation among Indigenous communities during the colonial period.

For travellers using Villa de Leyva as a base, the monastery offers the perfect half-day excursion. Combine it with lunch in Sutamarchán—widely celebrated for its traditional longaniza sausage—or continue onwards to nearby attractions such as El Infiernito, Colombia’s enigmatic pre-Hispanic astronomical site, or the fossil museum that tells the story of a landscape once submerged beneath an ancient sea.

But unlike many destinations in the region, Ecce Homo asks remarkably little of its visitors. There are no elaborate itineraries to follow or checklists to complete. Simply wander. Sit. Observe.

In an age when travel often becomes a race between Instagram locations, the Monastery of Santo Ecce Homo offers something increasingly uncommon: permission to slow down.

Its stone walls have witnessed more than 400 years of Colombian history—colonial expansion, independence, political transformation and modern tourism—yet the monastery remains remarkably unchanged. The silence that enveloped Dominican monks in the seventeenth century still settles gently over today’s visitors.

And perhaps that is the true miracle of Ecce Homo. Not that it has endured for four centuries, but that in a world growing ever louder, it continues to remind us that the most memorable journeys are often measured not by what we see, but by the moments when everything else finally becomes quiet.

How to Get There: The Monastery of Santo Ecce Homo is located some 10 Km northwest of Villa de Leyva in the municipality of Sutamarchán, Boyacá. The journey takes around 15 minutes by car via the Villa de Leyva–Santa Sofia – Sutamarchán road, with clear signage leading to the monastery. Regular buses and taxis also operate between Villa de Leyva and Sutamarchán, making the historic site an easy half-day excursion for visitors exploring the region.

The inauguration will take place at 3:00 p.m. at the Arena USC on the campus of the Universidad Santiago de Cali, after Congress approved De La Espriella’s request to move the constitutional ceremony to Cali, the capital of Valle del Cauca.

Rubio’s anticipated attendance would make him the highest-ranking U.S. official at the ceremony and signal Washington’s intention to quickly deepen ties with Colombia’s incoming administration following a period of strained bilateral relations.

Argentina’s President Javier Milei and Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa have already confirmed they will travel to Cali. Also expected are King Felipe VI of Spain, Paraguayan President Santiago Peña, and other foreign dignitaries.

Preparations for the event have intensified in recent days. Defense minister-designate (retired General) Jorge Mora met Wednesday with Cali Mayor Alejandro Eder to coordinate security arrangements for the ceremony.

Authorities are considering imposing a citywide alcohol ban beginning August 6, while drone flights are expected to be prohibited over the inauguration venue as part of an extensive security perimeter.

The Arena USC has a capacity of approximately 2,500 people and will host members of Congress, foreign delegations and invited guests for the swearing-in ceremony.

Rubio’s expected participation is likely to draw particular attention. As U.S. Secretary of State, his presence would underscore the strategic importance Washington places on rebuilding cooperation with Colombia under De La Espriella’s administration, with security, counternarcotics, migration and investment expected to feature prominently on the bilateral agenda.

The decision to stage the inauguration in Cali also carries symbolic weight. The city has faced persistent security challenges in recent years, and De La Espriella has pledged to make restoring public order a central objective of his presidency. Holding the inauguration there is intended to signal the incoming government’s commitment to reasserting state authority in one of Colombia’s most strategically important regions.

In a video message posted on his social media platforms, the criminal defense lawyer outlined what he described as a fundamental shift in Colombia’s foreign policy, arguing that the country’s diplomatic service had become bloated and ineffective.

“There will be no ties whatsoever with tyrannies in my government,” De la Espriella said, referring to Cuba and Nicaragua, two governments that have maintained close relations with outgoing President Gustavo Petro.

The president-elect said Colombian embassies in Algeria, Azerbaijan, Barbados, Cuba, the Czech Republic, Ethiopia, Ghana, Haiti, Hungary, Malaysia, Nicaragua, Romania, Senegal and South Africa would be closed. He also announced the elimination of 15 consulates, although he did not immediately specify their locations.

De la Espriella stressed that, aside from Cuba and Nicaragua, Colombia would maintain diplomatic relations with all other countries affected by the restructuring. Consular services for Colombian citizens abroad would continue through neighboring embassies or alternative diplomatic offices, he said.

The diplomatic shakeup marks one of the first major policy reversals from the Petro administration, which looked to expand Colombia’s international foothold with left-leaning governments that supported the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) accusastions against Israel.

Another significant change will be the restoration of Colombia’s diplomatic mission in Israel. De la Espriella confirmed that his government will reopen the embassy in Jerusalem and suspend Petro’s initiative to establish one in Palestine.

Petro severed diplomatic relations with Israel in 2024 in protest over Israel’s military offensive in Gaza, ending decades of close cooperation between the two countries on defense and security matters. During his presidential campaign, De la Espriella pledged to restore ties with Israel, calling it a “strategic ally”. On Saturday, Israel announced the appointment of Vivian Aisen, as the country’s incoming Ambassador to Colombia.

The president-elect also announced plans to establish a new Colombian embassy in Nigeria, saying the mission would improve the country’s diplomatic reach in Africa while making its regional presence more efficient.

As part of the restructuring, De la Espriella said Colombia would merge diplomatic missions that currently operate separately but share the same location. The Colombian Embassy in France would be combined with the country’s delegation to UNESCO in Paris, while the embassy in Italy would be unified with Colombia’s permanent representation to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in Rome under a single ambassador.

He added that during the first 100 days of his administration, the Foreign Ministry will conduct a technical audit of Colombia’s remaining embassies and consulates to determine whether additional closures or restructuring are warranted.

According to De la Espriella, the savings generated by reducing the diplomatic network will be redirected toward strengthening security, healthcare, education and infrastructure.

“Every peso we save on bureaucracy will be a peso that we can invest in security, health, education, infrastructure and, above all, opportunities for the poorest Colombians,” he said.

The president-elect said his administration’s foreign policy would prioritize attracting foreign investment, expanding export markets and promoting Colombia’s economic interests abroad rather than increasing the size of the diplomatic service.

He also reaffirmed his intention to hold his inauguration ceremony in the southwestern city of Cali rather than Bogotá, breaking with more than a century of tradition. The proposal still requires congressional approval before it can proceed.

The decision has been welcomed by regional leaders in Valle del Cauca, who see the move as a symbolic recognition of southwestern Colombia after years of calling for greater national government attention.

Valle del Cauca Governor Dilian Francisca Toro said the region was ready to work with the incoming administration and described Cali as an appropriate starting point for what De la Espriella has branded his Patria Milagro (“Miracle Nation”) agenda.

Toro also urged the incoming government to prioritize the creation of a High Mountain Battalion in the municipality of Jamundí and requested that Cali host the administration’s first National Security Council meeting at the Marco Fidel Suárez Air Base, citing persistent security challenges in the region.

Cali Mayor Alejandro Eder likewise welcomed the announcement, saying the city had long sought a stronger presence from the national government. “Our city has waited for many years for greater attention from the national government,” highlighted Eder, adding that the inauguration would reinforce the administration’s commitment to the department of Valle del C and Colombia’s southwest.

If implemented, De la Espriella’s diplomatic reforms would represent one of the most significant reorganizations of Colombia’s foreign service in decades, signaling a sharp departure from the hard-left foreign agenda of Petro.

The government said 18,994 foreigners were refused entry between August 2022 and June 2026 under administrative powers that allow immigration officials to reject travelers who fail to meet entry requirements, pose a security risk or provide false information during immigration inspections.

The figures come as Colombia continues to experience a sharp increase in international arrivals, driven by expanding air connectivity and the growing popularity of destinations such as Bogotá, Medellín and Cartagena.

Migración Colombia said more than 2,700 travelers were denied entry for reasons related to national sovereignty, state security or public order. Nearly 3,600 lacked the visa required for entry, about 2,900 failed to present legally required travel documents, and more than 3,800 provided false or misleading information during immigration interviews or attempted to deceive authorities.

Other cases involved travelers with international criminal records, intelligence alerts, outstanding immigration fines, the absence of onward travel tickets, or aggressive behavior toward immigration officials and airline personnel.

International airports registering the highest number of inadmissions this year included Bogotá’s El Dorado International Airport, Medellín’s José María Córdova International Airport, Cartagena’s Rafael Núñez International Airport, Cali’s Alfonso Bonilla Aragón International Airport and Barranquilla’s Ernesto Cortissoz International Airport. Authorities also reported refusals at the Rumichaca border crossing with Ecuador, the Simón Bolívar crossing in Cúcuta on the Venezuelan border, and Paraguachón in La Guajira.

According to the agency, the largest share of travelers denied entry were citizens of the Dominican Republic and the United States, each accounting for 12% of the total, followed by Venezuela (10%), Ecuador (5%), Mexico (5%) and Cuba (5%).

“Just as Colombians are expected to comply with the laws of the countries they visit, foreign nationals also have obligations under Colombia’s Constitution and laws,” Gloria Esperanza Arriero López, director-general of Migración Colombia, said in a statement. “They must meet the legal requirements for entry, behave appropriately during their stay, and respect Colombian authorities.”

The agency said it has intensified immigration controls over the past year while maintaining compliance with international human rights obligations. Authorities said the measures are intended to safeguard national security, promote orderly and regular migration, and strengthen international cooperation against human trafficking and the commercial sexual exploitation of children.

