From September 4 to October 4, more than 1,000 artists from 16 countries will perform in 25 venues across the city, from the grand architecture of the Catedral Primada de Colombia to churches, concert halls, theatres and more intimate cultural spaces. The festival will also extend later this year – and into 2027 – to Manizales, Carmen de Viboral, Quibdó, Arauca, Chiquinquirá and Mompox as part of its mission to deliver music to vulnerable communities in the country, impacted by conflict and, more recently, the August 10 earthquake.

For a festival that began 15 years ago, the scale is significant. But its appeal lies less in numbers than in its breadth. Sacred music here is not confined to one faith, period or geography. Instead, the programme moves between religious, contemplative, spiritual and meditative traditions, creating a musical map that stretches from Europe and the Middle East to Latin America and Asia.

Missa pro Vida et Concordia

The opening concert provides an appropriately international beginning. The National Symphony Orchestra of Colombia and National Choir of Colombia, conducted by Tomàs Grau, will give the world premiere of Missa pro Vita et Concordia by the Bogotá-based, French composer, Julien Faure. Commissioned by the festival, the work reflects on life, reconciliation and the promise of coexistence.

Faure began writing the piece more than a decade ago, around the impending birth of his son. Its long gestation has given the work a personal foundation, while its eventual completion has coincided with a festival devoted to the idea of bringing people together.

“The Missa pro Vita et Concordia is a piece that I started writing a long time ago, more than 10 years ago,” says Faure. He describes the work as being inspired by the Nativity and by the associations of Christmas with birth, family and reunion. “It invites us all to meet again, to unite; as a union,” highlights the composer.

The opening programme will also feature American violinist Rachel Barton Pine performing Max Bruch’s Kol Nidrei and Violin Concerto No. 1. The former draws on the Jewish tradition while the latter remains one of the defining works of the Romantic violin repertoire. Together with Faure’s new Mass, the programme sets up the festival’s central proposition: that music can create connections across traditions without erasing their differences.

A global programme

The weeks ahead will bring a particularly varied collection of performers to the Colombian capital. Among them are Britain’s The Tallis Scholars, Germany’s Belli & Schmeding Duo, the Sedda Ensemble from Mongolia and Iran, France’s Ensemble Organum, the Orquesta Sinfónica de Galicia, the National Choir of Peru and the Karlovy Vary Chamber Choir from the Czech Republic.

Colombian institutions and ensembles will be equally prominent, including the National Symphony Orchestra and National Choir of Colombia, Bogotá Piano Trio, Bogotá Baroque Ensemble and Compañía Cuerpo de Indias of El Colegio del Cuerpo.

Spain, this year’s guest country, will receive particular attention, with the Orquesta Sinfónica de Galicia leading a programme devoted to Mozart. It is a reminder that the festival is as interested in musical heritage as it is in contemporary creation.

Beyond Concert Halls

The festival’s evolution has also taken it beyond the conventional concert format. Alongside ticketed performances will be free concerts, talks, artist encounters, workshops and contemplative experiences involving gongs and Tibetan singing bowls.

The exhibition Rituales del Espíritu will bring together works from the festival’s art collection, extending the programme into the visual arts and offering another perspective on the relationship between ritual, belief and creativity.

Mariana Piotrowska, the festival’s director, says reaching the 15th edition is a moment worth celebrating, particularly after the pandemic and the practical difficulties of sustaining an independent cultural project. Five years ago, the festival also began taking its programme beyond Bogotá, opening a second chapter in its ambition to decentralise cultural activity in Colombia.

There is something fitting about staging such a festival in Bogotá. The city’s churches, theatres, libraries and cultural institutions offer a rich architectural setting, but the deeper attraction is its ability to bring different audiences into the same room.

After 15 years, the International Sacred Music Festival has become a platform for artistic circulation, intercultural dialogue and the exploration of spiritual heritage. Its success is perhaps best measured not by the size of its programme but by the conversations it makes possible.

In 2026, with La Concordia as its guiding theme, the festival is asking audiences to listen across boundaries. The answer, as ever, starts with music.

Visit the festival’s official site for the complete listing of concerts and purchase your tickets at TuBoleta.com   https://festivalmusicasacra.com/

But there is an equally important principle: the right to protest cannot become a licence to destroy.

That is the premise behind the Ley Anticapuchos, a new bill presented to Congress by representatives Jaime Arizabaleta of Centro Democrático and Julio César Triana of Cambio Radical, together with lawmakers from several regions and political parties. The proposal would create a specific criminal offense for people who conceal their identities in order to commit vandalism during public demonstrations.

The proposed punishment is substantial: between 54 and 96 months in prison, or four-and-a-half to eight years, accompanied by fines of between 50 and 200 monthly legal minimum wages. The penalty could increase by two-thirds where explosives, improvised dangerous devices, corrosive substances or other means capable of seriously injuring people or damaging property are used.

The important point — and one that should not be lost in the inevitable political argument over the bill — is that the proposal does not make wearing a hood or covering one’s face a crime. It targets the use of concealed identity as a means of facilitating vandalism or other criminal conduct during a demonstration.

That is a reasonable distinction. Colombia has already seen where the line can disappear. Colombia has spent years learning what happens when that distinction becomes blurred.

The country’s Paro Nacional of 2021 remains the clearest example. Beginning on April 28, the mobilization produced enormous demonstrations across Colombia. But alongside legitimate protests came violent confrontations, attacks on police facilities, destruction of public and private property and prolonged blockades of roads and transportation infrastructure.

In Bogotá, the CAI — Comandos de Atención Inmediata, the small police posts embedded in neighbourhoods throughout the capital — became particular targets. Public transportation infrastructure was attacked, commercial premises were damaged and city streets were repeatedly transformed into battlegrounds.

Whatever one’s political interpretation of the 2021 uprising, the destruction cannot be dismissed as an incidental detail. Nor can the prolonged road blockades, which at their height disrupted the movement of food, fuel, workers and essential goods during a period when Colombia was still confronting the COVID-19 pandemic.

The lesson should not be that Colombians should stop protesting. It should be the opposite: peaceful protesters deserve better protection from those who turn demonstrations into opportunities for violence and destruction.

That is where the Ley Anticapuchos makes its strongest argument.

Anonymity should not become a shield for criminal conduct

A person who marches peacefully, carries a sign, chants a slogan or criticizes the government should not be treated as a criminal.

But someone who uses the anonymity of a crowd and a concealed face to smash windows, torch police stations, destroy transportation infrastructure or assault another person should not be able to invoke the right to protest as a defense against the consequences of that conduct.

There is an obvious practical problem with masked vandalism: identification becomes harder and accountability more difficult. Police investigations do not always have the resources to identify people who deliberately conceal themselves while committing crimes.

The bill attempts to address precisely that problem.

Under the proposed legislation, people who illicitly incite, direct, coerce or provide the means for blockades that threaten life, public health, food security, the environment or the right to work could face the same basic range of prison sentences and fines.

This is significant because a road blockade would be considered a criminal act when it prevents ambulances from moving, interrupts food distribution, prevents workers from reaching their jobs or cuts off communities from essential supplies.

Congress must protect protest while defining criminal conduct precisely

The challenge for Congress will be to ensure that the final legislation is drafted with sufficient precision to withstand constitutional scrutiny.

The state must not be given a vague instrument that could be used against peaceful demonstrators. Nor should legitimate civil disobedience automatically be equated with criminal vandalism.

But precision should not become paralysis.

The Ley Anticapuchos is ultimately about accountability. Its sponsors are arguing that Colombia has spent too long allowing the symbolism of protest to obscure the reality of criminal acts committed within protests.

As Triana argues, the objective is not to prevent demonstrations but to give authorities stronger tools against those who use anonymity to evade responsibility. Arizabaleta has made essentially the same case, arguing that the overwhelming majority of people who protest do so without concealing their identities or committing vandalism.

The distinction is fundamental.

Protest is an exercise of freedom. Vandalism is an abuse of it.

The dubbed “Hooded Law” is an attempt to inscribe this distinction into Colombia’s criminal code while preserving the constitutional safeguards that protect peaceful protest. That is a legitimate objective in any democracy.

The test for Congress will be whether it can achieve it without criminalizing dissent. If it can, Colombia will not have weakened the right to protest. It will have strengthened the principle that makes peaceful protest possible in the first place: freedom comes with responsibility, and anonymity cannot be a shield for harrassment or politically-motived victimization.

Human Rights Watch has warned that illegal armed groups are increasingly using TikTok, Facebook and other social-media platforms to recruit children, combining propaganda, promises of money and status, coded language and carefully chosen emojis to draw minors toward illegal armed organizations.

The warning comes as Colombia confronts a growing child-recruitment crisis and a grim parallel reality: children forced into armed groups are increasingly among those killed in military operations against them.

Human Rights Watch estimates that more than 1,500 children have been recruited by criminal organizations since 2021, based on data from the Ombudsperson’s Office. The organization says the real number is likely considerably higher because families often fear reprisals, distrust authorities or do not know how to report cases.

The Defensoría del Pueblo recorded 1,173 cases of children and adolescents being illegally recruited between 2024 and July 31, 2026. Ombudsperson Iris Marín has warned that a decline in reported cases should not be interpreted as evidence that recruitment is stalling.“A reduction in reported cases does not imply a decrease in recruitment, but rather an increase in underreporting,” Marín said.

The phenomenon is concentrated in some of Colombia’s most violent regions, where the Estado Mayor Central (EMC) and other FARC dissident factions, the ELN and the Clan del Golfo compete for territory and control of illicit economies.

But the battlefield is no longer confined to rural Colombia.

According to Human Rights Watch, armed groups have learned to use the language and culture of social media to make recruitment appear less threatening. Posts can feature motorcycles, weapons, cash, military-style clothing and images designed to glamorize life inside an armed organization.

In some cases, even an emoji can be part of the message.

Human Rights Watch documented the use of symbols including ninjas, clovers and bundles of cash, as well as altered spellings and coded references to armed groups, apparently designed to evade platform moderation while reaching younger audiences.

The organization reviewed dozens of TikTok and Facebook accounts and posts that promoted armed groups or encouraged children to join them. Some attracted thousands of followers and generated significant levels of engagement.

The recruitment can begin with what appears to be an ordinary conversation.

Children may be offered money, transportation, employment or the prospect of a more glamorous life. Once contact has been established, recruiters can move the conversation away from public platforms and into private messaging.

Human Rights Watch found that social media played a significant role in recruitment, with the Special Jurisdiction for Peace reporting that 44% of children recruited in 2025 were recruited through social networks.

The use of social media presents Colombian authorities with a new challenge: the traditional warning signs of recruitment can be invisible until a child has already been drawn into an armed structure.

The Defensoría says there are also numerous minors believed to be present in the ranks of the dissident factions led by Iván Mordisco and Calarcá whose cases have never entered official statistics. Marín has also pointed to growing recruitment in Catatumbo, where the ELN and the dissident Frente 33 remain active.

Guaviare has become one of the clearest examples of the danger.

On Aug. 27, Colombian forces carried out Operation Amón against a FARC dissident camp in rural El Retorno. Three minors, aged 15 and 16, were among those killed, according to Medicina Legal. The operation was followed by renewed scrutiny of the government’s decision to use aerial force against armed groups that may contain recruited children.

