In an appearance with Eric Bolling, Eggers called the development significant but overlooked. “I think it’s an important story and underreported,” he said, noting that the probe was reported in The New York Times a couple of weeks earlier.

The numbers, Eggers argued, are the starting point.

“The United States has nine consulates in Mexico. Mexico has 53 in the United States,” he said. By his count, that exceeds the totals of two countries the U.S. is far closer to: “Countries that we’re very close with, like Great Britain and China, have like six and maybe seven respectively. So the fact that Mexico has 53 is quite alarming.”

The Sinaloa Indictment

Eggers traced the investigation’s origin to a Justice Department indictment. DOJ officials charged the governor of the Mexican state of Sinaloa under suspicion of — as Eggers put it, “if you can believe it” — working with the Sinaloa Cartel. When the administration asked President Claudia Sheinbaum for cooperation, she declined.

The consulate probe, in his telling, is the response.

“The next arrow in the quiver to try to apply some diplomatic pressure,” Eggers said. “They said, okay, fine, we’re going to begin an investigation into what exactly you’re up to with these consulates.”

He noted that coverage of the consulates has not all been skeptical. He pointed to a piece in the Associated Press describing how helpful the consulates are to Mexican Americans—including, he said, an estimated 1.7 million illegal immigrants of Mexican descent in California alone.

But Eggers urged officials to take Mexican leaders at their word. “In their own words, Mexican officials have said that they’re encouraging people to kind of re-conquer the area in the Southwest, reconquer California, claim this land back,” he said—land they argue was taken from them 170 years ago. “I think it’s well time for American officials, Department of Justice officials, to take a look and believe Mexican officials at their own word when they say what they’re up to.”

The Oklahoma City Meeting

Asked what actually goes on inside the consulates, Eggers cited the meeting documented in Schweizer’s book.

“There was a meeting in Oklahoma City, and this is in Peter’s book,” he said. “It’s not a secret.” Mexican consulate officials and members of the Democratic Party gathered, in his account, for what amounted to a political strategy session: “Okay, let’s strategize. How can we try to stop Donald Trump from winning this election? How can we stop Republicans from winning?”

The driving disagreement, he said, was immigration. Mexican officials favored the open-border posture of the Biden years — Eggers recalled Xavier Becerra saying he thought the southern border should have a welcome mat on it. The incentive, as Eggers framed it, is economic as much as territorial: Mexico likes “having access to the American economy and the amount of money that comes here, that gets then sent back to Mexico.”

Remittances, he noted, are “literally a huge part of Mexico.”

The Fentanyl Pipeline Runs Through China

Pressed by Bolling on why the administration is playing nice with Sheinbaum when far more drugs reach the U.S. from Mexico than from Venezuela, Eggers pointed to the scale of the business relationship — then widened the lens to China.

“Who are the two countries that are most linked to the drug cartel trade? It’s Mexico and China,” he said, citing prior GAI work with Schweizer. “They’re using Chinese equipment, they’re using Chinese bank accounts, they’re using Chinese chemicals, the precursor to make the fentanyl that makes its way into this country.” The result, he said, is not a two-sided arrangement: “It’s not bilateral, it’s multilateral.”

That trilateral structure, in Eggers’s view, makes the consulate investigation inseparable from the broader pressure campaign on Beijing. He framed the probe as one more lever.

“For Mexico to have 53 consulates, including a consulate in every state — like, does Alaska need a Mexican consulate? I’m not sure, but they have one.” The administration, he said, is “even threatening to say, listen, we may close some of these” if cooperation on the drug war doesn’t improve.

Two Layers of Immunity

On whether consulate workers carry diplomatic immunity in the United States, Eggers said he wasn’t certain. But he highlighted a structural protection on the Mexican side that he found more striking.

The indicted Sinaloa governor, he explained, is shielded by two separate layers of political protection.

“They have immunity — not just within the Mexican government, but within the Mexican legislature,” Eggers said. “So there are two different layers of political immunity they have in Mexico that would have to be released for those people to be charged with a crime in Mexico. So they’re heavily protected there.”

He contrasted Sheinbaum’s demand for evidence with the realities of cartel country. She said she’d like to see proof, Eggers recounted, but the only evidence presented was a list of witnesses—witnesses whose identities are being kept secret for good reason. In the United States, naming them would be one thing; in Mexico, he said, “those people would be disappeared with the quickness.”

Eggers credited the current approach with making headway after years of inaction.

“The Biden Administration looked the other way on this for so long,” he said. “The Trump Administration’s beginning to apply pressure and hopefully starting to seem to make a difference.”

Watch the clip above.