Of the nearly 1,600 foreign nationals refused entry so far in 2026, more than 140 cases were linked to suspected child sexual exploitation.

Since August 2022, more than 375 foreign travelers have also been denied entry as a preventive measure against the commercial sexual exploitation of children and adolescents. Migración Colombia said those decisions were based on intelligence shared with domestic and international law enforcement agencies, including information on convicted child sex offenders, suspected transnational sexual predators and alerts issued through the U.S.-based Angel Watch program.

Under Colombia’s Decree 2136 of 2021, immigration authorities may deny entry to foreign nationals on national security or legal grounds and order their immediate return to the country from which they traveled, their country of origin, or another country willing to admit them. The decision is final and is not subject to administrative appeal.

The speech, delivered less than three weeks before Petro leaves office, underscored the deep political divisions surrounding the transfer of power to President-elect Abelardo de la Espriella, who defeated government-backed candidate Iván Cepeda in the June 21 election.

Petro repeated allegations that the election was tainted by foreign interference, arguing that public support expressed by U.S. President Donald Trump for De la Espriella invalidated the result. “The mere introduction of foreign support into the recent election is grounds for nullifying it and, above all, renders the next government illegitimate,” Petro told lawmakers.

He again alleged that Israeli technology had been used to manipulate vote-counting software and said he would present evidence supporting the claim. Colombia’s electoral authorities have certified De la Espriella’s victory and rejected allegations of electoral fraud.

Petro escalated his criticism by asserting that Colombia would surrender its sovereignty after De la Espriella takes office on Aug. 7. “Colombia loses its national sovereignty from Aug. 7 onward. It returns to being a viceroyalty,” he said.

In one of the speech’s strongest attacks on Washington, Petro said Colombia’s next government would answer to the United States rather than Colombian voters. “Colombia’s government will no longer belong to Colombia. Donald Trump or Marco Rubio will give orders to the person they imposed as Colombia’s president,” Petro said. “The next president will be a servant of the rulers of the United States.”

Invoking the anniversary of Colombia’s independence from Spain, Petro called for what he described as “a second cry of independence,” urging supporters to defend the country’s sovereignty and “shout freedom and resistance.”

Petro also warned that his supporters should respond with nationwide demonstrations if the incoming administration dismantles his labor, education or agrarian reforms. He said a general strike should be considered if Congress reverses legislation approved during his administration that strengthened worker protections and increased overtime pay. “We must exercise our opposition in the streets, and resist peacefully … but in an overwhelming manner,” Petro said.

The remarks came as Colombia’s political balance shifted further toward the conservative opposition.

On Monday night during the opening a new legislature, Senator Honorio Henríquez of former President Álvaro Uribe’s Centro Democrático party was elected president of the Senate, giving conservatives greater influence in Congress ahead of the Aug. 7 inauguration.

De la Espriella, a criminal defense lawyer who entered politics after practicing law in Florida, has pledged to reduce government spending by up to 40%, cut business taxes, rewrite labor laws to allow more flexible hiring and suspend peace negotiations with leftist guerrilla groups.

He has also promised to strengthen ties with Washington after relations cooled during Petro’s presidency.

During a visit to Washington this week, Defense Minister-designate retired General Jorge Mora announced discussions with senior U.S. officials on a new bilateral security initiative known as “Plan Patriota 2.0,” aimed at expanding military cooperation, counternarcotics operations and intelligence sharing.

Hours before Petro’s combative address to lawmakers, De la Espriella’s office disclosed intelligence warning of an alleged assassination plot involving the National Liberation Army (ELN) and dissident factions of the former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

According to a statement from the president-elect’s transition team, intelligence services warned that criminal groups could be offering up to 3 billion pesos ($920,000) to carry out an attack before the Aug. 7 inauguration. The statement also warned of possible attempts to infiltrate press conferences and public events as part of an assassination attempt, prompting tighter security around the president-elect.

Although Petro is constitutionally barred from seeking another term, he indicated Monday that he intends to remain politically active after leaving office, suggesting he could lead his Historic Pact coalition from the opposition.

His speech offered a characteric closure to four years disruptive years in office, casting doubt – yet again – on the legitimacy of the incoming government while urging supporters to mobilize on the streets against a new government that has pledged to dismantle Petro’s failed “total peace” agenda and regain control of security with the help of the country’s governors and mayors.

The closed-door meeting at the State Department brought together senior members of Colombia’s incoming administration during a Washington tour aimed at strengthening ties with the United States before the new government assumes office.

Restrepo led the Colombian delegation, accompanied by Defense Minister-designate retired General Jorge Eduardo Mora, Foreign Minister-designate Omar Bula Escobar and Commerce, Industry and Tourism Minister-designate Mauricio Gómez Amín.

Following the meeting, Rubio described the talks as productive and said Washington was ready to work closely with Colombia’s next administration.

“Good meeting with Colombian Vice President-Elect José Manuel Restrepo, to discuss the future of the U.S.-Colombia partnership,” Rubio wrote on X. “We look forward to working with President-Elect Abelardo de la Espriella’s incoming administration to strengthen security cooperation and expand economic ties.”

The statement marked one of the clearest public indications yet that the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump intends to reset relations with Bogotá following years of diplomatic tensions under outgoing Colombian President Gustavo Petro.

Restrepo also hailed the meeting as the start of “a new stage” in relations between the longtime allies and thanked Washington for its support during Colombia’s presidential transition.

According to members of the Colombian delegation, discussions focused on expanding bilateral cooperation on security, trade, investment and infrastructure while reaffirming both countries’ longstanding strategic partnership.

A central element of Colombia’s proposal was its interest in joining the Shield of the Americas, a U.S.-led multinational security initiative designed to strengthen regional cooperation against transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking and other security threats.

The incoming administration also proposed closer collaboration on illicit crop eradication, restoring public order and strengthening Colombia’s armed forces, while emphasizing that such cooperation would be conducted “with absolute respect for national sovereignty.”

The meeting formed part of the incoming government’s international tour, dubbed “La Patria Milagro,” (Miracle Nation), which seeks to reassure international partners and investors ahead of the Aug. 7 inauguration.

Earlier this week, Restrepo outlined the administration’s broader economic agenda during meetings with the Atlantic Council and other Washington policy institutions.

Speaking at the Atlantic Council, where he previously served as a researcher, Restrepo said the new government aims to establish a broader strategic partnership with the United States. “This represents a new moment in the relationship between Colombia and the United States,” he said. “Perhaps a moment in which we can establish a strategic partnership of greater scope.”

He added that the delegation was seeking to revive infrastructure and development initiatives that had stalled in recent years while expanding opportunities for bilateral trade and foreign investment.

The Washington visit reflects the priorities of President-elect De la Espriella, who campaigned on rebuilding Colombia’s security institutions, restoring investor confidence and strengthening relations with the United States after what he described as years of diplomatic strain.

Officials close to the incoming administration said the government intends to deepen cooperation in areas ranging from defense and counternarcotics operations to energy, infrastructure and private-sector investment.

The meeting also follows recent exchanges between De la Espriella and senior U.S. officials, including Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, after which the president-elect announced Colombia would formally join the Shield of the Americas initiative upon taking office.

For decades, Colombia has been one of Washington’s closest allies in Latin America and the largest recipient of U.S. security assistance in the region. Cooperation expanded significantly under Plan Colombia beginning in 2000, although relations cooled during Petro’s presidency amid disagreements over counternarcotics strategy, security policy and broader geopolitical issues.

Both governments now appear eager to restore the relationship to the center of their regional agendas.

Neither delegation disclosed additional details of Wednesday’s closed-door discussions, and Colombian officials left the State Department without speaking to reporters.

Still, the carefully coordinated statements issued afterward suggested both capitals are seeking to present the meeting as more than a routine diplomatic courtesy, framing it instead as the opening move in what both governments hope will become a renewed strategic partnership spanning security, economic development and regional cooperation.

With De la Espriella set to assume office in just weeks, officials on both sides indicated that Wednesday’s talks were intended to lay the groundwork for an expanded alliance aimed at confronting shared security challenges while boosting trade and investment between the two countries.

Londoño’s appearance before the transitional justice tribunal came on the deadline established by the JEP after it authorized his travel to Madrid between June 22 and July 11. The court had stipulated that the former guerrilla commander was required to present himself in person before the tribunal’s Judicial Secretariat no later than July 14, a condition he fulfilled upon his return.

Questions over whether Londoño would come back intensified after comments he made to Blu Radio suggesting he was weighing whether it was safe to return, following increasingly confrontational statements from De la Espriella since his election victory.

The president-elect has made dismantling key pillars of Colombia’s post-conflict framework a central theme of his incoming administration. During his third national address on social media since winning the presidency on June 21, De la Espriella announced plans to eliminate the Office of the High Commissioner for Peace, begin dismantling what he described as “structures of impunity” created under former President Gustavo Petro’s Total Peace policy, and overhaul the Special Jurisdiction for Peace established under the 2016 peace accord with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

Londoño became the principal target of that criticism.

“That bandit Timochenko deserves to spend the rest of his life in prison, and I am going to work toward that,” De la Espriella declared.

He argued that “no apparent legal formalism can hide the fact that the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the FARC leadership remain unpunished,” while accusing the JEP of protecting political allies of the outgoing administration.