The deaths brought the number of minors killed in military operations under Colombia’s last three presidents to 107, according to figures from Medicina Legal: 42 during Iván Duque’s government, 62 during Gustavo Petro’s and three during the first weeks of President Abelardo de la Espriella’s administration.

The numbers underline a painful contradiction.

Children who have been forcibly recruited are victims of armed groups, yet once inside their camps they can become casualties of the state’s campaign against those same organizations.

That dilemma is becoming particularly acute under De la Espriella’s new government as he moves rapidly to revive offensive military operations. His hardline security policy aims to dismantle Petro’s capitulation to illegal armed groups and pursuit of amnesty agreements under a failed “total peace” policy.

The new government has defended the Guaviare operation, saying military forces complied with the legal requirements governing aerial attacks. Defense officials have argued that minors participating in hostilities can constitute legitimate military targets under international humanitarian law, while human-rights organizations have insisted that the presence of recruited children requires heightened precautions and careful assessment before an attack.

The debate is not new.

During Petro’s leftist administration, 62 minors were killed in military operations, according to Medicina Legal. The figure became particularly controversial in late 2025, when several children recruited by FARC dissidents were killed during military bombings. The City Paper previously reported on the deaths of 15 minors in four military operations that year.

What has changed, over this decade, is the speed with which recruitment is taking place online.

For Colombia, preventing the next child from entering an armed camp may therefore require more than military intelligence or patrols in remote territories. It may require understanding what happens on a teenager’s phone long before a soldier encounters that youngster in the jungle.

And by the time Colombia discovers that another child has gone missing, it may already be too late.

The announcement came during a nationally televised address from Bogotá in which De La Espriella sought to reset his government’s response to three simultaneous crises: wildfires across several regions, the aftermath of the Aug. 10 earthquake and deteriorating security.

The Tolima fires have burned more than 50,000 hectares, including about 28,000 hectares of agricultural land, according to official figures. Some 2,660 producers have been affected, losses exceed COP134 billion pesos ($33.5 million), and 163,000 animals are at risk. The fires have affected 23 municipalities and hundreds of rural districts, according to the government.

“We have indications, information and studies that show that a large part of these fires have been deliberately caused,” De La Espriella said, describing the perpetrators as “criminal hands.”

His comments add a potential security dimension to what has become one of Colombia’s most serious environmental emergencies of the year. Extremely dry conditions and high temperatures have helped fires spread rapidly, while authorities have also warned that human activity is responsible for many wildfires.

The president announced that the special program will be called “Environmental, Productive, Rural and Security Recovery” for Tolima.

The package includes 343 subsidies of COP65 million pesos each to rebuild rural homes damaged by the fires. The government will also provide 5,000 tonnes of hay and 5,000 tonnes of rice straw to feed livestock whose grazing land has been destroyed.

“We are going to provide 5,000 tonnes of hay and 5,000 tonnes of rice straw to attend to the feeding of the animals,” the president said. He also announced 7 billion pesos for productive projects aimed at helping farmers restart their livelihoods.

For farmers facing credit default, the government will freeze agricultural loan obligations for three months, giving producers additional time before repayments resume. The president also referred to possible debt-purchasing measures.

The crisis has been particularly severe for cattle producers, with livestock owners warning  that animals will face severe water shortages and starvation as pastureland disappears.

De La Espriella pledged that government assistance would continue after the fires themselves are extinguished. “We are not going to abandon Tolima when the last flame goes out,” he said. “We are going to remain until it recovers its productive capacity.”

Reconstruction begins after earthquake

The president also formally announced the beginning of Colombia’s reconstruction phase following the Aug. 10 earthquake, while emphasizing that emergency operations and searches for missing people will continue.

“Today I want to announce to the country that we are beginning a new stage: the reconstruction of the homeland,” De La Espriella said. “This does not mean that we are abandoning the search, humanitarian assistance or support for families.”

The latest government figures presented in the address put the number of people affected by the earthquake at 452,782, belonging to 213,400 families across 16 departments. The disaster has killed 331 people, injured 4,497 and left 152 missing.

The reconstruction program will focus on housing and essential infrastructure, including schools, hospitals and roads, while seeking to restore agricultural production and economic activity in communities devastated by the quake.

But De La Espriella stressed that reconstruction would not come at the expense of those still waiting for relatives to be found. “As long as there is one missing person, we will make every effort,” he said.

National Security shift

The address also marked a significant change in the government’s security policy. De La Espriella said he had ended dialogue processes with three armed groups, arguing that they had failed to demonstrate a genuine commitment to peace, civilian reintegration or submission to justice.

“I have taken this decision because there is no real and verifiable willingness for peace, much less for reintegration into civilian life or serious submission to justice,” he said.

The President ordered military and police commanders to recover territory controlled or pressured by illegal armed groups and confirmed new search units to combat extortion.

The combination of emergency relief, reconstruction and tough security posture represents an early test for De La Espriella’s government, less than a month since taking office.

For Tolima, the immediate challenge is fundamental: containing the flames, protecting livestock and restoring a rural economy that supplies the nation’s economic basket with essential staples, among them, rice, cocao, palm oil and sugarcane.

]]> 39266 https://thecitypaperbogota.com/news/colombias-de-la-espriella-announces-military-strike-against-farc-dissidents-in-guaviare/ Thu, 27 Aug 2026 17:34:07 +0000 https://thecitypaperbogota.com/?p=39262 Colombian President Abelardo de la Espriella announced Thursday that the country’s Armed Forces have carried out a military strike against the FARC dissident faction commanded by alias Calarcá in the southern department of Guaviare. According to initial reports, eight members of the criminal armed group have been killed.

De la Espriella said the operation, code-named AMÓN, was conducted in the early hours of Thursday in a rural area of El Retorno against camps allegedly used by the Jorge Suárez Briceño Bloc, a structure belonging to the dissident faction of the former FARC.

The president described the operation as a “decisive blow” against the organization and said the offensive would continue after the military seized over a dozen rifles and five machine guns. According to De La Espriella, the operation began with a precision aerial bombardment followed by an assault by military commandos.

The strike was carried out by Colombia’s Joint Special Operations Command. According to information cited by El Tiempo, the operation was directed against the Rodrigo Cadete structure and also involved five Kfir fighter jets and six Super Tucano aircraft.

De la Espriella had signaled earlier Thursday that he would announce the results of a major military operation, warning that his government’s offensive against organized crime would continue. “For now, I can only say one thing: the offensive against crime will not stop,” he said.

Hours later, he expanded the message, portraying the Guaviare operation as part of a broader change in the government’s security strategy. “Colombia must know that we are going on the offensive,” De la Espriella added, highlighting that the country’s principal armed-group commanders and their criminal organizations would have no safe haven.“The major commanders and their criminal structures will have nowhere to hide and no sanctuary anywhere in the national territory,” he said.

The operation represents the second major aerial strike announced by the De la Espriella government this month. On August 11, the armed forces carried out an operation against the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla in the mountainous Catatumbo region. Authorities said at the time that the aerial operation caused no reported harm to civilians.

The government has presented the military actions as part of a security strategy for its first 100 days in office. The plan includes 15 so-called ‘beta operations’ aimed at disrupting armed organizations and targeting their senior commanders.

The latest operation underscores the government’s increasingly confrontational posture toward Colombia’s armed groups, particularly factions that have continued to operate in territories once controlled by the FARC.

Alias Calarcá, identified by Colombian authorities as one of the principal commanders of the dissident Estado Mayor de Bloques y Frentes, has emerged as a central figure among Colombia’s remaining FARC dissident structures. The groups are involved in activities including drug trafficking, illegal mining, extortion and territorial control.

For De la Espriella, the Guaviare operation is intended to demonstrate that the state is seeking to regain the initiative militarily. The president said troops would remain in the area as the operation continued and that the Armed Forces were advancing toward the consolidation of government control.

Speaking during a security council in Barranquilla on Sunday, President De La Espriella said his government would end distinctions between criminal organizations involved in drug trafficking, illegal mining, extortion, smuggling and other illicit activities.

“Here we have to stop treating these criminals differently,” the president said. “They must all be treated under a single designation, which is that of terrorist groups.”

He was even more emphatic moments later. “Here that division is over,” he said. “When it comes to combating crime, there are no differences either in the State’s action or in the State’s response.”

“And even less in a categorization invented by sectors seeking to protect these criminals so that the State cannot exercise legitimate force as it should,” he added.

“They are all terrorists and we are going to treat them as such, no matter what.”

The declaration establishes the central principle of the security strategy the president presented in Barranquilla: criminal organizations will no longer receive different treatment from the State according to their name, structure or particular criminal activity.

De La Espriella argued that Colombia’s criminal economies are interconnected, with narcotics trafficking providing the financial foundation for other illegal activities.

“Narcotrafficking is the principal source of financing for criminal structures,” he said, insisting that the State must respond to the entire criminal ecosystem rather than separating its components.

The president said his government would pursue a unified response from Colombia’s security and judicial institutions. “The Colombian Public Force must act as a monolithic and unified body, without rivalries between institutions, under a single flag,” he said.

The strategy includes the Army, National Police, Navy and Aerospace Force working with the Fiscalía General and the judiciary. Among the measures announced is the immediate creation of a National Search Bloc against Extortion, bringing together the country’s principal security forces and judicial authorities to target extortion networks.

De La Espriella also ordered the reactivation of the national rewards system, raids and networks of civilian informants, as well as urgent transfers of prisoners accused of continuing to coordinate criminal activities from inside Colombia’s prisons. “We cannot allow prisons to continue operating as centers of extortion,” he said.

The president also ordered a renewed assault on criminal finances, calling for greater cooperation between the financial system, the police and the Financial Information and Analysis Unit, or UIAF.

His government plans to establish specialized teams of prosecutors and judges in each city and to pursue the financial structures supporting organized crime.

De La Espriella has also singled out gota a gota (drop-by-drop) money lending networks, which provide informal high-interest loans and are frequently linked to criminal organizations. He described the practice as “a modern form of slavery” and said it affects approximately 12 million of Colombia’s most vulnerable, the majority without access to formal banking.

The president’s security agenda extends beyond Colombia’s traditional armed groups. He has also ordered Migration Colombia to conduct coordinated operations with police in Barranquilla against irregular migration and foreign criminality.

Barranquilla and its metropolitan area, meanwhile, are to become a “laboratory” for the new security strategy, with increased police presence, intelligence operations and closer coordination among institutions.

The president’s announcement comes as his government moves to strengthen security cooperation with the United States. De La Espriella has closely aligned his administration with Washington’s campaign against organized crime and narcotrafficking and has backed the Shield of the Americas, a regional security initiative promoted by U.S. President Donald Trump.

The Trump administration has said it is prepared to support Colombia in defeating what it describes as “narcoterrorist and criminal organizations,” including through expanded technology and coordinated operations with Colombian security forces.

But in Barranquilla, De La Espriella’s message was less about individual organizations than about the principle that will guide his government: that the State must combat all illegal armed groups with the same determination. He then delivered a declaration that is likely to become the defining phrase of his opening security offensive: “They are all terrorists, and we will treat them as such.”