Mexico maintains 53 consulates across the United States. Schweizer put that figure in perspective: Arizona alone hosts four, while Great Britain operates six consulates nationwide and China seven.

“There are 53 Mexican consulates in the United States,” he said. “So this is a massive number.”

According to Schweizer, those posts are not confining themselves to passports and paperwork. He says they are organizing anti-Trump protest rallies and anti-ICE demonstrations, and coordinating directly with Democratic Party operatives.

He pointed to a May 2024 meeting at Mexico’s Oklahoma City consulate, held during a presidential election year, where consular officials flew in from Mexico City and gathered with colleagues from Los Angeles to Orlando.

What did they discuss?

“They met with Democratic Party political organizers, and the conversation was about how they could turn states from red to blue,” Schweizer said. “And they bragged about how they turned California from red to blue, Arizona from red to blue. And they wanted to do more of that.”

Schweizer is emphatic about his sourcing.

“All of this, by the way, comes from a transcript of that meeting that we obtained from the Mexican media,” he said. “So this is not me alleging this—this is what they are doing.”

His bottom line: “I don’t think anybody would defend the fact that foreign diplomats are meddling in American politics.”

The Boast in the Open

Schweizer’s case rests in part on how openly Mexican officials describe their own activities. He cited Alejandro Robledo, a member of the Mexican parliament who lives in the United States and, in Schweizer’s account, bragged that in 2025 he was “crossing the United States, organizing the militancy against Donald Trump”—in Robledo’s own words.

He connected this to a broader doctrine he had once dismissed. “There’s this concept, Reconquista. I always thought it was like a kind of a ridiculous conspiracy theory,” Schweizer said. “Except for the fact that Mexico’s leaders talk about it all the time.”

The aim, as he described it, is re-exerting sovereignty over territory Mexico lost in the 19th-century U.S.-Mexican War. And the people discussing it, he stressed, are not fringe figures: “These are the most powerful senators in Mexico. These are top aides to President Sheinbaum. This is former president Lopez Obrador.”

One mechanism, Schweizer said, is structural: Mexico has elected senators and members of parliament who live full-time in the United States, whose job is to represent Mexican nationals living here before the Mexican government. He called that “a massive erosion of our sovereignty,” and offered an analogy. “Imagine if we said we’re going to have a congressman representing Americans living in Alberta. The Canadians would never go for that.”

Schweizer noted that when President Sheinbaum has attacked him, she has not engaged the underlying evidence. “She doesn’t deal with the fact that I quote one of her top aides in a December 2024 report saying, through mass migration, we are retaking portions of the United States,” he said. “She simply says this is a conspiracy theory and wants it to go away.”

A Briefing in the Oval Office

Schweizer revealed that he carried these findings directly to the White House. He met in the Oval Office with President Trump, Treasury Secretary Bessent, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, where he laid out what Mexico and China were doing.

The administration acted, he said. Several weeks before the interview, it announced a review of the political activities of all 53 Mexican consulates. “The Trump administration is not concerned about taking bold action when they think it’s necessary,” Schweizer said. “I don’t think any other modern president would have undertaken this review with regards to Mexico.”

China’s Birth Tourism on an Industrial Scale

Then there’s China’s “birth tourism” industry, which Schweizer described as the exploitation of birthright citizenship “on an industrial scale as only China can do.”

He said more than 500 birth tourism companies operate in the United States and China, advertising openly, with the Chinese Communist Party newspaper The People’s Daily running stories encouraging the country’s elite to participate. The clientele, by his account, are the children of military officers, intelligence officers, CCP officials, and propaganda ministry personnel—born on U.S. soil, then raised in China.

The scale, drawn from Chinese government and research-firm figures, is what alarmed him most. Since 2013, Schweizer said, roughly 100,000 Chinese babies have been born in the United States every year. “There are, according to the Chinese, more than 1 million U.S. citizens—I’ll put that in air quotes—being raised in China, right now, and they’re going to be able to start voting around 2030.”

This data, too, reached the Oval Office. Schweizer recounted that after he presented it, Trump turned to the White House counsel and said the information needed to go to the solicitor general—and it became part of the debate when birthright citizenship was argued before the Supreme Court.

Schweizer was candid about his expectations for that case.

“I don’t think it looks good for the Supreme Court on the issue of birthright citizenship, but I do hold out a sliver of hope,” he said. He suggested the Court might rule that Trman cannot end birthright citizenship by executive order while still signaling that Congress has the authority to limit its scope—excluding those in the country illegally or on birth tourism. He pointed to Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s apparent incredulity when the ACLU’s attorney argued that no limits at all could be placed on it.

