Sikhs in the UK celebrated a victory of sorts today with the news that the national broadcaster, the BBC, ‘regretted’ comments made by a presenter on their digital radio station, the BBC Asian Network. On 13 March, DJ Nihal Arthanayake had suggested on his daily call-in show that Sikhi was “made up from other religions i.e. Islam and Hinduism” [see related article]. When corrected by a listener who texted in to challenge the presenter’s comments, Nihal showed shocking arrogance in asserting that he himself was correct and replied that he knew “more about your religion than you do”. But today’s news is only a victory of sorts with Lord Inderjit Singh of the Network of Sikh Organisations describing it as “not a very good sorry” and in this writer’s humble opinion, a mere bone to keep us from tackling the real problem.

The daily call-in show on the BBC Asian Network has been steadily gaining in notoriety over the last 18 months fuelled largely by an increasing move towards discussions that court controversy. From 1pm-3pm, Monday to Friday, listeners tune in to hear the presenter, callers and occasionally guests debate a topical issue that is usually relating to a section of the South Asian community, followed by a sparse selection of music and further, more light-hearted discussion. Sometimes the initial debates have been incredibly engaging and informative, on other occasions they are needlessly provocative and disparaging.

In recent months, I have been called upon as a contributor to the show a handful of times, speaking live on air as a Sikh voice and I have publicly commended the production team of the show on two separate occasions for talking about challenging issues that are otherwise ignored by mainstream media. Following a discussion show about the recent Immortal Productions release ‘Jaago’ , a show to which I contributed by a pre-arranged telephone call, I took to Twitter to voice how fair I thought the production team had been in allowing Sikhs such as myself to make our voices heard about the rife corruption, inequality and poverty prevalent in the Indian State of Punjab over the last sixty years. Having been in Sikh political circles for over two decades now, I was unsurprised by the immediate level of hate I received from fellow Sikhs for being seen to ‘support’ Nihal and the BBC Asian Network on that occasion, but it did make me realise that Nihal in particular seemed to be drawing much of the ire. Whilst this is to some extent deserved, it would be foolish to reason that replacing the presenter might provide scope to change direction. But this is a difficult reality to impart upon a very unforgiving Sikh diaspora. I made the mistake of trying to explain to a young Sikh female on Facebook that a presenter of a call-in show usually acts in accordance with the briefing given to them by the production team, who in-turn are loosely guided by the direction given to them from the station controller or management, and that if she did have any complaints here they ought best be directed towards the BBC as well as the individual. She proceeded to reply that I must be a blind fan of Nihal’s and was planning on giving him a siropa. Oh the joys of ‘debating’ on social media(!)

It troubles me deeply that Sikhs like so many other community groups are becoming akin to Shelley’s raging mob, unwilling – or I dread to think, incapable – of analysing an issue, deliberating over it and then drawing a conclusion from a broad range of possible choices. If we had done so, then it might become clearer to see that Nihal, whilst not without responsibility for some of the very inaccurate and insensitive remarks made about the Sikh way of life, is essentially perpetuating ideas that exist about Sikhs in both the political establishment and mainstream media of this country. Those ideas have gone unchallenged for too long at the influential levels of western society from where they might lead to change. Not only are those who speak on our behalf responsible by their failures, but so are we as a Panth. Government ministers, newspaper editors and broadcast media producers take their lead on issues from a variety of sources, but give credence to those who speak with a respected authority such as authors, academics and researchers. The UK Sikh community is factional and largely has been since the dying days of the then powerful national Sikh network of the early 1990s, but the gravest result of this is only now being seen, as an over-zealous attitude for photo opportunities and insignificant public discourse has become de rigger at the cost of vibrant think-tanks, funded research programmes and encouragement of individual scholarly achievement in the field of Sikh studies. This last year I taught Naujawani.com’s Sikh Studies course to students from five different London universities, but failed to register any interest amongst students from Kings College London. This is the same Kings College London that is home to the India Institute – a partnership with Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru university providing research and teaching on contemporary India – the contrast in investment made into research and policy is startling and that is only one small example of where we are lagging behind those who wish to define Sikhi to suit their own agenda. If we are to see a change in the way we are defined, then we must invest in academic study, reputable publishing and professional public dialogue. Long term change on this issue will not come through reactionary gesturing in the popular Punjabi media, lobbying MPS or building yet more marble-clad Gurdware.

Today’s news report brings with it some hope though, that as we saw with the Rajoana issue over the last two months, young generations of Sikhs in the west who for so long have been derided as uninterested and disconnected to their roots are anything but. The fact that so many young Sikhs here knew that Guru Nanak established a unique way of life, not derived from the Hindu dharam or Islamic faith, is a positive sign especially when one considers how freely certain interest groups have been promoting Sikhi as being intrinsically connected to Hindu dharam in recent years. But the focus of energy towards one individual or even one media outlet, without connecting the proverbial dots and moving on to battle the real foe, will mean that we will come back to face this very situation again, in years if not months to come.