Interior Minister Rodrigo Lara says the government has information pointing to the alleged involvement of FARC dissidents and illegal-mining networks, while Tolima Governor Adriana Magali Matiz says authorities have evidence and “serious indications” of deliberate criminal activity behind some of the fires.

The allegations come as Tolima confronts a devastating combination of extreme dryness, the El Niño climate phenomenon and widespread human-caused burning. According to the regional environmental authority Cortolima, fires have consumed more than 30,000 hectares of vegetation across at least 28 municipalities.

As of Sunday, nine major fires remained active, with San Luis, Coello and Suárez among the municipalities considered most affected and vulnerable. Just one day earlier, authorities were dealing with 24 active fires across 13 municipalities.

The destruction has reached far beyond forests. Fires have damaged crops of lemon, maize, avocado, coffee, mango and plantain, while at least 18,000 head of cattle have reportedly been left without food as pastureland disappears beneath the flames.

More than 600 firefighters are currently deployed, supported by Police aircraft, Army helicopters and private agricultural aircraft. Some aircraft have been making water drops even after nightfall as crews attempt to contain the advancing fires.

In rural communities including Chagualá, residents have appealed for aerial assistance as flames approach homes. On Monday, August 24, fires reactivated in rural Coello, including the Potrerillo and Gualanday sectors, where residents reported that the flames were dangerously close to a gas tank.

Criminal investigation

Lara said authorities are investigating information suggesting that armed dissident groups and illegal mining structures may be deliberately starting fires in municipalities including Ortega.

The alleged objective, according to the minister, would be to distract the security forces, obstruct security operations and generate disorder.

“We are going to take measures to investigate basically the criminal hands that may be causing these fires,” Lara said during an official emergency briefing in Tolima.

Governor Matiz has gone further, saying authorities have evidence and serious indications that criminal actors are involved.

“We have evidence and serious indications of criminal hands in the forest fires, and we are going to pursue this to the ultimate consequences,” Matiz said. She warned that anyone found deliberately starting the fires could face prosecution under Article 350 of Colombia’s Penal Code, which establishes the crime of arson and carries prison sentences of up to 22 years.

The allegations have also emerged from communities in rural Venadillo and Lérida, where residents have reported seeing men traveling by motorcycle who allegedly move through the area shortly before fires begin. Authorities have not publicly identified any suspects, and the claims have yet to be independently substantiated.

Not every fire is organized crime

Cortolima has cautioned against attributing the entire wildfire emergency to organized criminal groups. Olga Lucía Alfonso, director of Cortolima, said that most forest fires are caused, deliberately or accidentally, by human activity, rather than necessarily being linked to armed groups or organized crime.

The environmental authority has already referred several cases and reports to the Fiscalía General de la Nación and has begun administrative proceedings against people responsible for unauthorized “controlled” burns.

That distinction is crucial. While the government investigates whether criminal organizations are deliberately igniting some of the fires for strategic purposes, the broader wildfire crisis also reflects a longstanding problem of uncontrolled agricultural burning and other human activity amplified by extreme dry conditions.

The result is a disaster of unprecedented scale for Tolima: forests and farmland are disappearing, livestock are losing pasture, communities are being threatened and hundreds of emergency workers are fighting fires across a vast and difficult landscape.

Colombian authorities now face another question alongside the battle against the flames: whether some of the fires are being used as a weapon against the new hardline administration of President Abelardo De La Espriella.

The award-winning singer and pop superstar arrived in Quibdó accompanied by American philanthropist Howard Graham Buffett, representatives of CAF, the development bank of Latin America and the Caribbean, and her Fundación Pies Descalzos. The delegation met children, families and educators affected by the earthquake and assessed damage to schools and other educational facilities.

During the visit, Shakira met with Chocó Governor Nubia Carolina Córdoba and Quibdó Mayor Rafael Bolaños to discuss the needs of communities and the challenges facing the department’s education system.

The singer announced that she would personally dedicate her efforts to rebuilding the Universidad Tecnológica del Chocó Diego Luis Córdoba, one of the region’s most important higher-education institutions, which was severely damaged by the earthquake.

“I am going to dedicate all my personal efforts to rebuilding the Universidad Tecnológica del Chocó,” Shakira told journalists in Quibdó. She also announced that Buffett would work with Fundación Pies Descalzos to support the construction of 10 new schools in the department.

The initiative comes as nearly 200 schools in Chocó have reported damage from the earthquake, complicating efforts to return students safely to classrooms.

The initial US$1.25 million commitment combines contributions from several organizations. Shakira and Live Nation are providing US$500,000, the FIFA Global Citizen Education Fund is contributing another US$500,000, and CAF has pledged US$250,000.

Fundación Pies Descalzos will coordinate the reconstruction efforts with local authorities and educational communities. The organization has worked in Colombia for 25 years, focusing on school construction and expanding access to quality education.

For Shakira, restoring schools is about more than repairing damaged buildings. She said classrooms provide children with stability and routine at a moment when their families and communities are dealing with the consequences of a major natural disaster.

“Schools are more than buildings. They give children the stability and routine they need most after a disaster,” she said.

The earthquake caused extensive damage across western Colombia, with Chocó among the hardest-hit areas. The destruction of educational infrastructure has added another layer to the recovery challenge in a department already facing longstanding social and economic difficulties.

Shakira said she had watched Colombia respond to the disaster with both grief and solidarity.

“In recent days I have seen my country suffer, but I have also seen people come together with the resilience and solidarity that has always characterized us,” she said.

She also emphasized the urgency of getting children back into classrooms.

“Every day that children do not go to school is a day in which we pause their future, and we cannot allow that,” she said.

The singer called on international governments, private companies and philanthropic organizations to join the reconstruction effort. She specifically appealed to the governments of Canada, Japan and the United Kingdom to contribute to the recovery of Chocó.

The involvement of Buffett, whose philanthropic work has included major investments in education and development, is intended to expand the reconstruction effort beyond the initial financial commitment. Together with Pies Descalzos, his support will focus on replacing schools destroyed or rendered unusable by the earthquake.

The rebuilding initiative also places education at the center of Chocó’s broader recovery. While emergency assistance has focused on shelter, food, health and infrastructure, the reopening of schools can provide children with a safe environment and restore a sense of normality as families begin rebuilding their lives.

Shakira’s relationship with education in Colombia extends well beyond the current emergency. Through Fundación Pies Descalzos, she has spent decades supporting school construction and educational programs, particularly in communities facing poverty and limited access to educational opportunities.

Her visit to Chocó therefore marks an extension of that work into one of Colombia’s most vulnerable regions at a moment of acute need. “The Chocó is not alone. Colombia is not alone. And we are going to move forward,” Shakira said.

The first phase of the initiative will focus on assessing damage, coordinating with local authorities and communities, and determining the priorities for reconstruction. The objective is to restore safe educational spaces as quickly as possible while laying the groundwork for longer-term improvements to schools across the department.

For communities still recovering from the earthquake, the return of children to classrooms could become one of the clearest signs that Chocó is beginning to rebuild.

Pava’s decision has triggered stern criticism as the confirmed death toll from the earthquake rose to 285, with 3,975 people injured and 379 still missing, according to the latest UNGRD report issued Friday morning. A total of 354 people have been rescued.

The document said the decision would be reviewed as the emergency evolved and that, if the scale of the disaster exceeded Colombia’s national capacity, the government would communicate specific requirements for international assistance and could then request appropriately classified international search-and-rescue teams.

The controversy centers on the timing of that decision.

Pava left the UNGRD leadership on Wednesday, August 12, when David Santiago Tamayo was sworn in as his replacement. Following the change, Colombia began accepting international rescue assistance, including teams from Israel, the United States and El Salvador.

Tamayo said the foreign teams would operate under United Nations protocols. He also stressed that Colombia was open to international cooperation and that assistance would be accepted without political or ideological considerations.

The issue has become particularly contentious because rescue operations were continuing in several of the cities hardest hit by the earthquake, while images of collapsed buildings and local rescuers digging through rubble circulated across Colombian and international media.

Interior Minister Rodrigo Lara confirmed that Pava had been the official who determined that international rescuers were not initially required. “Pava was the one who certified in a letter that we did not need help from international rescuers,” Lara said in an interview with Blu Radio.

Lara defended the decision as a technical assessment rather than a political one. He argued that Colombia could not simply bring thousands of foreign rescuers into the country without creating additional logistical challenges. According to Lara, international teams were requested from three countries because authorities determined that more were not necessary at the time.

The controversy has also produced confusion over the distinction between officially classified international USAR teams and independent rescue groups. Colombia has 23 nationally certified rescue groups, according to the information cited in the debate, while independent groups such as the Mexican Topos generated public attention after saying they had not been allowed to enter the country.

Mexico’s President Claudia Sheinbaum also became involved in the controversy after comments about the entry of Mexican rescuers were interpreted as indicating that Colombia had rejected official Mexican rescue teams. The dispute highlighted the complexity of coordinating international disaster assistance during the first hours of a major catastrophe.

The government has rejected allegations that political considerations influenced its decisions. Foreign Minister Omar Bula said the acceptance or rejection of foreign assistance was not based on political considerations. Tamayo similarly said Colombia would receive international cooperation according to the needs of the emergency.

The latest disaster figures underline the scale of the challenge facing the country.

The UNGRD says the earthquake has affected 15 departments and 426 municipalities, with 45,523 families and 102,263 people affected. More than 73,455 homes have been damaged, while 12,828 homes have been destroyed. At least 121 buildings have collapsed, along with damage to 240 health centers, 2,205 educational institutions and 1,208 community centers.

The earthquake has also generated continuing seismic activity. The Colombian Geological Service reported several smaller earthquakes and aftershocks in Chocó and neighboring areas through Friday morning, including a magnitude 4.0 event in Nóvita late Thursday.

Authorities have warned that aftershocks can continue for days or weeks following a major earthquake, although their frequency and intensity generally decline over time.

In Chocó, Governor Nubia Carolina Córdoba-Curi announced Wednesday night that the search-and-rescue phase had been closed in the department and that attention is shifting toward reconstruction and recovery.

The decision to close rescue operations in some areas contrasts with the continuing search for missing people elsewhere, including the hard-hit cities of Pereira, Dosquebradas and Cali. For families still searching for missing relatives, the new government of President Abelardo de la Espriella has stressed solidarity among Colombians and to set aside their political differences. For now, the priority is for this country of 45 million to pool together every available resource where it matters most.

For people in Bogotá who want to assist earthquake victims, collection centers have been established to receive basic supplies. The Bogotá-Cundinamarca Red Cross has identified collection points including its administrative headquarters at Carrera 24 #73-38, the Palacio de los Deportes, the Centro de Salvamento Acuático, and other designated facilities.

HOW TO HELP

The Colombian Red Cross has opened four collection points in Bogotá for donations following the 7.4-magnitude earthquake. Donations are being directed to communities affected by the disaster.