For Schweizer, the stakes run deeper than any single ruling. He quoted the CCP’s own framing of the contest as “a civilizational struggle”—and warned, invoking a line cited by justices across the ideological spectrum, that “the U.S. Constitution is not a suicide pact.” The challenge, he said, “represents the future challenge for our country—this invasion, or what I call this invisible coup.”

Watch the clip above.

The scale of the problem has drawn action on Capitol Hill.

This past week, the Joint Economic Committee called on telecommunications companies to strengthen their scam-identification efforts and “take further steps” to protect consumers, pressing the industry to shoulder more of the burden that currently falls on everyday Americans.

But the trail leads well beyond domestic phone lines. At the same time, the U.S. House Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party released findings on scam call-centers operating out of Southeast Asia — what investigators describe as a “broad network of fraud, human trafficking, cybercrime, and illicit finance.” The operations are not the work of lone actors, but a sprawling criminal ecosystem run out of compounds across the region.

The Select Committee’s report details the grim specifics of how these compounds function.

Scammers recruit trafficked workers — often lured by false job offers — to run their operations, and the report documents specific instances of abuse inside the criminal compounds. To move their profits, the network relies on lesser-monitored financial avenues, laundering proceeds through shell companies and cryptocurrencies.

That illicit capital doesn’t stay contained.

As the Committee’s report notes, the enormous volumes of money generated through these scams are funneled “through global financial systems, including U.S.-linked institutions, crypto, and offshore jurisdictions” — collapsing the line between foreign and domestic threats.

What allows the machine to keep running, the Committee found, is Beijing’s complicity.

In a hearing before the panel, witnesses testified that China applies “selective enforcement,” choosing to prosecute scammers only when the victims are Chinese while tacitly allowing the same operators to target geopolitical rivals like the United States.

Chairman John Moolenaar put it bluntly: “Make no mistake: the Chinese Government has the ability to act to bring these scam center operators to justice, but it chooses not to.”

Watch a clip from the recent hearing below:

From Massachusetts to Wisconsin, Americans are losing billions, while China-linked scam compounds overseas operate with impunity.@OpShamrock's Erin West calls it a “scamdemic," and she’s right.

This is bigger than fraud it’s a coordinated, global threat. pic.twitter.com/wkK6hR4Tm9

— Select Committee on China (@ChinaSelect) May 19, 2026

Government Accountability Institute Vice President Eric Eggers says the document is less a genuine reckoning than a product shaped by Kamala Harris’s political interests, and that its most revealing quality is what it leaves out.

“One of the takeaways is that Democrats did better down-ballot with Kamala Harris than if Joe Biden had stayed on,” Eggers said. “I think that’s just the most absurd takeaway from what happened in 2024.”

The report says nothing about the Biden-Trump debate that effectively ended Biden’s candidacy.

It does not acknowledge that Harris received the nomination without a primary.

And it is silent on Gaza and Israel, despite both dominating the campaign conversation.

DNC Chair Ken Martin, releasing the document under duress, offered little in the way of endorsement.

“I’m not proud of this product,” Martin said. “It does not meet my standards and it won’t meet your standards. I don’t endorse what’s in this report or what’s left out of it.”

For Eggers, Martin’s own resistance to releasing the report tracks with the chairman’s larger record. Martin spent roughly fifteen years running the Minnesota Democratic Party while the Feeding Our Future fraud ring — the largest such scandal before California’s — unfolded on his watch.

The financial picture of the DNC today, Eggers argues, reflects those same instincts. The RNC currently holds $123.9 million cash on hand. The DNC holds $14.4 million against $17.5 million in debt.

“The Democrats are having massive money trouble,” Eggers said. “They apparently bought a fundraising list from the Harris campaign for around $6 million. They’re sending money to offices in places like Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands where it’s not really going to help control a congressional race.”

On the question of replacing Martin, Eggers takes a contrarian view: the greater threat to the Democratic Party isn’t Martin’s continued tenure — it’s what fills the vacuum if he goes.

“If you get rid of him — then who? The far left wing of the party is the one clamoring for him to get out,” Eggers said. “Ken Martin is essentially the thing holding the radical left from taking over the party.”

That tension shapes the 2028 field. Polls currently show Kamala Harris and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez leading Democratic primary speculation, a dynamic Eggers views as a reflection of name recognition rather than electoral viability. DC insiders are privately circulating names like Andy Beshear and Roy Cooper — a quiet acknowledgment, Eggers argues, that the party’s identity-first candidate selection framework has failed twice running against Donald Trump.