FlyRights App from the Sikh Coaltion (photo: fly-rights.org)

By now, you have likely heard of the smartphone app (available for iPhone and Android devices) released by the Sikh Coalition called FlyRights, which was released yesterday (April 30), and is free of cost. The news of this app’s release has spread virally among news outlets and has been applauded by other civil rights organizations and the general public.

FlyRights allows travelers (Sikh or otherwise) to now report complaints to the TSA and Department of Homeland Security (DHS) if they feel that they have been racially profiled by TSA agents.

Based on past experiences, it is an app I wish I had before, but I’m glad that it’s available now.

During one occasion that I was taking a vacation out of the country, I had received extra scrutiny and searches of my carry-on luggage by TSA agents prior to boarding a flight that other passengers had not. After I had cleared the additional inspections, a fellow passenger approached me and asked:

“Does this happen to you all the time?”

My response was to tell him that no, it doesn’t always happen, but it does happen and I’ve learned to expect it. There have been other occasions when I was pulled aside by a border agent so that they could search through my travel and identity documents with a proverbial fine-toothed comb. Of course, they find nothing to object to in their investigation, and I am released to rush and catch my connection while I shake my head.

It’s also not a particularly enjoyable experience to walk through a metal detector, knowing that I will almost always be escorted to an area enclosed in glass (I’ve seen this characterized as a “glass cage”) where a TSA agent arrives to give me an extra patdown in full view of other passengers. I also know that these agents are at liberty to take me to a private room and order that I remove my turban for additional searches. On my last bout of air travel, as I was being patted down by a TSA agent as part of his additional screening of me, I looked to my left and right, and in the security lanes on either side of me were other South Asians who were being similarly treated.

I know that the severity of my experiences have been relatively minor compared to what many others have reported in terms of racial profiling or treatment by TSA agents. Nonetheless, the potential for my rights to be violated at the mercy of the TSA is always in the back of my mind when I travel.

It’s interesting, because if you read the TSA blog, you find countless instances where the TSA has confiscated firearms (sometimes, loaded) and other dangerous weapons from people who attemped (intentionally or not) to bring them aboard an aircraft. I would be interested to know how many of these people were South Asian, or Sikhs, or wore turbans. My hunch is that, overwhelmingly, the people carrying these weapons are not from among those identities. However, the TSA is not particularly transparent, and despite that they have not likely found any instances Sikhs attempting to bring such weapons aboard an aircraft, the TSA insists on inspecting our turbans in search of residue from explosives.

Moreover, I acknowledge that the agents working for the DHS (including the TSA) are usually very polite, even when one US Immigration agent at an airport suggested that I change my name to avoid problems when traveling in the future. Such courtesy acts only as an anesthetic when our rights are violated.

For the record, the TSA publicly disowns the use of racial profiling techniques in official statements. However, as Amardeep Singh of the Sikh Coalition stated:

“The TSA to their credit will always say, ‘We don’t profile. Profiling is wrong, and it’s counterproductive.’ The problem is that, in our estimation, the TSA has way too long a leash on their screeners. So they’re getting to have their cake and eat it, too. They can say don’t profile, but they take no effective measures to prevent it.”

This is a very profound statement. Even when we know that racial profiling is not effective, many continue to espouse the use of racial profiling as a tool to combat terrorism. One only needs to look at the statements made by recent US Presidential-hopeful Rick Santorum on national television or, in another instance, during a campaign stop:

Describing his own profile – “a 53-year-old, Italian-American, who grew up in a steel town, who used to be a United States senator” – Santorum went on to say he’d be happy to be searched if he fit the profile of a terrorist.

If someone seeking the office of President of the United States can openly endorse racial profiling, how can we be sure that agents and officials within the TSA do not share the same view, especially when we are not assured that safeguards and audits are in place to prevent agents from searching people simply based on religion or appearance?

Complaints about the TSA and the use of racial profiling by Sikhs and the general population are commonplace, but these are often not submitted as official complaints to the TSA. It may be that once the episode is over, a passenger who believes she/he has been profiled chooses to just move on and not get involved in additional paperwork or disruption, or they are reluctant to engage with the organization they feel has violated their rights.

I believe that the FlyRights app is a precedent-setting and marvelous leverage of technology to allow passengers to easily submit an official complaint to the TSA/DHS and to the Sikh Coalition on their smartphone, and almost at the point of contact. It is important to note that the Sikh Coalition – as a third party – also receives a record of the complaint (should this option be selected by the complainant). It is also reported that the TSA has authorized the use of FlyRights to submit a complaint, so it comes with that agency’s endorsement as well.

Developed by iconify, it should also be mentioned that FlyRights reportedly took its genesis when community members came up with the concept of a smartphone-based system. The application’s development and release is an example of what can be achieved not only when we engage with our civil rights organizations (rather than lament that they are not doing enough), but also when we bring our talents, abilities and time in support of our community.

Regarding the application itself, I have installed FlyRights on my Android phone, and it seems to run very well. There are about 20 straightforward questions to be filled out in the report, most of which are selectable options. FlyRights also provides links to official lists of traveler’s rights for the general population and for Sikhs, keeping these as a handy reference for travelers.