Where to donate

Cruz Roja Bogotá / Carrera 24 No.73-38

Estadio El Campín / Cra 30 with Calle 53B Bis

Centro Comercial Unicentro / Carrera 15 No.124-30

Universidad Jorge Tadeo Lozano / Carrera 4 No.22-61

Palacio de los Deportes / Calle 63 No.54A-06

What to donate

Personal hygiene

• Soap and personal-care products
• Toothbrushes and toothpaste
• Shampoo
• Diapers
• Sanitary products

Non-perishable food

• Rice and grains
• Canned food
• Panela
• Bottled water
• Hydration drinks
• Snacks

New shelter supplies

• Mattresses
• Blankets
• Pillows
• Mosquito nets
• Sheets

For companion animals

• Dry or wet pet food
• Muzzles and collars
• Beds and blankets
• Veterinary supplies

Please do NOT donate

• Medicines
• Used clothing
• Used household items
• Perishable food, including fruit and vegetables

The Red Cross Colombia asks donors to follow these guidelines so that aid can be sorted, transported and distributed efficiently according to needs on the ground.

The requested supplies include bottled drinking water, blankets, sheets, mattresses and mosquito nets, as well as non-perishable food such as rice, cooking oil, pasta, canned food, beans, lentils, flour, panela and powdered milk.

Hygiene and first-aid supplies are also needed, including masks, sterile gauze, alcohol, gloves, soap, shampoo, toothpaste, sanitary products, toilet paper, diapers and wet wipes.

Authorities and aid organizations are asking donors not to send perishable or opened food, damaged water containers or medicines that have already been opened or are close to their expiration date.

As Colombia moves from emergency rescue toward recovery, the controversy over the first hours of the response is likely to continue. The central question is not whether Colombia eventually accepted international assistance – it did – but whether the initial assessment that foreign search-and-rescue teams were unnecessary delayed potentially valuable assistance while people remained trapped in collapsed buildings.

The Institute said that, as of 7 a.m. Wednesday, it had received 202 bodies from Chocó, Caldas, Risaralda and Valle del Cauca. Of those victims, 121 had been identified, including five children.
The figures are expected to change as search-and-rescue operations continue and authorities reconcile reports from affected municipalities. An earlier consolidated assessment from Colombia’s mayors’ association, Asocapitales, reported 188 deaths and 1,677 injuries, as well as 243 completely collapsed structures and more than 1,500 damaged homes.

According to Consolidated Report No. 14, compiled from information provided by mayors’ offices, governors, the Colombian Geological Service (SGC), the National Unit for Disaster Risk Management (UNGRD) and emergency-response agencies, some of the worst-affected cities remain Cali, Pereira, Quibdó and Manizales.

Cali had reported 95 deaths and 997 injuries, while Pereira recorded 79 deaths and 278 injured people. Quibdó reported nine deaths and 116 injuries, while Manizales had five deaths and 112 injured. Authorities stressed that those figures were based on a Tuesday afternoon cutoff and could change as damage and humanitarian needs continued to be evaluated.

The earthquake struck western Colombia on Monday and was initially registered at a lower magnitude before the Colombian Geological Service upgraded it to 7.4. The epicenter was located in the department of Chocó, and the earthquake was strongly felt across large parts of western and central Colombia, including Cali, Pereira, Armenia and Manizales.

130 aftershocks recorded

The SGC has warned that aftershocks are expected to continue, describing them as a normal part of the seismic sequence following a major earthquake. Authorities have recorded approximately 130 aftershocks since Monday, adding another layer of danger for rescue workers operating around damaged and unstable structures.

The continuing tremors have complicated searches in several locations, where firefighters, police, military personnel, volunteers and specialized rescue teams are working to locate people who may remain trapped beneath rubble. As the search for survivors continues, and aftershocks continue – so does the race against time.

International rescue and humanitarian assistance is also beginning to arrive.

The United States said Wednesday that the Trump administration had mobilized technical urban search-and-rescue teams to support operations in Colombia. The U.S. State Department said teams had been mobilized from Fairfax County, Virginia, and Los Angeles County, California.
The United States has also pledged broader financial assistance as Colombia confronts the scale of the disaster. International organizations and governments have offered rescue personnel, medical assistance, logistical support and humanitarian supplies.

Mexico announced the arrival in Pereira on Wednesday of its first shipment of humanitarian assistance. The initial shipment contains 19.5 tonnes of food supplies and essential goods for families affected by the earthquake. Additional Mexican shipments are expected over the following days, bringing the country’s planned humanitarian contribution to 58.5 tonnes, according to Mexican authorities.

Colombia declares three days of national mourning

As the death toll passed 200, the Colombian government declared three days of national mourning in honor of the victims. Under Decree 1172 of August 11, the National Flag will fly at half-mast on public buildings and at Colombian embassies and consulates abroad. The measure was described as an expression of national solidarity with families who lost relatives in the disaster.

The mourning period comes as rescue workers continue their efforts in the most heavily damaged areas, while thousands of families confront destroyed homes, damaged infrastructure and uncertainty over missing relatives.

National Disaster declaration gives the administration of President Abelardo de la Espriella  greater capacity to coordinate emergency resources, humanitarian assistance, reconstruction and recovery across the most affected territories of Antioquia, Caldas, Cauca, Chocó, Quindío, Cundinamarca, Risaralda, Huila, Valle del Cauca, Tolima, Putumayo and Norte de Santander,

For Colombia, the earthquake has become one of the country’s most devastating seismic disasters in decades. With rescue operations now entering their third day, emergency crews remain focused on the possibility of finding survivors while authorities confront the rapidly expanding humanitarian and reconstruction needs.

Authorities warned that the death toll is likely to rise as emergency teams work through the rubble of damaged and collapsed structures in Risaralda, Valle del Cauca, Quindío and Caldas, as well as Chocó and other affected departments.

The most urgent operations are focused on buildings where authorities believe people may still be trapped. Rescue teams are working through unstable structures and piles of debris, with the search expected to continue for hours and potentially days.

The Colombia Geological Service (SGC) said the earthquake began at 7:34 a.m. Monday, with its epicenter near the municipality of San José del Palmar in Chocó, at a depth of approximately 103 kilometers. The earthquake was revised upward to magnitude 7.4 after initially being registered at 6.4 within minutes of the earthquake.

The main shock lasted over one minute, according to authorities, and has been followed by 54 aftershocks measuring 2.8 and 4.8 magnitude. The earthquake impacted most of Colombia’s 12 western and central departments, with the most severe destruction reported in Chocó, Valle del Cauca and the Coffee Region.

The scale of the disaster remains difficult to determine. Landslides have blocked roads leading to isolated communities, while damage to telecommunications infrastructure has disrupted communications and complicated efforts to establish the number of people affected.

Chocó faces a medical emergency

The department of Chocó, closest to the epicenter, is facing a particularly severe humanitarian emergency. Authorities reported 10 deaths and 170 injured people in the department, many of whom are expected to be transferred to other cities, including Medellín, because Chocó lacks sufficient hospital capacity for a disaster of this magnitude.

Governor Nubia Carolina Córdoba said the department has no third-level hospital and that the San Francisco de Asís Hospital, the only second-level facility, was overwhelmed within minutes of the earthquake.

Patients were forced to remain outside the hospital while authorities coordinated transfers and sought additional medical capacity elsewhere.

The situation has underscored the vulnerability of one of Colombia’s poorest and most geographically isolated departments, where damaged roads, landslides and communications failures are making the emergency response considerably more difficult.

Pereira rescue operation

In Pereira, capital of Risaralda, rescue crews have prioritized the search for survivors trapped beneath the remains of at least 19 buildings.

Several areas have been left without electricity, gas or water, adding to the difficulties facing emergency workers and residents.

The disaster has revived memories of the 1999 Eje Cafetero earthquake, which devastated Armenia and surrounding areas. Monday’s earthquake has again placed Colombia’s coffee-growing region at the center of a major national disaster.

Valle del Cauca heavily damaged

The emergency extends well beyond Cali. Authorities have reported serious damage across numerous municipalities in Valle del Cauca, with some communities facing particularly severe destruction.

In El Cairo, in northern Valle del Cauca, regional disaster officials said approximately 80 percent of homes may have collapsed, according to the department’s risk-management authorities.

The figure remains a preliminary assessment, but if confirmed it would make El Cairo one of the worst-affected municipalities in the department.

Cali has also reported major structural damage, with rescue operations continuing at damaged buildings and authorities assessing the safety of other structures.

Manizales and the Coffee Region

Manizales, departmental capital of Caldas, was among the cities where the earthquake caused highly visible structural damage. Part of the tower of the city’s historic cathedral collapsed during the tremor, while other buildings were damaged.

Armenia and Pereira also experienced severe shaking and structural damage.

The earthquake was felt across a broad section of western and central Colombia, including Antioquia, Bogotá, Risaralda, Valle del Cauca and Caldas. Residents in numerous cities reported prolonged shaking – up to to four minutes – while evacuation protocols were activated in residential complexes and office buildings.

President Abelardo de la Espriella has been coordinating with governors and mayors in the hardest-hit regions as local authorities request additional resources for rescue, medical care and relief operations.

The immediate priority remains the same: find people who may still be alive beneath the rubble.

With communications still disrupted in some areas and roads blocked by landslides, authorities have yet to establish the full number of displaced and affected residents.

As search teams move deeper into collapsed buildings, officials are warning that the 132-death toll is provisional and could rise substantially.

The focus Tuesday is therefore shifting from damage assessment to a race against time: locating survivors before unstable structures, lack of access and the passage of time make rescue operations increasingly difficult.

The earthquake struck at 7:34 a.m. local time, with its epicenter near San José del Palmar in the department of Chocó, according to the Colombia Geological Service (SGC). The quake was initially registered at a lower magnitude before being revised upward to 7.4. Its depth was reported at roughly 100 kilometers.

The tremor was felt strongly across much of Colombia, including the coffee-growing cities of Pereira, Manizales and Armenia, as well as Medellín, Colombia’s second-largest city.  In Cali, dust clouds were reported rising over the departmental capital of Valle del Cauca, as multiple buildings collapsed. The shaking was also felt in high-altitude Bogotá, and as far away as neighboring Panama, Ecuador and Venezuela.

In Manizales, part of the tower of the city’s historic cathedral collapsed during the earthquake. The city was among the areas reporting serious structural damage, with two deaths reported there. Footage circulating after the quake showed residents fleeing buildings as structures shook and debris fell.

Pereira, in Risaralda, also reported substantial structural damage and was among the cities hardest hit. Authorities temporarily suspended operations at several airports in affected cities, including Pereira, Manizales and Armenia, while infrastructure was inspected.

In Cali, at least 19 buildings were reported damaged, with people trapped in some structures and rescue teams mobilized. Authorities requested additional emergency support as crews searched damaged buildings for survivors.

In Quibdó, the capital of Chocó and the city closest to the earthquake’s epicentral region, officials reported injuries and significant damage to buildings. Chocó Governor Nubia Carolina Córdoba warned residents about the possibility of aftershocks as emergency crews assessed the situation.

The earthquake is the strongest recorded in Colombia in a decade, according to the SGC. The agency’s earthquake record identifies San José del Palmar as the epicentral location.