The remarks marked one of the strongest public challenges yet to Colombia’s transitional justice system, which forms part of the 2016 peace agreement negotiated under former President Juan Manuel Santos and has constitutional protection as well as backing from the United Nations Security Council.

By returning to Bogotá and appearing before the JEP, Londoño appeared intent on reinforcing his commitment to the peace accord despite mounting political pressure.

Following his appearance before the tribunal, the president of the Comunes Party reaffirmed that former FARC members remain committed to fulfilling every obligation under the agreement, including contributing to truth, reparations and national reconciliation.

“If I have to become the 501st peace signatory to be assassinated, then let death come,” Londoño said in a video message while holding a white flag symbolizing peace. “We are convinced that more than 12 million Colombians will carry this banner that we have upheld with pride and without regret.”

Human rights organizations have repeatedly warned about the continued killings of former guerrillas who laid down their arms after the peace agreement. More than 500 former combatants have been killed since the accord was signed in November 2016, making their security one of the most persistent challenges facing the implementation process.

Londoño insisted that the former guerrilla has honored every commitment undertaken nearly a decade ago. “We are fulfilling our commitments to Colombia and to the international community,” he said. “We continue contributing to truth, reparations and reconciliation.”

Letter to the President-elect

Coinciding with his return, Londoño released an open letter addressed to De la Espriella, congratulating him on his election while urging the incoming administration to respect the peace agreement as a binding obligation of the Colombian state.

The former FARC commander acknowledged their profound ideological differences but argued that peaceful democratic coexistence depends on dialogue rather than confrontation.

“We occupy a different ideological and political position from yours,” Londoño wrote. “That is natural in a democracy. It does not mean we cannot coexist and engage in civilized dialogue about our differences. That, precisely, is what peace is about.”

He reminded the president-elect that the Final Peace Agreement forms part of Colombia’s constitutional framework and is supported by resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, making it an international commitment that transcends individual governments.

Londoño also expressed the former FARC leadership’s willingness to engage with the incoming administration to advance implementation of the accord while reaffirming what he described as an “unwavering commitment” to honoring the agreement signed at Bogotá’s Teatro Colón on November 24, 2016.

“In return,” he wrote, “we hope the Colombian State will honor its own commitments with the same honesty and transparency that those of us who reincorporated into civilian life have demonstrated, beginning with guaranteeing our right to life and providing the political and security guarantees established in the Peace Agreement.”

Londoño’s return removes immediate uncertainty over his compliance with the JEP’s conditions but opens what is likely to become one of the first major constitutional and political confrontations facing De la Espriella after he takes the oath of office on August 7 at a military garrison in southwest Colombia.

The announcement marks another dramatic departure by the conservative leader, whose election victory last month signaled a decisive shift away from the policies of outgoing President Gustavo Petro.

Addressing the nation through his social media channels, De la Espriella said the ceremony would proceed “despite the opposition of the disastrous and delusional outgoing government,” describing the move as a tribute to Colombia’s armed forces.

“Colombians can be certain that I will keep my promise,” he declared. “I will take office in the south of the country, at a military garrison, to pay solemn tribute to the heroes of our nation and to the men and women in uniform who protect democracy, freedom and our institutions.”

The decision would replace one of Colombia’s most enduring democratic rituals. Traditionally, incoming presidents take the constitutional oath before Congress at the Capitol building on Plaza de Bolívar before thousands of invited guests, foreign dignitaries and members of the public gathered in the historic square.

While De la Espriella had previously stated he would not be inaugurated in Plaza de Bolívar, Monday’s address marked the first time he confirmed the ceremony would be held at a military installation in southern Colombia. He declined to identify the specific location.

Whether the unprecedented relocation can legally occur remains uncertain.

Under Colombia’s constitutional procedures, Congress must authorize any change to the venue for the presidential inauguration. The issue is expected to be debated after the new legislature convenes on July 20.

De la Espriella appealed directly to lawmakers to approve the proposal.

“I make a direct and patriotic appeal to the new Congress of the Republic to make the correct decision on July 20 in order to fulfill the mandate of the Colombian people,” he said.

He also sought to reassure legislators that his administration would work closely with Congress and the judiciary.

“I will work hand in hand with the new Congress, just as we have begun doing with the Judicial Branch. Harmonious collaboration among the institutions of our ‘Miracle Nation’ is a demand of the Colombian people.”

Petro has firmly opposed the proposal claiming that only Congress possesses the constitutional authority to authorize a change in venue. He later reinforced that position on “X” stating that no military installation could host a presidential inauguration while he remains Commander-in-Chief of Colombia’s Armed Forces.

The disagreement has injected an unusual constitutional dispute into the weeks leading up to the transfer of power.

The planned venue underscores one of the defining themes of De la Espriella’s incoming administration: restoring the prominence of Colombia’s military and security forces after years of defunding by the country’s first leftist government.

By choosing a military base rather than Colombia’s principal civic square, De la Espriella is sending an unmistakable political message that security and the armed forces will occupy a central role in his presidency.

The president-elect has repeatedly pledged to abandon negotiations with illegal armed groups in favor of an aggressive security strategy inspired in part by the policies of El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele.

During the same national address, De la Espriella unveiled a sweeping overhaul of the Presidency designed to reduce bureaucracy and redirect government spending.

He announced that approximately 229 positions within the Presidential administration will be eliminated, generating annual savings of roughly COP 10 billion (about US$2.5 million), funds he said would instead finance social programs.

“I will transform the Presidency into an executive coordination center with a staff free of unnecessary political appointments and positions created to repay political favors,” he said.

Several presidential advisory offices, agencies and councils will be abolished, with many of their responsibilities transferred to existing ministries and state institutions to eliminate overlapping functions and strengthen accountability. “The Presidency will become an austere, efficient structure focused on results,” he highlighted.

Among the most politically significant changes is the elimination of the Office of the High Commissioner for Peace, the capstone of Petro’s negotiations with illegal armed groups, ELN guerrilla and narco-trafficking cartel Gulf Clan.

Instead, De la Espriella said the office will be replaced by a High Commissioner for Security, reflecting his administration’s rejection of what he described as “false peace” processes.

The restructuring represents one of the first concrete policy initiatives unveiled by the incoming administration ahead of its August 7 inauguration and reinforces De la Espriella’s campaign pledge to shrink government bureaucracy while redirecting public resources toward security and social investment.

If Congress approves the relocation of the inauguration, Colombia will witness an unprecedented transfer of presidential power outside Bogotá’s historic political heart – event that symbolizes the dramatic political realignment voters endorsed with the June 21 election.

Established under Law 2578 of 2026, the holiday moves the annual July 9 feast day to the nearest Monday under Colombia’s Emiliani Law, creating a long weekend dedicated to one of the nation’s most revered religious and cultural symbols. The legislation recognizes Chiquinquirá, in the central department of Boyacá, as a pilgrimage destination that has played a defining role in Colombia’s national identity.

The inaugural celebration comes at a moment of political transition.

Only days before the first national observance, De la Espriella traveled to the Basilica of Our Lady of the Rosary of Chiquinquirá, where the celebrated image of the Virgin has drawn pilgrims for more than four centuries. In a message posted on social media following his visit on July 9, the president-elect said he had “placed in her hands our Homeland, Colombian families and our institutions,” expressing confidence that God would continue to guide the country’s future.

“May under her protection we find the strength, reconciliation and hope to build the Miracle Homeland that we all long for,” he wrote, referring to one of the central themes of his presidential campaign.

The pilgrimage formed part of what his office described as a broader “spiritual agenda” launched during his first week as president-elect. The initiative also included a visit to the Basilica of the Lord of Miracles in Buga, one of Colombia’s most important Catholic shrines, where he concluded his campaign before the June 21 presidential runoff by praying for “the healing of our nation” and what he described as a “spiritual battle against evil.”

For observers, the visits underscore De la Espriella’s willingness to publicly embrace Catholic symbolism in a country where nearly two-thirds of the population identifies as Catholic, according to recent surveys.

A miraculous image

At the center of Monday’s celebration is an image whose history stretches back to the earliest decades of Spanish rule in what was then the Kingdom of New Granada. According to historical accounts and the book Nuestras Señoras by Germán Izquierdo and Juan Esteban Duque, the original painting was commissioned around 1555 by Spanish encomendero Antonio de Santana. The work was painted by Alonso de Narváez and depicts the Virgin Mary flanked by Saint Andrew and Saint Anthony of Padua.

The unusually wide canvas led the artist to include the two saints on either side of the Virgin, creating the composition that remains instantly recognizable today. After years of neglect, the painting had nearly disappeared before an event Catholics regard as miraculous transformed it into Colombia’s most important Marian image.

In December 1586, according to tradition, Spanish settler María Ramos prayed before the deteriorated canvas in Chiquinquirá. An Indigenous woman named Isabel is said to have witnessed the faded image suddenly restored to its original brilliance while appearing to radiate light. The event marked the beginning of widespread devotion to the Virgin of Chiquinquirá and established the town as Colombia’s foremost Marian pilgrimage site.

Today, the painting remains inside the Basilica of Our Lady of the Rosary in Chiquinquirá under strict security and conservation measures. The image has left the sanctuary only on exceptional occasions, including the visits of Pope John Paul II in 1986 and Pope Francis in 2017.