I’ll take some facetious liberty in saying that I can’t wait until the next time that I suspect that I have been racially profiled when I’m traveling, so I can get to use the FlyRights app on my phone to record my experience. When we can collect data, we can develop actionable steps to reduce the experiences that Sikhs and others have gone through in which their civil rights have potentially been undermined. In my opinion, the development of this app is a major step in empowering people to protect their civil liberties.

[Cross-posted from americanturban.com]

May 1st is the original “Labor Day” in the US.  On May 1, 1886, 100,000 workers went on strike in Chicago demanding an eight-hour work day.  They were met with violent repression from the police who killed four and injured many more.  A massive rally against police brutality was organized in the coming days at Haymarket Square where violence escalated.  Martial law was declared in Chicago, and police arrested hundreds of activists.  The “Chicago Eight” were arrested and convicted solely because of their political beliefs.  Seven were sentenced to death, and four were eventually hanged.  Hanged for being freedom-fighters.  Sound familiar?

In more recent years, May Day has become a mass day of action for immigrant workers rights here in the United States as well.  In 2006, literally millions of immigrants and allies took to the streets in the midst of draconian anti-immigrant legislation working its way through the halls of Congress in the first “Day Without Immigrants.”

90 percent of truckers did not show up for work at the Port of Los Angeles, 27 percent of students did not show up for school. In the Central and Imperial Valleys, farm tools lay idle in the biggest agricultural work stoppage in California’s history. Corporations like Perdue, Cargill, and Swift preemptively gave workers the day off in an effort to save face and minimize production losses. In New York, whole neighborhoods closed as Korean and Latino business shuttered their windows. (see: http://maydaynyc.org/history)

Tomorrow in NYC and elsewhere, the Occupy movement(s) will be joining with the labor movement and the immigrant justice movement in a united front of students, workers, immigrants, and people of conscience from all walks of life to demand justice.  From a free “people’s university” and tenants’ general assembly to group meditation, choir convergences, and performances by Das Racist and Tom Morello, there will be something for everyone tomorrow.  I’m assuming other cities’ actions are similarly full of creative and engaging ways to plug in.  Click here to find an action in your area.

I’ve written previously about the importance of Sikhs standing up both for economic justice and immigrant rights.  These intersecting issues, which will converge in a powerful display of people’s power tomorrow, are critical for our community today in the United States and beyond.  These are our issues, and I hope we bring our presence and our voices to these historic actions taking place in hundreds of cities around the world tomorrow.

Our fellow langa(w)r-iter – Navdeep Singh highlighted the dominant pop genre of Punjabi music that celebrates nihilism and suicide through political complicity and destitution.  Today, we highlight another form of music that has reached new heights in the shadow of the Shaheed.

UK-based producer Tru-Skool’s latest dharmic-track, ‘Beant Satwant Da Badla‘, which will be part of the 10th Shaheedi Immortality album, has topped the BBC Official Asian Download Chart this weekend gone. This isn’t the first time one of the Shaheedi Immorality tracks has been on the BBC Asian Network playlist (Tigerstyle’s Son of a Sardar and Jhooldey Kesri Chande have previously been played by Bobby Friction, Nihal & Adil Ray amongst others), and some would argue this track isn’t pushing the envelope musically or lyrically, since the Immortal Production (IP) collective have been putting out similar tracks for the past 10 years. So, what’s different, and is this a flash-in-the-pan riding on the back of kesri lehar, or is there more?

Click here to view the embedded video.

Previous IP tracks were given play time on the BBC courtesy of their association with Tigerstyle, who are well respected in the UK as innovative producers, rather than for the tracks themselves; diligent listeners will have noted that the songs were also edited to remove ‘controversial’ lyrics. In Jhooldey Kesri Chandey, for example, the first thirty seconds or so contained part of a speech by Baba Jarnail Singh Bhindrawale, and was removed entirely. Beant Satwant Da Badla, by contrast, has received air time by virtue of being the most officially download ‘asian’ track last week in the UK and was played unedited.

When introducing the song as the number one track, Bobby Friction clearly acknowledges the song’s political content, and it’s narration of a much discussed and debated part of recent Indian history. The fact he felt compelled to highlight this, either as a personal initiative, or because he was required to by the BBC, is significant, as it locates the track not simply as a ‘TruSkool’ production, or just another ‘Asian’ track, but a highly political piece of music in it’s own right. This is important, because it propels the issue of 1984, human rights, indian politics etc, very abruptly into the listeners conscience in a way I don’t think we’ve seen before, at least in the mainstream media outlets in the UK such as the BBC. That this track was the most popular ‘officially’ downloaded track should also be of note, since it suggests the community, most likely the younger generation, is willing to show more than just moral support on twitter or facebook, and actually pay for a track they perceive as being worthwhile to them.

TruSkool’s track wasn’t alone.  In North America, this past weekend saw Revolution Records release its newest album – JAKARA.  The album promoted by various Canadian and American Sikh organizations has seen a meteoric rise, akin to that of TruSkool’s song.  It has even risen to the top of Apple iTunes’ charts.