The scale of the shaking revived memories of Colombia’s devastating 1999 Eje Cafetero earthquake, which struck the coffee-growing region on January 25 of that year. The magnitude 6.2 earthquake devastated Armenia and surrounding areas, killing approximately 1,185 people, injuring thousands and leaving hundreds of thousands affected.

Monday’s earthquake, however, struck at a considerably greater depth than the 1999 disaster, potentially limiting some of the damage that might otherwise have resulted from a shallow earthquake of similar magnitude.

Recently inaugurated President Abelardo de la Espriella said he was overseeing the national emergency response and was expected to travel to Pereira as authorities coordinated rescue and recovery operations. Emergency agencies continued to assess damage across the affected departments as reports of collapsed structures and trapped residents emerged.

Authorities urged residents to remain alert for aftershocks and avoid entering damaged buildings until they have been inspected by emergency and structural-assessment teams.

The death toll and extent of the damage are expected to rise as rescue crews reach affected areas and communications were restored. As of midday on Monday, 74 persons have been confirmed dead across the region, including 19 in the southern city of Cali.

The ceremony marks a departure from Colombia’s recent presidential tradition. For the first time in recent history, the main investiture will be held in Cali, with the proceedings divided between two locations.

The formal ceremony at the Universidad Santiago de Cali is scheduled to begin at 3 p.m. There, Congress will install the solemn session at which De la Espriella will take the constitutional oath and formally assume the presidency.

According to the protocol published by Congress, the president of the Senate, Honorio Henríquez, will place the presidential sash on De la Espriella. The ceremony will also include the swearing-in of Vice President José Manuel Restrepo and an official intervention by the incoming government.

However, De la Espriella’s first presidential address will not take place at the university arena.

Following the formal investiture, the new president and members of his cabinet will travel to Cantón Militar Pichincha, where military honors accompanying the transfer of command will be held. It is there that De la Espriella is expected to address Colombians for the first time as head of state.

The decision to move the inaugural speech to a military installation adds an unusual dimension to the ceremony and underscores the importance the incoming administration has placed on the armed forces at the outset of its term.

The inauguration will also have a strong international presence. King Felipe VI of Spain is expected to attend, alongside the presidents of Argentina, Javier Milei; Ecuador, Daniel Noboa; Chile, José Antonio Kast; Bolivia, Rodrigo Paz; and Paraguay, Santiago Peña.

A high-level delegation from the United States, representing President Donald Trump’s administration, will also attend.

The presence of heads of state and senior American officials makes the Cali ceremony an important diplomatic event as Colombia begins a new political chapter. De la Espriella arrives at the Casa de Nariño after defeating left-wing senator Iván Cepeda in the presidential runoff on June 21.

His assumption of office, however, comes amid an unusually tense transition.

The incoming administration ordered an immediate suspension of the formal handover process after outgoing President Gustavo Petro publicly questioned the legitimacy of De la Espriella’s victory, claiming that the president-elect had not actually won the election and alleging electoral fraud without presenting evidence.

Restrepo announced that the technical committees responsible for reviewing information from government ministries had consequently been frozen.

“No one has the right to disregard that popular mandate or question the legitimacy of the president-elect,” Restrepo said in defending the decision to suspend the transition meetings.

Petro subsequently intensified his criticism, maintaining that the real winner of the election was Cepeda, the governing coalition’s candidate.

De la Espriella responded by accusing the outgoing administration of being a “corrupt government” and said he would not legitimize what he described as an attempt to undermine the constitutional order.

Against that backdrop, Thursday’s investiture will serve not only as the formal transfer of presidential power but as the opening act of a sharply contested new administration.

From the university arena to the military canton, De la Espriella’s first day in office is set to combine constitutional ceremony, military symbolism and international diplomacy in a presidential inauguration unlike any Colombia has seen in recent decades.

It is easy to miss. There are no dramatic gates or towering spires announcing its presence. Instead, thick stone walls emerge almost organically from the countryside, as though the monastery had always belonged to the valley. Built more than four centuries ago, this Dominican sanctuary remains one of the country’s finest surviving examples of colonial religious architecture—and one of Boyacá’s best-kept secrets. Founded in 1620, it continues to function as a place of contemplation while welcoming visitors seeking history, architecture and an increasingly rare luxury: silence.

The approach alone feels cinematic. Dry Andean light washes over vineyards that produce some of Colombia’s most surprising wines, while ancient cacti stand beside fertile farmland where peaches, figs and tomatoes thrive in the valley’s unusually mild climate. The pace slows almost instinctively. It is impossible not to breathe more deeply.

Crossing the threshold is like stepping through a portal into another century.

The monastery’s design reflects the restrained elegance of early Spanish colonial architecture. A central cloister frames an open courtyard where sunlight shifts slowly across weathered stone arcades. Tuscan columns support wooden galleries darkened by age, while thick adobe walls keep interiors remarkably cool, even during Boyacá’s warmest afternoons. Every corridor seems designed not simply for movement but for reflection.

Unlike the richly ornamented churches found elsewhere in Latin America, Ecce Homo favours simplicity. The beauty lies in proportion rather than excess. Wooden ceilings display subtle Mudéjar influences inherited from Moorish Spain, while hand-carved doors, quiet chapels and intimate courtyards reveal craftsmanship that has survived generations of political upheaval and changing fortunes. The complex was declared a National Cultural Heritage site, preserving not only its architecture but also its place in Colombia’s historical memory.

Every monastery carries its legends, and Ecce Homo is no exception.

Its name derives from an image of Christ—”Behold the Man”—believed to have travelled from Europe to the New Kingdom of Granada after the 1527 Sack of Rome. According to local tradition, the estate itself was donated after Catalina de Mayorga experienced a vision urging the creation of a Dominican monastery on the site. Whether one approaches these stories through faith or folklore hardly matters; they have become inseparable from the atmosphere of the place itself.

Yet perhaps the monastery’s greatest treasure is not its history but its stillness.

Visitors often arrive expecting another colonial landmark before continuing to Villa de Leyva’s restaurants or museums. Many stay far longer than planned. There is something profoundly restorative about watching shadows move across the cloister, listening to the wind pass through eucalyptus trees or sitting beneath centuries-old arches where Dominican friars once studied theology and astronomy.

The surrounding landscape rewards exploration as well. Walking trails meander across the monastery grounds, revealing native vegetation and sweeping views across the valley towards the rugged mountains of Boyacá. It is easy to imagine why the Dominican order chose this secluded location as both a spiritual retreat and a centre for evangelisation among Indigenous communities during the colonial period.

For travellers using Villa de Leyva as a base, the monastery offers the perfect half-day excursion. Combine it with lunch in Sutamarchán—widely celebrated for its traditional longaniza sausage—or continue onwards to nearby attractions such as El Infiernito, Colombia’s enigmatic pre-Hispanic astronomical site, or the fossil museum that tells the story of a landscape once submerged beneath an ancient sea.

But unlike many destinations in the region, Ecce Homo asks remarkably little of its visitors. There are no elaborate itineraries to follow or checklists to complete. Simply wander. Sit. Observe.

In an age when travel often becomes a race between Instagram locations, the Monastery of Santo Ecce Homo offers something increasingly uncommon: permission to slow down.

Its stone walls have witnessed more than 400 years of Colombian history—colonial expansion, independence, political transformation and modern tourism—yet the monastery remains remarkably unchanged. The silence that enveloped Dominican monks in the seventeenth century still settles gently over today’s visitors.

And perhaps that is the true miracle of Ecce Homo. Not that it has endured for four centuries, but that in a world growing ever louder, it continues to remind us that the most memorable journeys are often measured not by what we see, but by the moments when everything else finally becomes quiet.

How to Get There: The Monastery of Santo Ecce Homo is located some 10 Km northwest of Villa de Leyva in the municipality of Sutamarchán, Boyacá. The journey takes around 15 minutes by car via the Villa de Leyva–Santa Sofia – Sutamarchán road, with clear signage leading to the monastery. Regular buses and taxis also operate between Villa de Leyva and Sutamarchán, making the historic site an easy half-day excursion for visitors exploring the region.

The inauguration will take place at 3:00 p.m. at the Arena USC on the campus of the Universidad Santiago de Cali, after Congress approved De La Espriella’s request to move the constitutional ceremony to Cali, the capital of Valle del Cauca.

Rubio’s anticipated attendance would make him the highest-ranking U.S. official at the ceremony and signal Washington’s intention to quickly deepen ties with Colombia’s incoming administration following a period of strained bilateral relations.

Argentina’s President Javier Milei and Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa have already confirmed they will travel to Cali. Also expected are King Felipe VI of Spain, Paraguayan President Santiago Peña, and other foreign dignitaries.

Preparations for the event have intensified in recent days. Defense minister-designate (retired General) Jorge Mora met Wednesday with Cali Mayor Alejandro Eder to coordinate security arrangements for the ceremony.

Authorities are considering imposing a citywide alcohol ban beginning August 6, while drone flights are expected to be prohibited over the inauguration venue as part of an extensive security perimeter.

The Arena USC has a capacity of approximately 2,500 people and will host members of Congress, foreign delegations and invited guests for the swearing-in ceremony.

Rubio’s expected participation is likely to draw particular attention. As U.S. Secretary of State, his presence would underscore the strategic importance Washington places on rebuilding cooperation with Colombia under De La Espriella’s administration, with security, counternarcotics, migration and investment expected to feature prominently on the bilateral agenda.

The decision to stage the inauguration in Cali also carries symbolic weight. The city has faced persistent security challenges in recent years, and De La Espriella has pledged to make restoring public order a central objective of his presidency. Holding the inauguration there is intended to signal the incoming government’s commitment to reasserting state authority in one of Colombia’s most strategically important regions.

In a video message posted on his social media platforms, the criminal defense lawyer outlined what he described as a fundamental shift in Colombia’s foreign policy, arguing that the country’s diplomatic service had become bloated and ineffective.

“There will be no ties whatsoever with tyrannies in my government,” De la Espriella said, referring to Cuba and Nicaragua, two governments that have maintained close relations with outgoing President Gustavo Petro.

The president-elect said Colombian embassies in Algeria, Azerbaijan, Barbados, Cuba, the Czech Republic, Ethiopia, Ghana, Haiti, Hungary, Malaysia, Nicaragua, Romania, Senegal and South Africa would be closed. He also announced the elimination of 15 consulates, although he did not immediately specify their locations.

De la Espriella stressed that, aside from Cuba and Nicaragua, Colombia would maintain diplomatic relations with all other countries affected by the restructuring. Consular services for Colombian citizens abroad would continue through neighboring embassies or alternative diplomatic offices, he said.

The diplomatic shakeup marks one of the first major policy reversals from the Petro administration, which looked to expand Colombia’s international foothold with left-leaning governments that supported the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) accusastions against Israel.

Another significant change will be the restoration of Colombia’s diplomatic mission in Israel. De la Espriella confirmed that his government will reopen the embassy in Jerusalem and suspend Petro’s initiative to establish one in Palestine.

Petro severed diplomatic relations with Israel in 2024 in protest over Israel’s military offensive in Gaza, ending decades of close cooperation between the two countries on defense and security matters. During his presidential campaign, De la Espriella pledged to restore ties with Israel, calling it a “strategic ally”. On Saturday, Israel announced the appointment of Vivian Aisen, as the country’s incoming Ambassador to Colombia.