Patroness of a nation

The Virgin of Chiquinquirá has occupied a unique place in Colombian history for nearly two centuries.

Pope Pius VII proclaimed her the Patroness of Colombia in 1829, while on June 9, 1919, the image was transported to Bogotá’s Plaza de Bolívar, where she was solemnly crowned Queen and Patroness of Colombia before President Marco Fidel Suárez, military authorities and Church leaders.

During the ceremony, she received an elaborate crown fashioned from 450 grams of gold, 140 emeralds and 78 diamonds – an enduring symbol of both Colombia’s Catholic heritage and its renowned emerald wealth.

The Basilica’s altar continues to display the image beneath the ornate crown, making it one of the country’s most recognizable religious treasures. The Archdiocese of Bogotá has encouraged Colombians to mark this year’s historic holiday with a special prayer asking the Virgin to protect the nation, strengthen faith and promote reconciliation.

Beyond Religion

Although rooted in Catholic devotion, the new holiday also reflects the government’s intention to recognize Chiquinquirá’s wider cultural significance. The law establishing the celebration describes the municipality as a national center of pilgrimage whose influence extends beyond religion into Colombian history, identity and cultural heritage.

Authorities expect over one million visitors this weekend to attend processions, Masses, concerts and artisan fairs, while tourism officials anticipate a surge in visitors to nearby destinations in Boyacá, among them, Raquira, Sutamarchán, Villa de la Leyva and Moniquirá.

For De la Espriella, whose presidency begins amid expectations of profound political change, the symbolism of the occasion is unmistakable. His public invocation of Colombia’s patroness—and his pledge that Boyacá “will be a protagonist in the reconstruction of Colombia”—signals that religion is likely to play a more visible role in the national narrative under his administration.

Whether viewed as an act of personal faith, a gesture toward national reconciliation or a reaffirmation of Colombia’s cultural traditions, Monday’s inaugural holiday marks the beginning of what may become one of the country’s defining annual civic observances, linking history, spirituality and national identity in a single celebration.

At the center of the diplomatic shift is Foreign Minister-designate Omar Bula Escobar, a veteran United Nations diplomat and international development specialist whose appointment signals the incoming administration’s intention to reshape Colombia’s global role around economic diplomacy, democratic partnerships and international security cooperation.

In one of his first public policy announcements since his nomination, Bula confirmed that the new government will not maintain Colombian embassies in Cuba or Nicaragua, arguing that the country should not legitimize governments it considers authoritarian. While consular affairs and diplomatic communication will continue through alternative mechanisms, the decision marks a sharp departure from Petro’s efforts to strengthen political ties with Havana and Managua during his four years in office.

Instead, the incoming administration intends to prioritize strategic partnerships with the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and Israel, countries it views as essential allies for expanding trade, attracting investment, strengthening security cooperation and reinforcing democratic institutions.

The change represents far more than a diplomatic reshuffle.

During the presidential campaign, De La Espriella repeatedly argued that Colombia’s foreign policy had become driven by ideology at the expense of national interests. His administration has pledged to transform the Foreign Ministry into an institution focused on commercial diplomacy, technological cooperation and international competitiveness, while rebuilding confidence among investors and traditional allies.

“Our embassies must become engines for investment, trade and opportunity,” the president-elect has said, outlining a vision that places economic diplomacy at the center of Colombia’s international engagement.

That mission will largely fall to Bula, whose professional background differs considerably from many of Colombia’s recent foreign ministers.

Rather than emerging from party politics, Bula has spent more than two decades working within the United Nations system, leading humanitarian and development programs across Africa, the Middle East, Europe and Latin America.

His academic credentials reflect an equally international career. He studied Business Administration at the European Business School before earning a doctorate in Economic Sciences from Belgium’s Catholic University of Louvain. He later completed an MBA at Aden Business School and executive studies in business management at Harvard University.

Fluent in Spanish, English, French and Portuguese, Bula has combined academic research with extensive field experience in some of the world’s most politically complex environments.

His assignments have taken him to Egypt, Iraq, Ethiopia, Sudan, Senegal, Brazil, Panama and Italy, where he held senior positions with the United Nations World Food Programme. His responsibilities included overseeing humanitarian operations, food security programs, institutional development and international cooperation in regions affected by armed conflict, political instability and humanitarian emergencies.

Alongside his diplomatic career, Bula has served as an international university professor and developed a public profile as a geopolitical analyst specializing in international security, global economics and Middle Eastern affairs. His commentary has frequently emphasized the importance of strengthening alliances among democratic nations while expanding economic cooperation with North America and Europe.

His appointment is widely viewed as reflecting De La Espriella’s broader effort to professionalize Colombia’s diplomatic service by placing career international specialists, rather than political allies, in key foreign policy positions.

Nowhere will the administration’s new direction be watched more closely than in Washington.

Relations between Bogotá and Washington became increasingly strained under Petro over counternarcotics policy, regional security, Venezuela and the Israel-Hamas war. Although security cooperation continued, political disagreements frequently overshadowed a relationship that had long been considered one of the strongest bilateral partnerships in Latin America.

The incoming government has pledged to restore that strategic alliance, emphasizing cooperation in defense, intelligence, counter-narcotics, trade, cybersecurity and investment. Officials also see Canada and the United Kingdom as critical partners for expanding collaboration in mining, energy, education, finance and technological innovation.

Perhaps the most symbolic reversal concerns Israel.

Petro severed diplomatic relations with Israel in 2024 over the conflict in Gaza, ending decades of close military and security cooperation between the two countries.

De La Espriella has pledged to restore full diplomatic relations immediately upon taking office and has expressed support for rebuilding cooperation in defense, intelligence, cybersecurity, agriculture and technology. Members of the incoming administration have also indicated that Colombia will pursue a distinctly pro-Israel foreign policy while maintaining support for a negotiated peace in the Middle East.

The decision has been welcomed by sectors of Colombia’s business community that view closer relations with Israel as an opportunity to expand cooperation in innovation, water management, agricultural technology and digital security.

At the same time, the decision to eliminate embassies in Cuba and Nicaragua signals that democratic governance and respect for human rights will become more prominent considerations in Bogotá’s diplomatic engagement throughout the region.

Political analysts say the changes amount to the most significant reorientation of Colombian foreign policy since the security-focused administrations of the early 2000s. Rather than pursuing ideological alignment, the incoming government appears determined to position Colombia as a reliable democratic partner for North America and Europe while leveraging diplomacy to stimulate investment and economic growth.

Whether that ambitious recalibration succeeds will ultimately depend on the government’s ability to translate diplomatic goodwill into tangible economic results.

Yet even before taking office on August 7, De La Espriella and his foreign minister have left little doubt that Colombia is preparing to reclaim a markedly different place on the world stage—one anchored in Western alliances, commercial diplomacy and a renewed emphasis on democratic partnerships in an increasingly fragmented geopolitical landscape.

In a statement released by his transition team on Wednesday, the criminal defense lawyer said he had requested the support of allied governments, international organizations, election observers and democracy watchdogs to remain vigilant during what he described as an increasingly fragile constitutional moment.

According to the statement, de la Espriella believes the outgoing administration is seeking to “alter the constitutional order,” disregard the presidential credentials issued by Colombia’s electoral authorities and disrupt the democratic transition that is constitutionally scheduled to conclude with his inauguration on August 7.

“The request is directed to allied governments, international organizations, observation missions and defenders of democracy so they may actively accompany this institutional moment and keep their eyes on Colombia until any attempt at a coup d’état has ceased,” his office said.

The appeal follows several days of increasingly confrontational rhetoric between the president-elect and senior figures aligned with the outgoing government.

Earlier on Wednesday, de la Espriella posted a message on X drawing an apparent comparison between Colombia’s political crisis and neighboring Venezuela. “The last person who didn’t recognize the elections and stayed in power was Nicolás Maduro. We all know how that ended.”

Although he did not mention Petro by name, the remarks were widely interpreted as referring to the outgoing president. In a subsequent post, de la Espriella was more direct. “Petro and Cepeda don’t know who they’ve messed with. By defending the popular will, order, constitutionality, and the Constitution, I will be relentless and forceful.”

The president-elect has repeatedly accused Petro and Cepeda of refusing to recognize the election results and attempting to obstruct the transition. Petro and Cepeda have rejected de la Espriella’s presidency, with Petro maintaining his allegation that the election was fraudulent and declaring in recent public remarks that “the president of Colombia is Iván Cepeda.” The government has not produced evidence publicly substantiating claims of electoral fraud.

The dispute has intensified after the suspension of the formal transition process between the outgoing and incoming administrations, raising concerns over what had traditionally been a peaceful constitutional handover of power.

De la Espriella has also urged Colombians to remain calm while defending the constitutional order.

“The resistance must be democratic, peaceful, constitutional and firm,” his office said in the statement. “The vote of Colombians must be respected, and the legitimate transition must conclude on August 7.”

Growing confrontation

The increasingly polarized atmosphere has been fueled by calls from Cepeda for “civil disobedience” against the incoming administration.

Speaking earlier this week, the senator and former presidential candidate argued that Colombians should resist policies announced by the incoming government. He also alleged – without publicly presenting a shred of evidence – that de la Espriella’s proposed security measures could amount to the formation of a “paramilitary government.”