Jakara is set to be Revolution Records’ third album and features renowned artists such as, Jaz Dhami, Manak-E, HS Talwar, Kaka Mohanwalia, Balraj, Jaswinder Daghamia, Micky Sra, Street Kings, TwinBeats, Gupsy Aujla, Sachin Ahuja, DJ Intense, Gurmeet Singh, Randy Jassal, Harvi Bachu, Violinder and more.

Whether these dharmic tracks, on their own, will catalyse a mass movement or raise awareness amongst a critical mass in the UK, US, Canada, Punjab (or anywhere else for that matter) is unlikely, but I think that as a component of a mult-faceted approach that covers education and political engagement, amongst others, they definitely have something to offer.

Check out the promo from Revolution Record’s album – JAKARA and make sure to support this album, that of TruSkool, and other music that has substance.

NYC's Annual Sikh Day Parade

Consequently, I began thinking a lot about the significance of the Bana that Guru Gobind Singh gave us in 1699.  What a fearless, defiant act of revolutionary love it was for Sikhs to wear their identity so visibly in a time when they faced such severe violent repression.  A time when it was dangerous to be a Sikh, where being a Sikh meant you were an enemy of the empire, a threat, where there was a price on your head, a target on your back.  Yet rather than blending into Indian society and building its movement for sovereignty and justice subversively, the Khalsa wore its identity loudly and proudly so everyone knew very clearly who a Sikh was.

I think about this today as more and more of cut our hair because we can’t take the torment of bullying in schools any more or trim our beards so we look more “professional” at our corporate jobs.  Bana seems to have lost its appeal to many, for an ever-expanding list of reasons.  Looking back at our history, it never has been easy.  And perhaps that is part of the point.  I wouldn’t wish the traumatic experience of racist harassment on anyone, but I know very well that I wouldn’t be the person I am today without all the struggles I have dealt with because of my Sikh identity.

In a time of increasing vigilante murders of unarmed people wearing hoodies, hijabs, or turbans, choosing to maintain our articles of faith or identity in a time when those very articles are vilified is truly a revolutionary act, just as it was when the Sikh uniform was created in 1699.

This Vaisakhi, I salute not only my Sikh sisters and brothers who continue representing the Khalsa spirit through their Bana (and otherwise), but all those of other communities who stand proudly in their religious or cultural garb even when everything in our society is telling them they are wrong, they are the enemy, they are outsiders/foreigners/terrorists.

A few weeks ago Arab American activist Linda Sarsour said, “My hijab is my hoodie.“  In that spirit of solidarity and in celebration of the 314th Vaisakhi, I say, my turban is your hijab, your hoodie, your kippah, your kufi, your dreadlocks—our collective resistance.

Panth Ki Jeet!

Ten years on, and this case is no longer an anomaly. Stories about Punjabis of all genders, classes, religions, and ages injecting themselves with things like horse respiratory medicine are not even remotely funny. Or uncommon. Virtually everybody in Punjab has a story about drug abuse. 75% of Punjab’s youth is addicted to drugs. 60% of ALL illegal drugs found in India are confiscated in Punjab. Drug abuse in Punjab is no laughing matter, but laughing about alcohol is apparently still okay because the problem in Punjab has nothing to do with alcohol. It’s all about the drugs. Many of this relative’s other stories were and still are more socially acceptable for us to laugh at because they involved drunk Punjabi men falling off tractors or scooters.

And there is no awkwardness at laughing at the following well-executed parody by Jus Reign of the “drunk uncle, who provides for great entertainment” and includes the drunk uncle dancing with a glass on his head, falling down, and generally behaving like an idiot. We don’t see the drunk uncle as having an actual problem. It’s just alcohol, after all, and not anything “serious.” (The section I am referring to starts at 2:41 and ends at 3:25.)

Click here to view the embedded video.

Jus Reign is one of my favorite comedians, not just because his humor is aimed at Punjabis (although that helps), but because he is genuinely funny and tackles issues in a way that doesn’t go for a quick laugh. He sometimes has a social point that he makes, but wraps it up in “comedy” like “WTF Punjabi Music Industry?” (listen at 1:42). The “drunk-unc” sketch is a well executed comedy sketch, but a drunk uncle is different than an alcoholic uncle, when it would hopefully not be funny. Jus Reign’s comedy comes from actual family members and his own observations of life, so, this next question is in earnest: how far off are we from a parody about the irresponsible, but lovable, heroin-addicted uncle?

While drug abuse is completely out in the open in Punjab, it isn’t socially acceptable to casually reference it in popular music originating in Punjab. Right? To clarify, I’m not talking about musicians of Punjabi descent who live in Western Counties and sing their bhangra pop bits, or “Punjabi” rappers like Bohemia, who raps about (amongst other things) doing cocaine, smoking weed, and being estranged from his family members because of it. Or Honey Singh, who is from Punjab and seeks to “bring to light,” some kind of a social message. I’m not exactly sure what that message is, but he’s apparently keeping it real. In “Dope Shope,” he raps/sings about girls on yachts who are inevitably loose, take “dope-shope,” and are solely responsible for tarnishing Punjabiyan di shaan by drinking large quantities of vodka that destroys their livers.