The president-elect also announced plans to establish a new Colombian embassy in Nigeria, saying the mission would improve the country’s diplomatic reach in Africa while making its regional presence more efficient.

As part of the restructuring, De la Espriella said Colombia would merge diplomatic missions that currently operate separately but share the same location. The Colombian Embassy in France would be combined with the country’s delegation to UNESCO in Paris, while the embassy in Italy would be unified with Colombia’s permanent representation to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in Rome under a single ambassador.

He added that during the first 100 days of his administration, the Foreign Ministry will conduct a technical audit of Colombia’s remaining embassies and consulates to determine whether additional closures or restructuring are warranted.

According to De la Espriella, the savings generated by reducing the diplomatic network will be redirected toward strengthening security, healthcare, education and infrastructure.

“Every peso we save on bureaucracy will be a peso that we can invest in security, health, education, infrastructure and, above all, opportunities for the poorest Colombians,” he said.

The president-elect said his administration’s foreign policy would prioritize attracting foreign investment, expanding export markets and promoting Colombia’s economic interests abroad rather than increasing the size of the diplomatic service.

He also reaffirmed his intention to hold his inauguration ceremony in the southwestern city of Cali rather than Bogotá, breaking with more than a century of tradition. The proposal still requires congressional approval before it can proceed.

The decision has been welcomed by regional leaders in Valle del Cauca, who see the move as a symbolic recognition of southwestern Colombia after years of calling for greater national government attention.

Valle del Cauca Governor Dilian Francisca Toro said the region was ready to work with the incoming administration and described Cali as an appropriate starting point for what De la Espriella has branded his Patria Milagro (“Miracle Nation”) agenda.

Toro also urged the incoming government to prioritize the creation of a High Mountain Battalion in the municipality of Jamundí and requested that Cali host the administration’s first National Security Council meeting at the Marco Fidel Suárez Air Base, citing persistent security challenges in the region.

Cali Mayor Alejandro Eder likewise welcomed the announcement, saying the city had long sought a stronger presence from the national government. “Our city has waited for many years for greater attention from the national government,” highlighted Eder, adding that the inauguration would reinforce the administration’s commitment to the department of Valle del C and Colombia’s southwest.

If implemented, De la Espriella’s diplomatic reforms would represent one of the most significant reorganizations of Colombia’s foreign service in decades, signaling a sharp departure from the hard-left foreign agenda of Petro.

The government said 18,994 foreigners were refused entry between August 2022 and June 2026 under administrative powers that allow immigration officials to reject travelers who fail to meet entry requirements, pose a security risk or provide false information during immigration inspections.

The figures come as Colombia continues to experience a sharp increase in international arrivals, driven by expanding air connectivity and the growing popularity of destinations such as Bogotá, Medellín and Cartagena.

Migración Colombia said more than 2,700 travelers were denied entry for reasons related to national sovereignty, state security or public order. Nearly 3,600 lacked the visa required for entry, about 2,900 failed to present legally required travel documents, and more than 3,800 provided false or misleading information during immigration interviews or attempted to deceive authorities.

Other cases involved travelers with international criminal records, intelligence alerts, outstanding immigration fines, the absence of onward travel tickets, or aggressive behavior toward immigration officials and airline personnel.

International airports registering the highest number of inadmissions this year included Bogotá’s El Dorado International Airport, Medellín’s José María Córdova International Airport, Cartagena’s Rafael Núñez International Airport, Cali’s Alfonso Bonilla Aragón International Airport and Barranquilla’s Ernesto Cortissoz International Airport. Authorities also reported refusals at the Rumichaca border crossing with Ecuador, the Simón Bolívar crossing in Cúcuta on the Venezuelan border, and Paraguachón in La Guajira.

According to the agency, the largest share of travelers denied entry were citizens of the Dominican Republic and the United States, each accounting for 12% of the total, followed by Venezuela (10%), Ecuador (5%), Mexico (5%) and Cuba (5%).

“Just as Colombians are expected to comply with the laws of the countries they visit, foreign nationals also have obligations under Colombia’s Constitution and laws,” Gloria Esperanza Arriero López, director-general of Migración Colombia, said in a statement. “They must meet the legal requirements for entry, behave appropriately during their stay, and respect Colombian authorities.”

The agency said it has intensified immigration controls over the past year while maintaining compliance with international human rights obligations. Authorities said the measures are intended to safeguard national security, promote orderly and regular migration, and strengthen international cooperation against human trafficking and the commercial sexual exploitation of children.

Of the nearly 1,600 foreign nationals refused entry so far in 2026, more than 140 cases were linked to suspected child sexual exploitation.

Since August 2022, more than 375 foreign travelers have also been denied entry as a preventive measure against the commercial sexual exploitation of children and adolescents. Migración Colombia said those decisions were based on intelligence shared with domestic and international law enforcement agencies, including information on convicted child sex offenders, suspected transnational sexual predators and alerts issued through the U.S.-based Angel Watch program.

Under Colombia’s Decree 2136 of 2021, immigration authorities may deny entry to foreign nationals on national security or legal grounds and order their immediate return to the country from which they traveled, their country of origin, or another country willing to admit them. The decision is final and is not subject to administrative appeal.

The speech, delivered less than three weeks before Petro leaves office, underscored the deep political divisions surrounding the transfer of power to President-elect Abelardo de la Espriella, who defeated government-backed candidate Iván Cepeda in the June 21 election.

Petro repeated allegations that the election was tainted by foreign interference, arguing that public support expressed by U.S. President Donald Trump for De la Espriella invalidated the result. “The mere introduction of foreign support into the recent election is grounds for nullifying it and, above all, renders the next government illegitimate,” Petro told lawmakers.

He again alleged that Israeli technology had been used to manipulate vote-counting software and said he would present evidence supporting the claim. Colombia’s electoral authorities have certified De la Espriella’s victory and rejected allegations of electoral fraud.

Petro escalated his criticism by asserting that Colombia would surrender its sovereignty after De la Espriella takes office on Aug. 7. “Colombia loses its national sovereignty from Aug. 7 onward. It returns to being a viceroyalty,” he said.

In one of the speech’s strongest attacks on Washington, Petro said Colombia’s next government would answer to the United States rather than Colombian voters. “Colombia’s government will no longer belong to Colombia. Donald Trump or Marco Rubio will give orders to the person they imposed as Colombia’s president,” Petro said. “The next president will be a servant of the rulers of the United States.”

Invoking the anniversary of Colombia’s independence from Spain, Petro called for what he described as “a second cry of independence,” urging supporters to defend the country’s sovereignty and “shout freedom and resistance.”

Petro also warned that his supporters should respond with nationwide demonstrations if the incoming administration dismantles his labor, education or agrarian reforms. He said a general strike should be considered if Congress reverses legislation approved during his administration that strengthened worker protections and increased overtime pay. “We must exercise our opposition in the streets, and resist peacefully … but in an overwhelming manner,” Petro said.

The remarks came as Colombia’s political balance shifted further toward the conservative opposition.

On Monday night during the opening a new legislature, Senator Honorio Henríquez of former President Álvaro Uribe’s Centro Democrático party was elected president of the Senate, giving conservatives greater influence in Congress ahead of the Aug. 7 inauguration.

De la Espriella, a criminal defense lawyer who entered politics after practicing law in Florida, has pledged to reduce government spending by up to 40%, cut business taxes, rewrite labor laws to allow more flexible hiring and suspend peace negotiations with leftist guerrilla groups.

He has also promised to strengthen ties with Washington after relations cooled during Petro’s presidency.

During a visit to Washington this week, Defense Minister-designate retired General Jorge Mora announced discussions with senior U.S. officials on a new bilateral security initiative known as “Plan Patriota 2.0,” aimed at expanding military cooperation, counternarcotics operations and intelligence sharing.

Hours before Petro’s combative address to lawmakers, De la Espriella’s office disclosed intelligence warning of an alleged assassination plot involving the National Liberation Army (ELN) and dissident factions of the former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

According to a statement from the president-elect’s transition team, intelligence services warned that criminal groups could be offering up to 3 billion pesos ($920,000) to carry out an attack before the Aug. 7 inauguration. The statement also warned of possible attempts to infiltrate press conferences and public events as part of an assassination attempt, prompting tighter security around the president-elect.

Although Petro is constitutionally barred from seeking another term, he indicated Monday that he intends to remain politically active after leaving office, suggesting he could lead his Historic Pact coalition from the opposition.

His speech offered a characteric closure to four years disruptive years in office, casting doubt – yet again – on the legitimacy of the incoming government while urging supporters to mobilize on the streets against a new government that has pledged to dismantle Petro’s failed “total peace” agenda and regain control of security with the help of the country’s governors and mayors.

The closed-door meeting at the State Department brought together senior members of Colombia’s incoming administration during a Washington tour aimed at strengthening ties with the United States before the new government assumes office.

Restrepo led the Colombian delegation, accompanied by Defense Minister-designate retired General Jorge Eduardo Mora, Foreign Minister-designate Omar Bula Escobar and Commerce, Industry and Tourism Minister-designate Mauricio Gómez Amín.

Following the meeting, Rubio described the talks as productive and said Washington was ready to work closely with Colombia’s next administration.

“Good meeting with Colombian Vice President-Elect José Manuel Restrepo, to discuss the future of the U.S.-Colombia partnership,” Rubio wrote on X. “We look forward to working with President-Elect Abelardo de la Espriella’s incoming administration to strengthen security cooperation and expand economic ties.”

The statement marked one of the clearest public indications yet that the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump intends to reset relations with Bogotá following years of diplomatic tensions under outgoing Colombian President Gustavo Petro.

Restrepo also hailed the meeting as the start of “a new stage” in relations between the longtime allies and thanked Washington for its support during Colombia’s presidential transition.

According to members of the Colombian delegation, discussions focused on expanding bilateral cooperation on security, trade, investment and infrastructure while reaffirming both countries’ longstanding strategic partnership.

A central element of Colombia’s proposal was its interest in joining the Shield of the Americas, a U.S.-led multinational security initiative designed to strengthen regional cooperation against transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking and other security threats.

The incoming administration also proposed closer collaboration on illicit crop eradication, restoring public order and strengthening Colombia’s armed forces, while emphasizing that such cooperation would be conducted “with absolute respect for national sovereignty.”

The meeting formed part of the incoming government’s international tour, dubbed “La Patria Milagro,” (Miracle Nation), which seeks to reassure international partners and investors ahead of the Aug. 7 inauguration.

Earlier this week, Restrepo outlined the administration’s broader economic agenda during meetings with the Atlantic Council and other Washington policy institutions.

Speaking at the Atlantic Council, where he previously served as a researcher, Restrepo said the new government aims to establish a broader strategic partnership with the United States. “This represents a new moment in the relationship between Colombia and the United States,” he said. “Perhaps a moment in which we can establish a strategic partnership of greater scope.”

He added that the delegation was seeking to revive infrastructure and development initiatives that had stalled in recent years while expanding opportunities for bilateral trade and foreign investment.