“Colombia is beginning to take the shape of a paramilitary government,” Cepeda said while criticizing the president-elect’s security agenda.

De la Espriella has rebuked those remarks, warning that any actions outside the law would be met with the full authority of the state. “Some extremists speak of civil disobedience, which is nothing more than road blockades, urban terrorism and the revival of the ‘First Line,'” he said, referring to the protest groups that emerged during nationwide demonstrations in 2021. “I propose constitutional obedience. Everything outside the law will be confronted with the full force of the rule of law.”

A Military inauguration?

Adding to the extraordinary political climate, de la Espriella is reportedly considering taking the presidential oath at a military installation rather than in Bogotá’s Plaza de Bolívar, where every Colombian president in recent decades has been inaugurated before Congress.

Constitutional scholars have noted that Article 192 of Colombia’s Constitution requires the president to be sworn in before Congress but does not explicitly require the ceremony to take place inside the Capitol building. Article 140 allows Congress to convene in a different location if both legislative chambers agree.

The proposal is widely seen as both a security precaution and a symbolic demonstration of institutional support from the armed forces amid the deepening political confrontation.

De la Espriella, who campaigned on restoring order through a hardline approach to crime and armed groups, said the decree would launch what he described as Colombia’s largest urban security operation, aimed at curbing extortion, robbery and homicides in the country’s biggest metropolitan areas.

“On August 7, I will sign the decree creating the Defense Block for Urban Security,” De la Espriella said in a statement published on social media. “To issue effective measures aligned with the needs of the most affected cities, I am convening the mayors of Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Barranquilla, and Bucaramanga so that, based on their needs, we can create the largest urban security operation in Colombia. No more extortions, robberies, and homicides in our Homeland. Stand firm for the homeland!”

The president-elect said the decree will be among the first executive measures issued after he takes office, alongside steps to begin dismantling the “Total Peace” policy pursued by outgoing President Gustavo Petro, which sought negotiated settlements with armed groups operating across Colombia.

De la Espriella has repeatedly ruled out new peace negotiations with illegal armed organizations, saying his government will instead focus on restoring state control over territory and strengthening security operations.

“To the violent, I make only one offer: submission to justice with the benefits contemplated under current law,” he said previously after receiving his presidential credentials. He added that his administration would prioritize recovering territorial control and reinforcing the state’s presence in regions affected by armed groups.

The proposed urban security blocs received swift backing from the mayors of Colombia’s largest cities, many of whom have argued for greater national government support to combat organized crime and urban violence.

Bogotá Mayor Carlos Fernando Galán said the initiative could strengthen ongoing efforts against criminal networks. “The Public Force needs more support from the national government so that we can continue striking extortion, robbery and drug trafficking. Only by weakening these structures will we recover security and reduce homicides,” Galán said on social media.

He also called for broader reforms to Colombia’s criminal justice system.

“We cannot forget another key aspect: the country needs to redefine its criminal policy,” Galán said, arguing that many suspects arrested in Bogotá have later had arrest warrants lifted or have been released.

Medellín Mayor Federico Gutiérrez welcomed the announcement while criticizing Petro’s administration. “What a difference a president who wants security for the people versus one who came to Medellín to hold rallies with criminals,” Gutiérrez wrote on X. “May our people live in peace.”

“The only ones who should be afraid are the criminals,” he added.

Barranquilla Mayor Alejandro Char said he received the proposal “with satisfaction and hope.”

“Colombia needs firm decisions on security and justice, and the leadership of the President of the Republic is fundamental to support those of us who face this challenge every day from the regions,” remarked Char as the capital of the department of Atlántico grapples with the high cases of extorsion from illegal armed groups .

Cali Mayor Alejandro Eder, whose city has faced repeated attacks blamed on dissident guerrilla factions and other armed groups, described the measure as “the right decision.”

“That is the way forward: coordination, authority and concrete actions to protect citizens,” he said. “Cali has been one of the cities that has suffered most from insecurity and terrorist attacks. That is why, since the beginning of my administration, I have requested greater capabilities for cities and joint work between the national government and local governments to confront these threats. We are ready to contribute and work together to restore peace of mind to our people.”

Cristian Portilla, Bucaramanga’s acting mayor, also pledged support for the initiative.

“I join your call, President-elect, and the cooperation with the National Government that begins on August 7,” Portilla said. “In our city we work every day for the security of our citizens, with our own resources and with the support of the Public Force. It is essential that mayors have presidential backing in the fight against criminals.”

Portilla said Bucaramanga would prepare a detailed report on the city’s security situation before the decree is signed. “I am ready to work hand in hand toward this objective. Having the support of the government fills the people of Bucaramanga with hope,” he said.

The president-elect has not yet provided details on the structure, funding or operational framework of the proposed security blocs, nor which agencies will participate. His office said the consultations with city mayors are intended to tailor the strategy to the security needs of each municipality before implementation begins.

The announcement underscores what is expected to be one of the clearest policy breaks between De la Espriella’s incoming administration and Petro’s left-wing government, with the president-elect promising a security strategy inspired by U.S. President Donald Trump and El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, centered on expanding military and police operations and increasing funding for Colombia’s armed forces.

The confrontation marks a further escalation in tensions during Colombia’s increasingly acrimonious presidential transition, less than six weeks before De la Espriella is scheduled to be inaugurated on Aug. 7.

Speaking to Blu Radio, Restrepo urged Colombians to reject what he described as attempts to undermine the constitutional transfer of power.

“Declaring civil disobedience is a disgrace. It is a disgrace against democracy, an attack on our institutions. That is the conduct of someone who is not a democrat,” Restrepo said.

Cepeda announced Tuesday that he would promote a campaign of “peaceful civil disobedience” if several demands are not met before De la Espriella takes office. Chief among them is that the president-elect formally renounce his U.S. citizenship, arguing that dual nationality would create an unacceptable conflict of loyalty between Colombia and the United States.

Cepeda also demanded that De la Espriella disclose whether he has collaborated with U.S. security agencies, abandon any effort to seek the extradition of outgoing President Gustavo Petro, halt what he described as judicial persecution of political opponents, and clarify allegations regarding past professional associations.

In a public statement, Cepeda argued that De la Espriella’s inauguration would be “illegal and illegitimate” unless those issues are resolved beforehand.

However, Colombia’s Constitution does not prohibit a Colombian president from holding dual nationality. Legal experts have noted that no constitutional provision requires a president to renounce a second citizenship before assuming office.

The constitutional reality is underscored by recent precedent. President Gustavo Petro himself held dual Colombian and Italian nationality when he was inaugurated on Aug. 7, 2022, and continues to possess both citizenships through his Italian ancestry without constitutional challenge.

Cepeda nevertheless argued that De la Espriella’s case differs because his U.S. citizenship was acquired through naturalization, which requires an oath of allegiance to the United States. According to Cepeda, that oath raises questions about where the president-elect’s loyalty would lie in the event of a conflict between the two countries.

He also accused U.S. President Donald Trump of interfering in Colombia’s June 21 presidential election and alleged that De la Espriella’s proposal to align Colombia with the so-called “Shield of the Americas” security initiative would subordinate Colombia’s national interests to those of Washington.

Restrepo rejected Cepeda’s arguments outright, saying political disagreements must be resolved through Colombia’s constitutional institutions rather than campaigns encouraging civil disobedience against a democratically elected government.

The dispute illustrates the increasingly polarized atmosphere surrounding Colombia’s transfer of power, with relations between the outgoing Petro administration and the incoming government deteriorating amid disputes over the transition process and the legitimacy of the election.

Omar Rayo: The Study of the Labyrinth, presented by the Leon Tovar Gallery is both a tribute to the artist’s celebrated works of the 1960s and 1970s and an invitation to reconsider his legacy. Rather than emphasizing optical illusion alone, the exhibition explores the intellectual and cultural foundations that shaped Rayo’s distinctive visual language, revealing an artist deeply engaged with the ancestral traditions of Latin America.

The appointme-only showing at the Gun Club in Bogotá presents a carefully curated selection of monochromatic paintings, inviting visitors to look beyond their immaculate surfaces and discover a body of work rooted in historical research, Indigenous knowledge and cultural memory.

While Rayo embraced many of the formal concerns that defined international modernism, his artistic vocabulary emerged from extensive travels throughout Latin America, where he studied the visual systems developed by pre-Columbian civilizations. Geometric incisions carved into ancient ceramics, the rhythmic structures of Andean textiles and the architectural reliefs of cultures including the Inca and Nazca became enduring sources of inspiration.

These influences never appeared as direct quotations. Instead, Rayo distilled them into a highly refined abstract language in which every line, shadow and intersection contributes to a carefully balanced composition. His paintings reject ornament in favor of disciplined geometry, transforming ancestral motifs into works that feel both timeless and unmistakably familiar.

Central to the exhibition is the idea of the labyrinth, a recurring concept that extends beyond visual complexity. For Rayo, the labyrinth was not a place of confusion or entrapment but a symbol of spiritual inquiry, continuity and belonging. His compositions invite prolonged contemplation, encouraging viewers to navigate intricate spatial relationships that gradually reveal unexpected harmony beneath their apparent complexity.

Perhaps most remarkable is the painstaking craftsmanship behind the works. Long before the advent of digital design software, every illusion of depth, every subtle transition between light and shadow, and every precisely calibrated edge was executed entirely by hand. The precision often suggests mechanical production, yet each painting bears the unmistakable evidence of extraordinary technical discipline and artistic patience.