“Niri suki vodka na mariya karo, thoda bohut Limca vi pa lia karo/
Ainvi mitti vich rol na Punjabiyan di shaan.”

He even tries to help the girls and their livers out by suggesting they mix their vodka with some Limca. He insists that the overarching message of his songs is rooted in a moral: “if you’re a girl, don’t do dope-shope or drink alcohol straight. It isn’t proper. And is mittying up Punjabiyan di Shaan.”

Like their hip-pop counterparts, they are talented musicians, but the songs really aren’t about any moral issues anymore than “I’ve Got Hoes in Different Area Codes” is about empowering women of different ethnicities. It’s about exaggerating the lifestyle of a playa: parties, fast cars, plenty of bling, and creating a piece of music that is entertaining. And Punjabi musicians are certainly not lacking in the talent department. Honey Singh is talented and has clearly studied the art of 16 bars, effective hooks, and creating an energizing mood throughout the piece. If you can skip the content of his songs, if his talent isn’t obvious, he also has a degree from the prestigious Trinity College of Music, which is no joke. Bohemia, on the other hand took the more street thug approach – he grew up poor in Oakland, lost his mother to cancer, and now apparently lives the thug life, which is what all of his songs are about. Artists like these, and plenty of others like RDB, Nindy Kaur, and a host of others all know their stuff, and deliver on simple, catchy lyrics with a good beat. Try listening to any of their songs and not wanting to sing along, or stomp your feet and yell “bruaahhh.” Try it. Didn’t work, did it? But there aren’t any moral issues at play here. And the real question is, should there be? If they don’t make grand proclamations of getting Punjabis to be aware of Bhagat Singh, and just claim they’re entertainers, does that solve it? Lil Kim or Jay Z or Ludacris don’t have any particularly deep songs. They are just entertainers too, right?

To return to Honey Singh’s “Dope Shope” song for a minute: those who are addicted to drugs in Punjab aren’t getting high to go party on a yacht. They are strung out on the streets, begging for 30-300 rupees to get some knock off synthetic drug to last them a couple of hours. The abuse of drugs for those who live in metropolitan cities in India, or in Western countries, is born out of a totally different experience than what has been ripping through Punjab like a tornado, apparently unnoticed. And now it can’t be ignored. Not by Punjabis. Not by India. And not by the world press.

There is a New York Times article from April 18, 2012 that was severely disappointing in its scope, but a much more in-depth one from just a few days ago from Tehelka is definitely worth reading. Neither of these are exactly “news,” to anyone who has even a mild interest in the state of affairs in Punjab, but this is a rather chilling story. Not just because 75% of Punjab’s youth are addicted to drugs (that’s one addict in every third family). Not even because 60% of all drugs in India are confiscated in Punjab. But because of this: “India’s Election Commission said that some political workers were actually giving away drugs to try to buy votes. More than 110 pounds of heroin and hundreds of thousands of bottles of bootleg liquor were seized in raids. During the elections, party workers in some districts distributed coupons that voters could redeem at pharmacies.”

It’s a sign of manliness in Punjab to go to one of the million thekas littered throughout Punjab – small shops selling legit and bootleg alcohol where Punjabis can get their booze early in the morning or late at night with misspelled generic names like “Scartish Whiskey” manufactured in Uttar Pradesh. Or spend less than a couple rupees and get old school moonshine in plastic packets, with saunf and a limca to wash it down, delivered right to your tractor. It has been so ingrained in our psyche that Punjabi munde should drink massive amounts of alcohol and be able to handle it. That’s why you’ve never heard a song about Punjabi boyz drinking patiala pegs, then stumbling, slurring their words, and vomiting all over each other’s shoes. They’re always coordinated and slurring just enough to be funny and “cute,” but not enough to be unsexy (like PBN’s “Fitteh Moo”).

All of our revered legends of Punjabi music have sung songs in praise of alcohol. From Asa Singh Mastana to Bindrakhia to Gurdas Mann to Malkit Singh. And these days, virtually every single Punjabi singer’s collection features tracks about alcohol and girls. Nobody seems to have anything else to say. But why is it that Punjab is the only state in India that makes it incredibly easy for unregulated alcohol to be sold at thekas? You can find two or three at ever mile marker (I’m not kidding). You don’t see that anywhere in U.P. or Maharashtra or Himachal Pradesh. Is that Pakistan’s fault or some ISA conspiracy?

You can probably name twenty songs dealing with alcohol, but since that is clearly not the problem (Punjab only has a drug problem, you see. That’s what needs to be stopped), I’m going to talk about someone else: Geeta Zaildar, an unlikely segue into my discussion on drugs.