The Washington visit reflects the priorities of President-elect De la Espriella, who campaigned on rebuilding Colombia’s security institutions, restoring investor confidence and strengthening relations with the United States after what he described as years of diplomatic strain.

Officials close to the incoming administration said the government intends to deepen cooperation in areas ranging from defense and counternarcotics operations to energy, infrastructure and private-sector investment.

The meeting also follows recent exchanges between De la Espriella and senior U.S. officials, including Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, after which the president-elect announced Colombia would formally join the Shield of the Americas initiative upon taking office.

For decades, Colombia has been one of Washington’s closest allies in Latin America and the largest recipient of U.S. security assistance in the region. Cooperation expanded significantly under Plan Colombia beginning in 2000, although relations cooled during Petro’s presidency amid disagreements over counternarcotics strategy, security policy and broader geopolitical issues.

Both governments now appear eager to restore the relationship to the center of their regional agendas.

Neither delegation disclosed additional details of Wednesday’s closed-door discussions, and Colombian officials left the State Department without speaking to reporters.

Still, the carefully coordinated statements issued afterward suggested both capitals are seeking to present the meeting as more than a routine diplomatic courtesy, framing it instead as the opening move in what both governments hope will become a renewed strategic partnership spanning security, economic development and regional cooperation.

With De la Espriella set to assume office in just weeks, officials on both sides indicated that Wednesday’s talks were intended to lay the groundwork for an expanded alliance aimed at confronting shared security challenges while boosting trade and investment between the two countries.

Londoño’s appearance before the transitional justice tribunal came on the deadline established by the JEP after it authorized his travel to Madrid between June 22 and July 11. The court had stipulated that the former guerrilla commander was required to present himself in person before the tribunal’s Judicial Secretariat no later than July 14, a condition he fulfilled upon his return.

Questions over whether Londoño would come back intensified after comments he made to Blu Radio suggesting he was weighing whether it was safe to return, following increasingly confrontational statements from De la Espriella since his election victory.

The president-elect has made dismantling key pillars of Colombia’s post-conflict framework a central theme of his incoming administration. During his third national address on social media since winning the presidency on June 21, De la Espriella announced plans to eliminate the Office of the High Commissioner for Peace, begin dismantling what he described as “structures of impunity” created under former President Gustavo Petro’s Total Peace policy, and overhaul the Special Jurisdiction for Peace established under the 2016 peace accord with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).

Londoño became the principal target of that criticism.

“That bandit Timochenko deserves to spend the rest of his life in prison, and I am going to work toward that,” De la Espriella declared.

He argued that “no apparent legal formalism can hide the fact that the war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the FARC leadership remain unpunished,” while accusing the JEP of protecting political allies of the outgoing administration.

The remarks marked one of the strongest public challenges yet to Colombia’s transitional justice system, which forms part of the 2016 peace agreement negotiated under former President Juan Manuel Santos and has constitutional protection as well as backing from the United Nations Security Council.

By returning to Bogotá and appearing before the JEP, Londoño appeared intent on reinforcing his commitment to the peace accord despite mounting political pressure.

Following his appearance before the tribunal, the president of the Comunes Party reaffirmed that former FARC members remain committed to fulfilling every obligation under the agreement, including contributing to truth, reparations and national reconciliation.

“If I have to become the 501st peace signatory to be assassinated, then let death come,” Londoño said in a video message while holding a white flag symbolizing peace. “We are convinced that more than 12 million Colombians will carry this banner that we have upheld with pride and without regret.”

Human rights organizations have repeatedly warned about the continued killings of former guerrillas who laid down their arms after the peace agreement. More than 500 former combatants have been killed since the accord was signed in November 2016, making their security one of the most persistent challenges facing the implementation process.

Londoño insisted that the former guerrilla has honored every commitment undertaken nearly a decade ago. “We are fulfilling our commitments to Colombia and to the international community,” he said. “We continue contributing to truth, reparations and reconciliation.”

Letter to the President-elect

Coinciding with his return, Londoño released an open letter addressed to De la Espriella, congratulating him on his election while urging the incoming administration to respect the peace agreement as a binding obligation of the Colombian state.

The former FARC commander acknowledged their profound ideological differences but argued that peaceful democratic coexistence depends on dialogue rather than confrontation.

“We occupy a different ideological and political position from yours,” Londoño wrote. “That is natural in a democracy. It does not mean we cannot coexist and engage in civilized dialogue about our differences. That, precisely, is what peace is about.”

He reminded the president-elect that the Final Peace Agreement forms part of Colombia’s constitutional framework and is supported by resolutions of the United Nations Security Council, making it an international commitment that transcends individual governments.

Londoño also expressed the former FARC leadership’s willingness to engage with the incoming administration to advance implementation of the accord while reaffirming what he described as an “unwavering commitment” to honoring the agreement signed at Bogotá’s Teatro Colón on November 24, 2016.

“In return,” he wrote, “we hope the Colombian State will honor its own commitments with the same honesty and transparency that those of us who reincorporated into civilian life have demonstrated, beginning with guaranteeing our right to life and providing the political and security guarantees established in the Peace Agreement.”

Londoño’s return removes immediate uncertainty over his compliance with the JEP’s conditions but opens what is likely to become one of the first major constitutional and political confrontations facing De la Espriella after he takes the oath of office on August 7 at a military garrison in southwest Colombia.

The announcement marks another dramatic departure by the conservative leader, whose election victory last month signaled a decisive shift away from the policies of outgoing President Gustavo Petro.

Addressing the nation through his social media channels, De la Espriella said the ceremony would proceed “despite the opposition of the disastrous and delusional outgoing government,” describing the move as a tribute to Colombia’s armed forces.

“Colombians can be certain that I will keep my promise,” he declared. “I will take office in the south of the country, at a military garrison, to pay solemn tribute to the heroes of our nation and to the men and women in uniform who protect democracy, freedom and our institutions.”

The decision would replace one of Colombia’s most enduring democratic rituals. Traditionally, incoming presidents take the constitutional oath before Congress at the Capitol building on Plaza de Bolívar before thousands of invited guests, foreign dignitaries and members of the public gathered in the historic square.

While De la Espriella had previously stated he would not be inaugurated in Plaza de Bolívar, Monday’s address marked the first time he confirmed the ceremony would be held at a military installation in southern Colombia. He declined to identify the specific location.

Whether the unprecedented relocation can legally occur remains uncertain.

Under Colombia’s constitutional procedures, Congress must authorize any change to the venue for the presidential inauguration. The issue is expected to be debated after the new legislature convenes on July 20.

De la Espriella appealed directly to lawmakers to approve the proposal.

“I make a direct and patriotic appeal to the new Congress of the Republic to make the correct decision on July 20 in order to fulfill the mandate of the Colombian people,” he said.

He also sought to reassure legislators that his administration would work closely with Congress and the judiciary.

“I will work hand in hand with the new Congress, just as we have begun doing with the Judicial Branch. Harmonious collaboration among the institutions of our ‘Miracle Nation’ is a demand of the Colombian people.”

Petro has firmly opposed the proposal claiming that only Congress possesses the constitutional authority to authorize a change in venue. He later reinforced that position on “X” stating that no military installation could host a presidential inauguration while he remains Commander-in-Chief of Colombia’s Armed Forces.

The disagreement has injected an unusual constitutional dispute into the weeks leading up to the transfer of power.

The planned venue underscores one of the defining themes of De la Espriella’s incoming administration: restoring the prominence of Colombia’s military and security forces after years of defunding by the country’s first leftist government.

By choosing a military base rather than Colombia’s principal civic square, De la Espriella is sending an unmistakable political message that security and the armed forces will occupy a central role in his presidency.

The president-elect has repeatedly pledged to abandon negotiations with illegal armed groups in favor of an aggressive security strategy inspired in part by the policies of El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele.

During the same national address, De la Espriella unveiled a sweeping overhaul of the Presidency designed to reduce bureaucracy and redirect government spending.

He announced that approximately 229 positions within the Presidential administration will be eliminated, generating annual savings of roughly COP 10 billion (about US$2.5 million), funds he said would instead finance social programs.

“I will transform the Presidency into an executive coordination center with a staff free of unnecessary political appointments and positions created to repay political favors,” he said.

Several presidential advisory offices, agencies and councils will be abolished, with many of their responsibilities transferred to existing ministries and state institutions to eliminate overlapping functions and strengthen accountability. “The Presidency will become an austere, efficient structure focused on results,” he highlighted.

Among the most politically significant changes is the elimination of the Office of the High Commissioner for Peace, the capstone of Petro’s negotiations with illegal armed groups, ELN guerrilla and narco-trafficking cartel Gulf Clan.

Instead, De la Espriella said the office will be replaced by a High Commissioner for Security, reflecting his administration’s rejection of what he described as “false peace” processes.

The restructuring represents one of the first concrete policy initiatives unveiled by the incoming administration ahead of its August 7 inauguration and reinforces De la Espriella’s campaign pledge to shrink government bureaucracy while redirecting public resources toward security and social investment.

If Congress approves the relocation of the inauguration, Colombia will witness an unprecedented transfer of presidential power outside Bogotá’s historic political heart – event that symbolizes the dramatic political realignment voters endorsed with the June 21 election.

Established under Law 2578 of 2026, the holiday moves the annual July 9 feast day to the nearest Monday under Colombia’s Emiliani Law, creating a long weekend dedicated to one of the nation’s most revered religious and cultural symbols. The legislation recognizes Chiquinquirá, in the central department of Boyacá, as a pilgrimage destination that has played a defining role in Colombia’s national identity.

The inaugural celebration comes at a moment of political transition.

Only days before the first national observance, De la Espriella traveled to the Basilica of Our Lady of the Rosary of Chiquinquirá, where the celebrated image of the Virgin has drawn pilgrims for more than four centuries. In a message posted on social media following his visit on July 9, the president-elect said he had “placed in her hands our Homeland, Colombian families and our institutions,” expressing confidence that God would continue to guide the country’s future.

“May under her protection we find the strength, reconciliation and hope to build the Miracle Homeland that we all long for,” he wrote, referring to one of the central themes of his presidential campaign.

The pilgrimage formed part of what his office described as a broader “spiritual agenda” launched during his first week as president-elect. The initiative also included a visit to the Basilica of the Lord of Miracles in Buga, one of Colombia’s most important Catholic shrines, where he concluded his campaign before the June 21 presidential runoff by praying for “the healing of our nation” and what he described as a “spiritual battle against evil.”

For observers, the visits underscore De la Espriella’s willingness to publicly embrace Catholic symbolism in a country where nearly two-thirds of the population identifies as Catholic, according to recent surveys.

A miraculous image

At the center of Monday’s celebration is an image whose history stretches back to the earliest decades of Spanish rule in what was then the Kingdom of New Granada. According to historical accounts and the book Nuestras Señoras by Germán Izquierdo and Juan Esteban Duque, the original painting was commissioned around 1555 by Spanish encomendero Antonio de Santana. The work was painted by Alonso de Narváez and depicts the Virgin Mary flanked by Saint Andrew and Saint Anthony of Padua.