Born in 1928 in the town of Roldanillo, in Colombia’s Valle del Cauca department, Rayo discovered drawing as a teenager after enrolling in a correspondence course offered by the Zaer Academy of Buenos Aires. He began exhibiting professionally in 1948, launching a career that would steadily gain international recognition.

Scholarships from the Organization of American States enabled him to live in Mexico between 1959 and 1960 before relocating to New York, where he remained until 1976. During those years, Rayo developed the visual language that would define his career while participating in an increasingly international dialogue about abstraction and modern art.

Although Fernando Botero became Colombia’s most recognizable artist among the general public, Rayo’s work is represented in more international museum and gallery collections than that of any other Colombian artist, underscoring the remarkable reach of his career. His paintings are held in the permanent collections of institutions including the Museum of Modern Art, the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York and the Art Institute of Chicago, alongside hundreds of museums, universities and private collections across Europe, the Americas and Asia.

Even as his reputation grew abroad, Rayo maintained close ties to his birthplace. In Roldanillo (Valle del Cauca), he founded the Museo Rayo, creating one of Colombia’s most important centers dedicated to Latin American drawing and graphic arts. The museum continues to serve as a cultural landmark, bringing international exhibitions and visitors to a town better known for its sugarcane fields than its art scene.

By presenting Rayo’s geometric masterpieces within the broader context of Latin America’s artistic heritage, Omar Rayo: The Study of the Labyrinth encourages viewers to reconsider an artist often categorized too narrowly. His paintings demonstrate that abstraction can be more than an exploration of form. In Rayo’s hands, geometry became a bridge between ancient civilizations and contemporary art, revealing a visual language in which the memory of the Americas continues to unfold with quiet elegance and enduring relevance.

For audiences, the exhibition is more than a survey of optical precision. It is an opportunity to rediscover an artist whose work helped redefine modern abstraction by drawing upon the ancestral visual traditions of the Americas. More than half a century after these paintings were created, Rayo’s labyrinths continue to draw viewers inward, offering no easy exit—only new ways of seeing.

To book an appointment and inquiries contact: info@leontovargallery.com

For Cepeda, this is hospitality at its purest. Her home is neither a restaurant nor a private club, but a place where conversation matters as much as cuisine.

Her latest culinary venture, Seis y Seis, is built on a deceptively simple idea: twelve people who may never have met before share an evening of thoughtful conversation over a menu prepared by a chef whose culinary education spans New York’s demanding restaurant kitchens and Colombia’s rich regional traditions.

The result is something between a private dinner party and a fine-dining restaurant, yet without the formality or anonymity that often accompanies either.

“I wanted people to reconnect around a table,” Cepeda explains. “Cooking has always been about much more than food.” That philosophy began long before she ever stepped inside a professional kitchen.

An economist educated at the Universidad de los Andes and later at the London School of Economics, Cepeda initially built a career in development, working with Colombia’s National Development Agency and the Colombian Coffee Federation before moving to New York with her husband and young daughter.

There she worked on fundraising initiatives with non-governmental organisations, including the Salvation Army. In the days and months following the September 11 attacks, she volunteered in soup kitchens serving Lower Manhattan.

Watching thousands of meals prepared not for luxury but for comfort transformed her understanding of what cooking could accomplish. “I realised cooking had a social purpose.”

The idea was hardly foreign. Growing up in Bogotá, family meals were treated almost ceremonially. “My father believed cooking had to transcend the kitchen,” she recalls. “Everything mattered – from setting the table to choosing the utensils used to prepare each meal.”

Eventually, she abandoned the boardroom for the cutting board.

Cepeda enrolled in culinary courses at the New School before earning professional training at the French Culinary Institute in SoHo, where she worked in the school’s restaurant and catering kitchens.

From there she entered New York’s fiercely competitive restaurant scene, becoming the first female chef at the Manhattan Ocean Club, one of Midtown’s celebrated seafood institutions. The experience exposed her to every aspect of professional gastronomy—from sourcing ingredients and managing kitchen brigades to understanding how service, wine and hospitality combine to create memorable dining experiences.

She later joined CORE: Club on Fifth Avenue, the invitation-only private club created by celebrated American chef Tom Colicchio. Rising to Executive Sous Chef, she spent four years preparing meals for New York’s financial, corporate and cultural powerbrokers before deciding that it was time to return home.

Back in Bogotá in 2008, Cepeda devoted herself to consulting projects that ranged from preserving ancestral Colombian recipes in Norte de Santander to redesigning menus for the Movich hotel group and teaching future chefs at La Salle College. Sustainability, local ingredients and regional food traditions became recurring themes throughout her work.

Yet it wasn’t until years later that the idea behind Seis y Seis emerged almost accidentally.

Friends began asking her to cook intimate dinners in her home. Six invited six. Then friends brought friends. Soon entrepreneurs, advertising creatives, management executives, journalists and newcomers to Bogotá were gathering around the same table, many meeting for the first time.

Today, a seat at her table costs COP $190,000 and includes a welcome cocktail, carefully paired wines and a seasonal three-course menu designed to encourage conversation as much as appreciation for the food itself. On the evening we joined the table, conversation flowed almost as effortlessly as the wine.

Dinner opened with delicate ravioli filled with goat’s cheese, brightened by yellow lemon, pink peppercorns and tarragon. It was paired with crisp Chilean Sauvignon Blancs from Morandé and Pionero Reserva, whose citrus notes echoed the freshness of the starter.

The second course featured semi-cured salmon served over a vibrant cilantro and jalapeño sauce with crisp carrot and beetroot, before giving way to the evening’s centrepiece: duck confit scented with garam masala, sweet paprika, plums, rosé wine and balsamic vinegar. Roasted asparagus finished with lemon zest accompanied by silky sweet potato purée enriched with butter and cream.

A Chilean Doña Dominga Syrah, layered with ripe plum and red berry aromas, complemented the richness of the duck.

Dessert arrived as a panna cotta combining cream and Greek yoghurt with basil, lemon and raspberries, a light finish after an evening that had become as much about conversation as cuisine.

By the end of the night, business cards had been exchanged, friendships formed and plans made for future meetings. That may be the greatest achievement of Seis y Seis.

Around the world, supper clubs have become an increasingly popular alternative to traditional restaurants, blending the intimacy of home hospitality with professional gastronomy. In Bogotá, Cepeda has adapted the concept into something uniquely Colombian: a place where carefully prepared food serves as the catalyst for conversation, connection and community.

For newcomers to the capital, seasoned food lovers or simply those curious enough to spend an evening dining with strangers, Seis y Seis offers something that cannot be listed on a menu. It offers a seat at someone else’s table – and, by the end of the evening, the feeling that it might also be your own.

To participate in a fine dining experience contact Seis y Seis on IG: @6yseis

Speaking after receiving his official credentials from the National Election Council (CNE) during a ceremony at Bogotá’s Corferias exhibition center, De la Espriella said his administration would offer no sweeping peace deals or generous concessions to guerrilla groups, criminal gangs or drug trafficking organizations.

“They have one month to organize their surrender,” De la Espriella told hundreds of supporters gathered inside one of the exhibition halls. “In my government there will be no generous offers or unacceptable concessions such as those received from the regime that is coming to an end.”

The president-elect, who campaigned on restoring security and strengthening the armed forces, used his first major address since his election victory to sharply criticize outgoing President Gustavo Petro’s “Total Peace” policy, accusing the government of allowing criminal organizations to strengthen during negotiations.

“The coexistence of the current government with organized crime is disgusting and shameful,” he said. “In the era of the Tiger, impunity is over. Only the rule of law will prevail.”

He warned that groups continuing to engage in terrorism, drug trafficking, extortion and other criminal activities would face “the full capacity of the Colombian State and the unwavering determination of our glorious Armed Forces.”

The remarks signal a dramatic shift in Colombia’s security policy after four years of Petro’s efforts to negotiate simultaneous peace agreements with multiple armed organizations, including left-wing guerrillas, dissident factions and criminal groups. While several ceasefires were agreed during Petro’s presidency, many ultimately collapsed amid renewed violence and accusations that armed groups had used negotiations to expand their territorial control.

De la Espriella also declared that Colombia had “saved its democracy” following the closely contested election, praising both the electorate and the country’s institutions for safeguarding the constitutional order.

“I say it loudly: democracy has been saved, thanks to God and the determination of Colombia,” he said, adding that millions of Colombians had participated peacefully in the election and that the institutions responsible for overseeing the vote had ensured its legitimacy and transparency.

The president-elect pledged to respect Colombia’s democratic institutions throughout his four-year term, emphasizing that power would again be transferred through free elections at the end of his presidency.

“Four years from today, the person freely elected by the Colombian people to replace me as president will stand in this very place,” he said.

De la Espriella’s ultimatum is expected to be one of the first major policy tests for his administration before he formally takes office on Aug. 7.

The conservative lawyer and political newcomer also announced plans for an extensive anti-corruption audit during the transition period, promising what he described as a comprehensive review of the outgoing government’s finances and institutions.

“We will begin with an exhaustive audit, an anti-corruption transition process that allows us to establish the true magnitude of the institutional deterioration that we are inheriting,” he said.