When I first heard Geeta Zaildar’s song “Chitte Suit te Daag Pe Gia,” I thought it was quite catchy. And I have yet to find someone who listens to the song and doesn’t feel like belting out the chorus. In terms of a catchy hook, it’s up there with “duppata tera sat rang da,” “Unhh,” (Biggie) and Kriss Kross’s “Jump.”  Okay, maybe those last two were just me. The point is, it is catchy and has the formulaic “hook” that everyone sings along to. He also has a fantastic voice, there is a good beat, and a typical storyline: girl is mock angry with boy because he isn’t paying attention to her; this issue will be resolved by the end of the song, and there is rain.

But there was a line in there that surprised me, considering that most of his other songs are standard boy-girl light drama. He doesn’t do those testosterone-filled macho man songs with whiskey spilling from the cups, is never off shooting guns for no reason, or in a night club with or without sunglasses and a crew. But then again, neither was Diljit up until a few years ago (read about it here). Anyway, I listened to the stanza again. Here is a version that someone took the time to translate into English. Overall, they capture the gist of the song, but watch the bit that translates to “You pulled the covers and went to sleep,” followed by “you can gain your freedom.” Not even close to what the Punjabi translates to. Watch from 1:29:

Click here to view the embedded video.

Here are the lyrics in Gurmukhi and Romanized Punjabi:

The word “soota,” is a verb, meaning to inhale smoke. It doesn’t take a genius to figure out what he has been smoking that would knock him out for the entire night, not even waking up when his “jaan” repeatedly bangs on the door, yells at him through the window, and calls him repeatedly on the phone. After he invited her round. The line after that, in good jovial fun, she questions their relationship continuing because he has become not just a “vaili,” (a drug addict), but “vaili ho gia bhara”: he has become a heavy drug addict. But he seems fine after he wakes up, completely functional; he smiles and everything is all good. So, perhaps she was just over-reacting to this Punjabi munda doing what Punjabi munde do: having a little soota here and there? That Miss Pooja – she be tripping.

Is this a new norm for Punjabi songs? Casual references to drugs like it’s no big deal? Just part of the narrative. Like having a peg-sheg, riding a Bullet motorcycle, or whistling at kudiyan on GT Road. Will we still have the girls running through mustard fields in the songs, the men wearing turbans for part of the song, and then taking a break to shoot some heroin or cow tranquilizer? Will they still be wearing their karras to reprezent? Will there be a song from a Punjabi singer equivalent to Afro-Man’s “Because I Got High?” Just another catchy, beat-driven song? Maybe I just need to get with the times and start supporting Punjabi music regardless of what it’s about because it’s in Punjabi, has a good beat, and the lyrics are catchy. It is, after all, only entertainment, and is helping keep the Punjabi language and a semblance of the culture alive (yay?).

Nashe Harao: Defeat Intoxicants. Good plan. How?

Clearly the problem in Punjab then has nothing to do with alcohol. But those drugs, man, that’s where the real problem is. Not soota though. Soota is okay. It’s those Pakistani ISA agents trying to destroy Punjab and those crafty drug smugglers bringing their poisons to Punjab. Nothing to do with our own politicians, who couldn’t possibly be complicit what with those impassioned speeches they’ve been making. Oh wait, last time they said anything about it was . . .  during the elections. And the agricultural policies that our politicians put into place couldn’t have anything to do with it. What possible link could there be? Certainly, none. Isolate the problem. Check! Simplify the problem. Check! And then blast it (pending), because that always works out well. Then we can have Apna Punjab again, drink our ghar di sharab (to reiterate: not the problem), and have our mooley with the ganda – is there any other way?

So the real issue is drugs, and the staggering statistics, like 75% of youth in Punjab are addicted to drugs, and yes that includes the girls, too, when they’re not running through mustard fields in their traditional outfits. Despite these statistics, according to politicians, the solution is actually very simple. In India, it’s all Pakistan’s fault. In Pakistan, it’s all Afghanistan’s fault. Who knows whom Afghanistan will put the blame on. And let’s just forget that there are plenty of places in India and Pakistan where it’s 100% legal to grow opium and marijuana plants, the latter, which grow like weeds all over the country. But let’s just blame the “foreign” smugglers who are crossing over into India with heroin – the drug for those with money, which has given rise to the cheaper alternative “synthetic drugs” – and prescription medicine that is injected into the bloodstream and can deliver highs for several hours.

The other solutions, like de-addiction centers, prey on families who have money and are absolutely desperate to try and help their sons or daughters. Yes, daughters too. Since it isn’t official (not that this means much), many of these centres are unlicensed, and are business-oriented, offering “luxurious facilities” or rapid results, or others that try to beat the addiction out of them using belts, or by getting you addicted to another drug, like Buprenorphine, for repeat business. And unlike detox centers in Western countries, they don’t need to get permission from the addict. A team comes in a van, grabs the son or daughter, and forces them into “treatment.” There are, of course, legitimate de-addiction centers, but the problem goes much deeper than placing blame on one or two things, especially when you have politicians buying votes with drugs and then making speeches about how something must be done about it.