The unusually wide canvas led the artist to include the two saints on either side of the Virgin, creating the composition that remains instantly recognizable today. After years of neglect, the painting had nearly disappeared before an event Catholics regard as miraculous transformed it into Colombia’s most important Marian image.

In December 1586, according to tradition, Spanish settler María Ramos prayed before the deteriorated canvas in Chiquinquirá. An Indigenous woman named Isabel is said to have witnessed the faded image suddenly restored to its original brilliance while appearing to radiate light. The event marked the beginning of widespread devotion to the Virgin of Chiquinquirá and established the town as Colombia’s foremost Marian pilgrimage site.

Today, the painting remains inside the Basilica of Our Lady of the Rosary in Chiquinquirá under strict security and conservation measures. The image has left the sanctuary only on exceptional occasions, including the visits of Pope John Paul II in 1986 and Pope Francis in 2017.

Patroness of a nation

The Virgin of Chiquinquirá has occupied a unique place in Colombian history for nearly two centuries.

Pope Pius VII proclaimed her the Patroness of Colombia in 1829, while on June 9, 1919, the image was transported to Bogotá’s Plaza de Bolívar, where she was solemnly crowned Queen and Patroness of Colombia before President Marco Fidel Suárez, military authorities and Church leaders.

During the ceremony, she received an elaborate crown fashioned from 450 grams of gold, 140 emeralds and 78 diamonds – an enduring symbol of both Colombia’s Catholic heritage and its renowned emerald wealth.

The Basilica’s altar continues to display the image beneath the ornate crown, making it one of the country’s most recognizable religious treasures. The Archdiocese of Bogotá has encouraged Colombians to mark this year’s historic holiday with a special prayer asking the Virgin to protect the nation, strengthen faith and promote reconciliation.

Beyond Religion

Although rooted in Catholic devotion, the new holiday also reflects the government’s intention to recognize Chiquinquirá’s wider cultural significance. The law establishing the celebration describes the municipality as a national center of pilgrimage whose influence extends beyond religion into Colombian history, identity and cultural heritage.

Authorities expect over one million visitors this weekend to attend processions, Masses, concerts and artisan fairs, while tourism officials anticipate a surge in visitors to nearby destinations in Boyacá, among them, Raquira, Sutamarchán, Villa de la Leyva and Moniquirá.

For De la Espriella, whose presidency begins amid expectations of profound political change, the symbolism of the occasion is unmistakable. His public invocation of Colombia’s patroness—and his pledge that Boyacá “will be a protagonist in the reconstruction of Colombia”—signals that religion is likely to play a more visible role in the national narrative under his administration.

Whether viewed as an act of personal faith, a gesture toward national reconciliation or a reaffirmation of Colombia’s cultural traditions, Monday’s inaugural holiday marks the beginning of what may become one of the country’s defining annual civic observances, linking history, spirituality and national identity in a single celebration.

At the center of the diplomatic shift is Foreign Minister-designate Omar Bula Escobar, a veteran United Nations diplomat and international development specialist whose appointment signals the incoming administration’s intention to reshape Colombia’s global role around economic diplomacy, democratic partnerships and international security cooperation.

In one of his first public policy announcements since his nomination, Bula confirmed that the new government will not maintain Colombian embassies in Cuba or Nicaragua, arguing that the country should not legitimize governments it considers authoritarian. While consular affairs and diplomatic communication will continue through alternative mechanisms, the decision marks a sharp departure from Petro’s efforts to strengthen political ties with Havana and Managua during his four years in office.

Instead, the incoming administration intends to prioritize strategic partnerships with the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom and Israel, countries it views as essential allies for expanding trade, attracting investment, strengthening security cooperation and reinforcing democratic institutions.

The change represents far more than a diplomatic reshuffle.

During the presidential campaign, De La Espriella repeatedly argued that Colombia’s foreign policy had become driven by ideology at the expense of national interests. His administration has pledged to transform the Foreign Ministry into an institution focused on commercial diplomacy, technological cooperation and international competitiveness, while rebuilding confidence among investors and traditional allies.

“Our embassies must become engines for investment, trade and opportunity,” the president-elect has said, outlining a vision that places economic diplomacy at the center of Colombia’s international engagement.

That mission will largely fall to Bula, whose professional background differs considerably from many of Colombia’s recent foreign ministers.

Rather than emerging from party politics, Bula has spent more than two decades working within the United Nations system, leading humanitarian and development programs across Africa, the Middle East, Europe and Latin America.

His academic credentials reflect an equally international career. He studied Business Administration at the European Business School before earning a doctorate in Economic Sciences from Belgium’s Catholic University of Louvain. He later completed an MBA at Aden Business School and executive studies in business management at Harvard University.

Fluent in Spanish, English, French and Portuguese, Bula has combined academic research with extensive field experience in some of the world’s most politically complex environments.

His assignments have taken him to Egypt, Iraq, Ethiopia, Sudan, Senegal, Brazil, Panama and Italy, where he held senior positions with the United Nations World Food Programme. His responsibilities included overseeing humanitarian operations, food security programs, institutional development and international cooperation in regions affected by armed conflict, political instability and humanitarian emergencies.

Alongside his diplomatic career, Bula has served as an international university professor and developed a public profile as a geopolitical analyst specializing in international security, global economics and Middle Eastern affairs. His commentary has frequently emphasized the importance of strengthening alliances among democratic nations while expanding economic cooperation with North America and Europe.

His appointment is widely viewed as reflecting De La Espriella’s broader effort to professionalize Colombia’s diplomatic service by placing career international specialists, rather than political allies, in key foreign policy positions.

Nowhere will the administration’s new direction be watched more closely than in Washington.

Relations between Bogotá and Washington became increasingly strained under Petro over counternarcotics policy, regional security, Venezuela and the Israel-Hamas war. Although security cooperation continued, political disagreements frequently overshadowed a relationship that had long been considered one of the strongest bilateral partnerships in Latin America.

The incoming government has pledged to restore that strategic alliance, emphasizing cooperation in defense, intelligence, counter-narcotics, trade, cybersecurity and investment. Officials also see Canada and the United Kingdom as critical partners for expanding collaboration in mining, energy, education, finance and technological innovation.

Perhaps the most symbolic reversal concerns Israel.

Petro severed diplomatic relations with Israel in 2024 over the conflict in Gaza, ending decades of close military and security cooperation between the two countries.

De La Espriella has pledged to restore full diplomatic relations immediately upon taking office and has expressed support for rebuilding cooperation in defense, intelligence, cybersecurity, agriculture and technology. Members of the incoming administration have also indicated that Colombia will pursue a distinctly pro-Israel foreign policy while maintaining support for a negotiated peace in the Middle East.

The decision has been welcomed by sectors of Colombia’s business community that view closer relations with Israel as an opportunity to expand cooperation in innovation, water management, agricultural technology and digital security.

At the same time, the decision to eliminate embassies in Cuba and Nicaragua signals that democratic governance and respect for human rights will become more prominent considerations in Bogotá’s diplomatic engagement throughout the region.

Political analysts say the changes amount to the most significant reorientation of Colombian foreign policy since the security-focused administrations of the early 2000s. Rather than pursuing ideological alignment, the incoming government appears determined to position Colombia as a reliable democratic partner for North America and Europe while leveraging diplomacy to stimulate investment and economic growth.

Whether that ambitious recalibration succeeds will ultimately depend on the government’s ability to translate diplomatic goodwill into tangible economic results.

Yet even before taking office on August 7, De La Espriella and his foreign minister have left little doubt that Colombia is preparing to reclaim a markedly different place on the world stage—one anchored in Western alliances, commercial diplomacy and a renewed emphasis on democratic partnerships in an increasingly fragmented geopolitical landscape.

In a statement released by his transition team on Wednesday, the criminal defense lawyer said he had requested the support of allied governments, international organizations, election observers and democracy watchdogs to remain vigilant during what he described as an increasingly fragile constitutional moment.

According to the statement, de la Espriella believes the outgoing administration is seeking to “alter the constitutional order,” disregard the presidential credentials issued by Colombia’s electoral authorities and disrupt the democratic transition that is constitutionally scheduled to conclude with his inauguration on August 7.

“The request is directed to allied governments, international organizations, observation missions and defenders of democracy so they may actively accompany this institutional moment and keep their eyes on Colombia until any attempt at a coup d’état has ceased,” his office said.

The appeal follows several days of increasingly confrontational rhetoric between the president-elect and senior figures aligned with the outgoing government.

Earlier on Wednesday, de la Espriella posted a message on X drawing an apparent comparison between Colombia’s political crisis and neighboring Venezuela. “The last person who didn’t recognize the elections and stayed in power was Nicolás Maduro. We all know how that ended.”

Although he did not mention Petro by name, the remarks were widely interpreted as referring to the outgoing president. In a subsequent post, de la Espriella was more direct. “Petro and Cepeda don’t know who they’ve messed with. By defending the popular will, order, constitutionality, and the Constitution, I will be relentless and forceful.”

The president-elect has repeatedly accused Petro and Cepeda of refusing to recognize the election results and attempting to obstruct the transition. Petro and Cepeda have rejected de la Espriella’s presidency, with Petro maintaining his allegation that the election was fraudulent and declaring in recent public remarks that “the president of Colombia is Iván Cepeda.” The government has not produced evidence publicly substantiating claims of electoral fraud.

The dispute has intensified after the suspension of the formal transition process between the outgoing and incoming administrations, raising concerns over what had traditionally been a peaceful constitutional handover of power.

De la Espriella has also urged Colombians to remain calm while defending the constitutional order.

“The resistance must be democratic, peaceful, constitutional and firm,” his office said in the statement. “The vote of Colombians must be respected, and the legitimate transition must conclude on August 7.”

Growing confrontation

The increasingly polarized atmosphere has been fueled by calls from Cepeda for “civil disobedience” against the incoming administration.

Speaking earlier this week, the senator and former presidential candidate argued that Colombians should resist policies announced by the incoming government. He also alleged – without publicly presenting a shred of evidence – that de la Espriella’s proposed security measures could amount to the formation of a “paramilitary government.”

“Colombia is beginning to take the shape of a paramilitary government,” Cepeda said while criticizing the president-elect’s security agenda.

De la Espriella has rebuked those remarks, warning that any actions outside the law would be met with the full authority of the state. “Some extremists speak of civil disobedience, which is nothing more than road blockades, urban terrorism and the revival of the ‘First Line,'” he said, referring to the protest groups that emerged during nationwide demonstrations in 2021. “I propose constitutional obedience. Everything outside the law will be confronted with the full force of the rule of law.”

A Military inauguration?

Adding to the extraordinary political climate, de la Espriella is reportedly considering taking the presidential oath at a military installation rather than in Bogotá’s Plaza de Bolívar, where every Colombian president in recent decades has been inaugurated before Congress.

Constitutional scholars have noted that Article 192 of Colombia’s Constitution requires the president to be sworn in before Congress but does not explicitly require the ceremony to take place inside the Capitol building. Article 140 allows Congress to convene in a different location if both legislative chambers agree.

The proposal is widely seen as both a security precaution and a symbolic demonstration of institutional support from the armed forces amid the deepening political confrontation.