Although he did not identify who would lead the investigation, he has previously proposed carrying out a forensic audit to uncover alleged corruption within the outgoing administration.

Throughout his address, De la Espriella portrayed his electoral victory as an unprecedented political achievement, emphasizing that his campaign had been conducted without the backing of traditional political parties, powerful business groups or major media organizations. “I do not hesitate to affirm that this victory is epic,” he told supporters to sustained applause.

Official final results certified by electoral authorities showed De la Espriella and vice president-elect José Manuel Restrepo won 12,960,166 votes, 624 more than the preliminary election-night count. His opponent, left-wing senator Iván Cepeda, received 12,708,312 votes after the final scrutiny, 400 fewer than initially reported.

The president-elect maintained the assertive tone that characterized his campaign, repeatedly promising to restore what he called the dignity of Colombia’s security forces and rebuild institutions weakened under Petro’s presidency.

“The person I will succeed was responsible for diminishing the majesty of the presidency and weakening our institutions,” De la Espriella said. “I will receive a nation that has been battered, but not defeated.”

In one of his first foreign policy announcements since the election, De la Espriella’s office said he would hold institutional meetings with Israel’s foreign minister to advance bilateral cooperation. According to his team, discussions will focus on cooperation against organized crime, security and intelligence exchanges, expanded trade opportunities and strengthening what it described as a strategic partnership based on technology, security and the defense of democratic institutions.

His office said the incoming government intends to restore what it called a “serious and firm” relationship with Israel while seeking closer cooperation with international partners in combating organized crime, attracting investment and expanding commercial ties.

De la Espriella’s victory marks a decisive turn toward a tougher security agenda after campaigning under the slogan “Firmes por la Patria” (“Firm for the Homeland”). He has pledged to strengthen the military, combat drug trafficking and illegal armed groups, and revive Colombia’s mining and energy sectors in an effort to boost investment and economic growth

The concession, coupled with outgoing President Gustavo Petro’s announcement that he would begin the formal transition of power, marked a decisive step toward an orderly transfer of government following one of Colombia’s most closely watched presidential elections.

One day after Colombia’s National Civil Registry said the official scrutiny of ballots matched the preliminary count by 99.997%, dispelling allegations of counting errors, Cepeda accepted the outcome while vowing to continue raising concerns over what he described as irregularities during the campaign.

“I have decided to accept the result that emerges from this process, which indicates that Abelardo de la Espriella is the new president of the Republic,” Cepeda said in a public statement.

“The time has come to affirm that we assume, with serenity, responsibility and complete determination, the role that circumstances now demand of us,” he added.

Cepeda’s concession follows several days of uncertainty after his campaign questioned aspects of the vote count, although election authorities consistently maintained that the preliminary results accurately reflected the ballots cast.

While recognizing De la Espriella’s victory, Cepeda insisted that accepting the election outcome did not mean abandoning allegations concerning the conduct of the campaign.

“Accepting the electoral result does not mean renouncing the truth or remaining silent in the face of facts that we consider serious and that marked this presidential campaign,” he said.

The senator also called for democratic guarantees for the opposition during the incoming administration, urging respect for Colombia’s constitutional institutions as political power changes hands.

The concession removes one of the final obstacles to the transition following Sunday’s runoff election, in which De la Espriella secured the presidency on a platform centered on restoring security, strengthening institutions and reviving economic growth.

Outgoing President Gustavo Petro also acknowledged the election result, announcing that his administration would begin the formal handover process while suggesting that his political movement could continue mobilizing after he leaves office.

“The transition will begin, and so will my withdrawal, and perhaps peaceful resistance,” Petro wrote in a lengthy message published late Monday on the social media platform X.

Petro’s statement blended reflections on international affairs, Colombia’s armed conflict and his own political legacy before reaffirming his commitment to a peaceful transfer of power.

“I swore an oath to peace, and I will not lead my people into violence,” the outgoing president wrote.

The departing leader also referred to U.S. President Donald Trump, saying the two leaders had effectively “drawn” politically in Peru and Colombia while expressing support for Trump’s stated efforts to end ongoing international conflicts.

Petro argued that relations between Colombia and the United States should be rebuilt through what he described as a new agreement capable of bringing greater regional stability.

He also reiterated long-held views on narcotics policy, arguing that coca cultivation in Colombia stems largely from historic land dispossession during decades of armed conflict. Petro said approximately 300,000 rural farmers had been killed during the violence and maintained that criminal organizations had replaced the guerrilla groups that once dominated the conflict.

Despite criticizing both Trump and president-elect De la Espriella elsewhere in his message, Petro emphasized that Colombia’s democratic institutions would be respected during the transition.

The remarks signal that Colombia’s first left-wing president intends to oversee a constitutional transfer of power after four years in office, even as his supporters prepare to move into opposition.

De la Espriella, a lawyer known for his hardline positions on crime and security, will assume office on Aug. 7 following the completion of the transition process.

The president-elect has pledged to restore public security, confront armed criminal groups and rebuild investor confidence while seeking closer relations with the United States and regional allies.

The acceptance of the election results by both Cepeda and Petro is likely to reduce political polarization after a fiercely contested campaign that highlighted deep ideological divisions over security, the economy and Colombia’s future direction.

The country’s electoral authorities have maintained throughout the process that Colombia’s voting system functioned normally and that the official scrutiny confirmed the accuracy of the preliminary count.

Addressing thousands of jubilant supporters waving Colombian flags along the Caribbean city’s waterfront, De la Espriella sought to strike a conciliatory tone only hours after narrowly defeating leftist rival Iván Cepeda in a fiercely contested runoff. But as his nearly hour-long address unfolded, the criminal defense attorney also issued an uncompromising warning to illegal armed groups, to outgoing President Gustavo Petro and his political heir, urging them to accept the electorate’s verdict.

The transparent ballistic shield surrounding the podium was a stark reminder that, despite Colombia’s democratic traditions, political violence remains a defining feature of public life. Yet the symbolism of the evening belonged not to fear but to triumph as chants of “President! President!” echoed across Barranquilla’s waterfront.

“My fellow Colombians, today I reaffirm my solemn pledge of absolute loyalty to the 1991 Constitution. I swear to defend our Constitution with unwavering conviction so that it cannot be destroyed. I swear to protect it from those who seek to dismantle the rule of law through tyranny. And I swear to uphold it against those who, while claiming to speak in the name of the people, would strip Colombians of their freedoms.”

The constitutional pledge established the central theme of his address: portraying his incoming administration as one committed to restoring democratic institutions after four years under Petro’s left-wing government.

Seeking to reassure a nation divided almost evenly between two competing political visions, De la Espriella insisted reconciliation – not revenge – would define his presidency.

“I will govern for every Colombian – for those who voted for me and for those who chose another candidate. There will be no winners and no losers. There will be no reprisals and no persecution because, in a democracy, there are no irreconcilable enemies. There are only fellow citizens who think differently but possess exactly the same rights as we do.”

Invoking Article 188 of Colombia’s Constitution, he added:

“From this night forward, I accept the sacred duty of embodying our nation’s unity. I will be the President of every Colombian.”

Turning directly to those who had opposed his candidacy, the president-elect extended an appeal that contrasted sharply with the combative rhetoric that characterized much of the campaign.

“This is your victory too, because democracy works when people are free to choose. Your freedoms will be protected, your rights respected, and your voices heard. You will never have to fear thinking differently. My purpose is to earn your trust through results, not speeches; through achievements, not promises; through consistency, not excuses.”

Throughout the speech, De la Espriella repeatedly invoked what he described as the birth of a “new era” for Colombia, presenting his electoral victory as the beginning of a broader national renewal.

“Today marks the beginning of a new chapter in our history – a chapter in which we will once again believe in ourselves, restore confidence in our institutions, and take pride in our flag.”

Rejecting what he portrayed as years of national pessimism, he continued:

“For too long we were told Colombia was destined to fail. We were told it was impossible to defeat corruption, impossible to restore security, impossible to unite Colombians, impossible to build a nation of property owners, opportunity and shared prosperity. Tonight, the Colombian people have answered with one voice: yes, we can build a Miracle Nation under the government of the Tiger.”

That vision, he said, would rest on institutional independence, respect for democratic checks and balances, and an end to executive interference in other branches of government.

“I am a man shaped by the law and deeply respectful of the independence of every branch of government. Mine will be a government fully committed to democracy, liberty and the rule of law.”

He promised a Congress free to legislate without pressure from the executive, governors and mayors able to govern with the central government as an ally rather than an adversary, and a judiciary whose autonomy would be fully respected.

Security, however, remained the defining pillar of the incoming administration.

Declaring that Colombians had defeated not only political opponents but also intimidation by armed groups, De la Espriella vowed to restore state authority across the country.

“The authority of the Republic will once again be felt throughout every corner of our nation. There will be no territories beyond the reach of the State, no criminals beyond justice, and no organization above the law.”

Addressing drug traffickers, guerrillas, kidnappers, extortionists and corrupt officials, he issued one of the evening’s strongest warnings.

“To the drug traffickers, terrorists, kidnappers, extortionists and corrupt officials who have stolen from the Colombian people, let this serve as notice: the people once again have a government.”

“Every one of those criminals will be pursued relentlessly within the framework of our Constitution and our laws. They will be hunted down, captured and brought to justice for every crime committed against our people and our nation. True peace is not born from impunity. True peace is born from justice.”