Unemployment is high in Punjab for a variety of reasons, rooted in approved Agricultural laws on both sides of Punjab that have allowed companies like Monsanto to gain a stranglehold on farmers by copyrighting genetically modified seeds, forcing farmers to take out loans to pay for pesticides (amongst many other things). In unrelated news, Monsanto is in Afghanistan and Iraq. And this brought about an influx of loan sharks who took (and continue to take) full advantage of the vulnerable position the farmers are in by charging extortionate rates, ultimately resulting in an epidemic of farmer suicides, whose families then had to deal with the aftermath – psychologically and financially. So it’s not particularly shocking that many of those who are drawn towards drugs (definitely not alcohol though) are from villages and agricultural areas. But using these synthetic drugs has now become more widespread because of its social acceptance, especially amongst the youth, even in towns and cities that aren’t directly connected to agriculture, like Chandigarh. Walk into Punjab University or Khalsa College and odds are you will find someone to supply low grade synthetic drugs, and heroin. Out in the streets of Punjab, nobody can even be bothered to hide it anymore. They’re just out in the alleys, side-streets, open spaces, enclosed spaces, in groups, or alone just doing their thing all over Punjab, from Lahore to Mohali. Even in Amritsar, steps from Harmandir Sahib, the Golden Temple.

Tell me I’m not the only one who sees the parallel between what the government tried to do during the 1980s, but couldn’t because of the ideological movement (contrary to popular belief, violence did not define it). What failed then is working today (for now). Now, when we are told that alcohol is in our D.N.A., part of our cultural heritage, we fully embrace it through music, through parties, through weddings. We sometimes don’t even have qualms with having the wedding ceremony at the Gurdwara in the morning, and getting drunk in the evening for the reception. And what better way to squash any resistance to things that matter than to silence an entire generation by plying them with not just alcohol, but drugs too, effectively guaranteeing they will not be thinking about anything other than where to get their next hit.

Guru Nanak Dev Ji with Bhai Mardana and Bhai Bala

Remember that just a year before the revolution in Egypt, people would complain about corruption on every level like it was just one of those things that had to be accepted as part of life. In Punjab, we kick up a fuss every so often by marching in the streets or burning effigies to protest (insert cause here) and then we get sidetracked and forget all about it. In the “West,” we pride ourselves on churning out numbers to protest marches, social media campaigns, but none of this has really sparked a revolution or any meaningful change that I have seen. In two months, thousands of people will pour into the streets with banners condemning the Indian Government for their role in 1984. There will be signs for Khalistan, and Bhai Balwant Singh Rajoana. We will update our status on Facebook and Twitter. And then, we will get sidetracked by something else. Whatever happened to that whole Bhai Balwant Singh Rajoana thing? Did we “win?” (I didn’t get the memo).

During our Gurus’ lifetime, there are obvious differences in the circumstances, but the “nuisances” weren’t so drastically different than they are today.  There was religious persecution, an iron clad caste system, and gender inequalities, amongst a list of many other societal “norms.” Guru Nanak Dev Ji never accepted the way things were – none of our Gurus did. They fought for the way things ought to be as individuals, and for the Panth. In different ways, they fought for the rights of others and some of our Gurus laid down their lives for this basic human right, not just for themselves, but for all human beings, regardless of their beliefs. And these basic human rights – to live with dignity, free from oppression are being -what feels like – systematically deprived specifically in Punjab. Elsewhere, you don’t find thekas so easily accessible outside offices, schools, places of worship, residential areas. But you do in Punjab. This strategy is not new. You don’t find this in Maharastra. You don’t find this in Goa, or Kerala. Or anywhere else in the country. And they drink plenty of alcohol, and even have their own version of turra (moonshine).

The revolutionary spirit extends beyond what our Gurus accomplished as individuals, but what they contributed for the Panth. It lies in every poetic verse, raag, and the powerful concepts in the Guru Granth Sahib, which were all well ahead of their time, and still cannot be fully grasped, such as the idea that God exists within all of us mere mortals. But what our Gurus contributed through the Guru Granth Sahib is revolutionary in its own right as a body of work that incorporates not just the wisdom from our Sikh Gurus, but shabads from Muslim and Hindu Bhagats. No other religious text has ever attempted to include ideas from those of other faiths, or to give credence to the idea that there are many paths towards God. There are no passages in the Guru Granth Sahib that threaten someone who isn’t Sikh with burning in the fiery pits of hell or not being able to reach salvation. That idea in itself is revolutionary.

Our Gurus encouraged us all to think and question the world we were born into, and never simply accept things the way they are, but to constantly strive towards how we know things should be based on the teachings of our Gurus. But there don’t seem to be any significant questions from our generation coming out of Punjab, particularly in the arts. Outside of Punjab, there is at least a ripple. There have been some incredibly courageous people in Punjab (not of our generation though) who have sought to change things in their own way, like human rights activist, Jaswant Singh Khalra, Sardar Gursharan Singh, who brought real issues to the streets of Punjab through theater, and Bhagat Puran Singh, who was 19 when he informally began Pingalwara – a home for the destitute and “unwanteds” of Punjab. But these people are  gone now.