The approval numbers among men underscore the problem. A recent Quinnipiac poll showed Democratic Party approval at 16 percent among men, with 78 percent disapproval. Eggers traces the number directly to the party’s attempts to engineer masculine-coded messaging — including a flannel-shirt ad on behalf of Harris — that he says exposed how little the party understands the constituency it’s trying to reach.

“It looked like an AI simulation of what Democrats think men look like and talk like,” Eggers said, “and it telegraphed that they knew they had a real problem.”

He points to a telling early sign from the other side of the party: Gavin Newsom’s first ten podcast guests after the 2024 election were all white men. “That tells you everything,” Eggers said — a quiet pivot by a potential 2028 contender who had already read the results more honestly than the autopsy his party just released.

Watch the clip above.

California gubernatorial candidate and former Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Becerra’s relationship with the Mexican government doesn’t run through one nonprofit. It runs through many.

Newly detailed investigative reporting from the Government Accountability Institute tracks Becerra’s long-standing, documented relationships with several of the most politically powerful migrant nonprofits in the country, including those with deep, operational ties to the Mexican government.

UnidosUS: Decades of Alignment

UnidosUS, formerly the National Council of La Raza and one of the largest Latino advocacy organizations in America, has been a Becerra ally for decades. GAI notes the group was created as a militant liberation movement in the 1960s.

By 2024, Mexican government officials were explicitly citing the need to engage UnidosUS to mobilize “citizen participation and collective action” inside the United States.

The relationship with Becerra is both personal and political. His daughter Clarissa interned at UnidosUS in 2012. The organization sponsored and paid for a $600 trip for Becerra to attend their Philadelphia conference in 2005.

When Becerra was nominated to lead HHS in 2020, UnidosUS supported his nomination and shepherded him throughout his Senate confirmation process. He has repeatedly spoken at their events.

In Arizona, a UnidosUS director participated in a January 2025 meeting hosted at the Phoenix Mexican Consulate. The event featured a who’s who of top Mexican officials and was centered on how Mexico could help counter the immigration policies of the incoming Trump administration.

UnidosUS’s work on civic engagement, political advocacy, and get-out-the-vote efforts frequently intersects with Mexico’s U.S. agenda, as seen in partnerships with groups like Mi Familia Vota and Unidos’s own Civics for All program.

CHIRLA: “My Family”

CHIRLA, a group who Becerra describes as part of his “family,” is another nonprofit whose influence looms large over the gubernatorial hopeful.

CHIRLA has been a close ally of Becerra’s since 2015. Last April, the group issued their official endorsement, vowing to “work hard to get him elected” because of his support for immigrants.

CHIRLA’s ties to Mexico span more than two decades. In 1995 Mexico gave CHIRLA computers to track hate crimes. Since then, the two have worked closely on various events, including workshops for illegal migrants hosted at consular offices. CHIRLA’s CEO even received the Mexican Government’s prestigious Ohtli Award in 2015.

What exactly does CHIRLA do when they are not working with Mexico’s consulates?

In addition to providing services for migrants, CHIRLA mobilizes anti-ICE rallies and deploys legal observers at ICE operations. The group also conducts voter outreach initiatives.

During the 2024 election, CHIRLA placed a Mobile Voting Center in a Los Angeles migrant hub, notably, right near the Mexican Consulate.

All the while, they have collected millions in taxpayer money.

CHIRLA’s government grant revenue was nearly $34 million in 2022. The group was awarded nearly $1 million in grants for citizenship and naturalization services during the Biden presidency.

Last summer, Rep. Jim Jordan (R-OH) launched a House Judiciary investigation of CHIRLA on suspicion that the group was using taxpayer funding to support protests in Los Angeles. Before the probe officially opened, the Trump administration clawed back more than $100,000 in federal funding for the group.

CARECEN: The Earmark and the Consul General

Becerra has also kept a close working relationship with CARECEN-LA, another nonprofit with deep ties to the Mexican government. He has held press conferences at CARECEN offices, spoken at their events, and sponsored a $100,000 congressional earmark directly benefiting the organization in 2009.

CARECEN’s Mexican government ties are so embedded that they appear in the group’s own job listings. An administrative assistant posting on their website explicitly lists “scheduling clients for appointments with the Mexican Consulate” as a core responsibility.

The organization has spent years partnering with Mexico on citizenship workshops and immigration classes with Consuls General. In August 2014, Becerra spoke at CARECEN about asylum policy. Days later, Mexico’s Consul General appeared at the same organization for a workshop.

Taken together, the reporting reveals the extent of Becerra’s ties to Mexico’s U.S. infrastructure and California’s most powerful migrant NGO networks. What those ties could mean for California under a Becerra governorship remains an open question.