The president-elect reserved special praise for Colombia’s armed forces and police, promising that after taking office on Aug. 7 they would once again enjoy the unequivocal backing of the presidency.

“Beginning on August 7, you will once again have a President who respects you, supports you, honors you and protects you. There can be no freedom without security, no democracy without authority, and no nation without heroes willing to defend the Republic.”

Acknowledging the scale of the task awaiting his administration, De la Espriella tempered the celebratory atmosphere with a note of realism.

“I do not inherit an easy country. We are receiving a nation that is divided, battered and burdened by debt—a nation that demands rebuilding. I will not promise miracles. Colombia’s recovery will require work, sacrifice, discipline and perseverance.”

Still, he pledged unwavering commitment to rebuilding the country.

“But I make you this solemn promise: I will not rest for a single day until Colombia regains the greatness it deserves. I will devote every day, every week, every month and every year to that mission with all my heart, all my energy and all my commitment.”

Looking beyond Colombia’s borders, De la Espriella signaled a significant shift in foreign policy.

“Colombia is once again a strong, trustworthy and respected democracy. We will reclaim our place among the world’s free nations. We will strengthen our ties with countries that defend liberty and the rule of law. Colombia will be a reliable partner, a loyal ally and a steadfast voice for freedom across the Americas.”

As the speech drew to a close, however, the conciliatory tone gave way to a direct challenge aimed at Petro and defeated candidate Iván Cepeda, who had questioned aspects of the electoral process.

“Let me be absolutely clear. To President Petro and his political heir I say this: respect the will of the Colombian people.”

He warned that any attempt to dispute the election result outside institutional channels would amount to defying millions of voters.

“By rejecting the verdict of the ballot box, Petro and Cepeda are not challenging the Tiger – they are challenging the millions of Colombians who gave us this democratic victory.”

His message then became even more pointed.

“Petro and Cepeda: do not ignite social unrest. Respect the people’s verdict. There will be no third round fought in the streets. The election is over. Pack your bags and prepare to serve as the democratic opposition.”

While reaffirming that Cepeda would enjoy every democratic guarantee to lead the opposition, De la Espriella coupled the assurance with an unmistakable warning.

“Senator-elect Cepeda will enjoy every constitutional guarantee to exercise the opposition. But let me be equally clear: do not even think of encouraging violence or sowing fear. You already know how hard the Tiger bites – and I can assure you, the Tiger can bite even harder than it did at the ballot box today.”

As fireworks illuminated Barranquilla’s skyline and supporters celebrated what De la Espriella repeatedly described as the beginning of a “Miracle Nation,” the president-elect closed his address with a call for reconciliation.

“Tonight, the Horrible Night has come to an end, giving way to the light of a prosperous, secure and hopeful nation. There will no longer be one forgotten Colombia and another privileged Colombia. From this day forward there is only one Colombia. I call on all Colombians to reconcile with one another and to make history together, because the future no longer belongs to a privileged few—it belongs to the people of Colombia.”

For Colombia’s next president, the campaign may have ended. But as he stood behind bulletproof glass before a jubilant crowd in Barranquilla, Abelardo de la Espriella made clear that, in his view, the far more difficult task of governing a deeply polarized nation had only just begun.

The strongest endorsements came from the United States, where President Donald Trump offered his trademark succinct congratulations, writing simply: “He won, BIG!”

Secretary of State Marco Rubio said he had personally spoken with De la Espriella to congratulate him, adding that the Trump administration looked forward to working closely with the incoming government “to advance regional security cooperation, end illegal immigration to the United States, and strengthen our economic ties.”

Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau described the election as “a new dawn for Colombia,” saying Colombians had chosen “a brighter future” and pledging close cooperation on security, migration and commerce.

Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent portrayed the result as part of a wider political shift across Latin America.

“Colombia is the latest example of voters across Latin America rejecting failed leftist policies,” Bessent said, adding that Colombians had instead backed “pro-market, pro-growth defenders of economic prosperity and freedoms.”

The U.S. Embassy in Bogotá also congratulated the president-elect, saying the result reflected “the will of the Colombian people and their commitment to democracy.”

Among the first foreign leaders to react was Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who highlighted her longstanding personal relationship with De la Espriella and pledged to deepen bilateral cooperation.

“We will work united for economic growth, stability and international security, and to strengthen cooperation in countering drug trafficking and transnational criminal organizations,” Meloni wrote, adding that she looked forward to welcoming Colombia’s new president to Italy.

Across Latin America, several conservative leaders framed the election as part of a broader ideological shift in the region.

Argentine President Javier Milei declared, “The Lion and the Tiger roar in Latin America,” celebrating what he called Colombia’s embrace of economic freedom, prosperity and security.

Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa said Colombians had chosen “order over impunity,” while Chilean conservative leader José Antonio Kast welcomed what he described as “a new stage of freedom” for Colombia.

Venezuelan opposition leader María Corina Machado congratulated De la Espriella and expressed hope that Colombia would become “a great ally in the democratic transition of Venezuela.”

Israel’s Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar also welcomed the result, declaring, “The Tiger won, Colombia won,” and invited the president-elect to visit Jerusalem to strengthen bilateral relations following years of strained ties between the two countries.

The Government of El Salvador likewise congratulated De la Espriella, reaffirming its willingness to deepen cooperation and friendship between the two nations.

Within Colombia, former president and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Juan Manuel Santos called for national unity, congratulating De la Espriella and Vice President-elect José Manuel Restrepo while urging Colombians to rally behind democratic institutions.

“Now is the moment to unite the country, surround our institutions, and work together for a more prosperous and peaceful country,” Santos said.

Former president Álvaro Uribe Vélez hailed the outcome as a victory for what he described as Colombia’s “democratic recovery,” while sharply criticizing the outgoing administration and alleging irregularities during the campaign, without presenting evidence in his public statement.

U.S. Senator Bernie Moreno also praised Colombia’s electoral authorities, describing the vote as “world class” and suggesting the United States could learn from Colombia’s election procedures. Moreno said he looked forward to working with De la Espriella on combating drug trafficking, transnational crime and illegal migration while expanding trade between the two countries.

The unusually swift and overwhelmingly positive international reaction underscores expectations that Colombia, under De la Espriella, will pursue closer relations with the United States and like-minded conservative governments, while pivoting away from many of the foreign policy priorities championed during President Gustavo Petro’s administration.

De la Espriella, who defeated leftist rival Iván Cepeda by fewer than one percentage point in Sunday’s runoff, will be inaugurated on August 7 after campaigning on promises to restore security, revive investor confidence and strengthen Colombia’s alliances with Western democracies.

According to National Registry Bulletin 18, De la Espriella secured 12,921,702 votes, or 49.65% of ballots cast, compared with 12,673,392 votes, or 48.70%, for Cepeda. The margin of victory was just 248,310 votes, underscoring a deeply polarized nation following months of an intensely contested campaign.

The result returns Colombia to a conservative government after four years under President Gustavo Petro, whose administration pursued sweeping social reforms and a controversial “Total Peace” strategy aimed at negotiating with armed groups.

De la Espriella, 49, campaigned on a promise to restore public security, revive investor confidence, reduce government bureaucracy and taxes, and dismantle key pillars of Petro’s domestic agenda. Throughout the campaign, he portrayed the runoff as a referendum on Colombia’s economic future and the rule of law.

With the election victory, Colombian are taking to the streets with their tri-color flag and  celebrating with chants of  “Fuera Petro” and “¡Sí se pudo!”

Cepeda, a hard-leftist senator sought to extend the progressive policies of the Petro administration, arguing they were beginning to reduce inequality and expand social protections. However, a slim majority of Colombia have stumped the leftist advance in their country.

The narrow outcome reflected an electorate almost evenly divided between competing visions for Colombia’s future. Analysts said the president-elect will inherit a politically fragmented Congress, forcing him to negotiate with centrist and regional parties if he hopes to pass major reforms during his four-year term.

Financial markets and business leaders are closely watching the result of “El Tigre’s” victory, with investors viewing the election as a pivotal moment for Latin America’s fourth-largest economy. De la Espriella pledged during the campaign to restore confidence among domestic and foreign investors, simplify regulations and encourage private-sector growth while strengthening Colombia’s security institutions.

Security also dominated the election campaign amid renewed violence in several regions of the country. De la Espriella repeatedly criticized Petro’s “Total Peace” negotiations with guerrilla and criminal organizations, arguing the strategy had emboldened illegal armed groups. He vowed to restore military offensives against organizations involved in drug trafficking, kidnapping and extortion while reinforcing the authority of the state in conflict-affected regions.

International leaders are expected to congratulate the president-elect in the coming hours as Colombia prepares for a political transition that could reshape both its domestic and foreign policy. De la Espriella has pledged closer cooperation with the United States on security and counternarcotics while seeking to rebuild investor confidence after years of economic uncertainty.

The president-elect will assume office on August 7, becoming Colombia’s next head of state after one of the most fiercely contested elections in decades.

Although the vote was peaceful across much of the country, the razor-thin margin is likely to keep political tensions elevated as electoral authorities complete the official count. Attention will now turn to De la Espriella’s transition team and the composition of his first cabinet, which will provide the clearest indication of how he intends to govern a nation that emerged from Sunday’s historic runoff almost evenly split.