Outside of Punjab, there are musicians like Humble the Poet, Jagmeet “Hoodini” Singh, Tanmit Singh of G.N.E., Sikh Knowledge, and Mandeep Sethi, who use their connection to Sikhi to rap about some issues in Punjab, but it is primarily about issues of a more universal nature, or about their experiences living in North America. They have proven that having a beard and a turban, while rapping about real issues and staying true to their ideals can garner a significant audience. And there are musicians and writers of the older generation also who sing and write in Punjabi on issues like female foeticide, or partition, as it relates to them as N.R.I.s, like my father, Punjabi poet and singer Pashaura Singh Dhillon. As with writers like Neesha Meminger, or Nav K Gill, who have watered down the complexity of 1984 to make it palatable to a Young Adult audience outside of Punjab. Or Shonali Bose and Bedabrata Pain, who made the film, “Amu” to tackle the Delhi “riots” — and alluded, as much as they could, to it being congress-lead — in a form palatable to non-Punjabis. And documentary film maker, Harpreet Kaur, who made the “Widow Colony” and most recently, “A Little Revolution,”a documentary about the children of farmers who committed suicides (both films are highly recommended and extremely powerful).

These artists obviously have ties to Punjab in some capacity, but none of these artists live in Punjab, and while their stories are a valuable part of the conversation, the conversation is incomplete without the Punjabi voice from Punjab. Where is it? Not every youth in Punjab is addicted to drugs. And there are plenty that recover from their addiction, and return to the world of bleak futures and temptation to alcohol and drugs at every corner. Perhaps this is where we should be spending more of our time and energy, rather than protesting Bollywood films, or buying that gold karra. Without taking logistics into account (yes, I know it’s kindof a big deal), encouraging a people who love to tell stories and express themselves musically, visually, and through written word, is not difficult.

Who knows – maybe the next Bollywood screenwriter and director will be a sardar from Amritsar, or a former drug addict will pen the next great Indian novel or a Punjabi poetry collection. Or a Punjabi rapper from Punjab will emerge, one who is actually grounded in the history of hip-hop, rather than continuing the trend of hip-pop with girls outnumbering guys at “parties,” plenty of alcohol, and catchy, but vacuous lyrics pervading the genre today. Perhaps, the next Jagjit Singh will have the confidence to take on the world of the ghazal and not be afraid of keeping his Sikh appearance.

I leave you with a poem by revolutionary poet, Habib Jalib. “Jaag Mere Punjab,” which will hopefully reverberate, even decades after he first wrote it, and will transcend East and West Punjab politics, and simply address the issue of Punjab as a whole. And hopefully, we stop being satisfied with the adage, “yeh India/Pakistan hai. Yahan sab kuch chalta hai” and start asking questions inwardly to incite a real change, as small as it may be on how to solve some of the issues that affect Punjab.

Note: “Chala” in the context of this poem means “to ebb” and “Pakistan” represents “an authoritative regime interested in assimilating all subcultures and languages.”

Here is the original version of the poem:

Click here to view the embedded video.

Here is an homage to Habib Jalib’s original, by the Laal Band (this has better audio, but no translation):

Click here to view the embedded video.

Credit: Karaminder Ghuman, Courtesy: The Sikh Coalition

The Sikh community is leading the way to strengthen law that will protect Sikhs and other religious minorities from job discrimination in the workplace.  AB1964 – or the Workplace Religious Freedom Act (WRFA) – has been introduced by Assemblymember Mariko Yamada and is co-sponsored by The Sikh Coalition.  Earlier this week, in a show of community leadership, the California Sikh sangat packed a hearing room in the California Assembly and testified in favor of AB1964.  As a result, the bill passed through the Labor and Employment Committee and will be considered by the Judiciary Committee on Tuesday April 24th.  The Sikh Coalition states that,

This is the first time in California’s history that the Workplace Religious Freedom Act has survived a committee vote, and this is a credit to the power of Sikhs to provide leadership on civil rights issues for all Americans. [link]

Why should Sikhs care about WRFA?

Sikhs suffer high levels of employment discrimination because of their Sikh identity. Many are told to shave their beards; others are told to remove their turbans; some are told that they can only work out of public view. If enacted, WRFA would make it harder in each of these cases for California employers to discriminate against Sikhs.

How would WRFA work?

Under current federal law, employers are required to make ‘reasonable accommodations’ for the religious practices of their employees. Employers can bypass this requirement by showing that such accommodations would impose a minimal difficulty or expense on the employer’s business. WRFA would still allow employers to deny religious accommodations, but only by proving that such accommodations would constitute a significant difficulty or expense. Because it usually costs employers little or nothing to accommodate Sikhs, the new legal standard would make it difficult for employers to discriminate against Sikhs. In addition, WRFA would make it illegal for employers to segregate Sikhs from customers and the general public.

What California Residents Can Do To Help

1. Attend the Judiciary Committee Hearing on April 24th

Community support at the hearing is very important.  Assembly members should see representation of the problem through community presence at the hearing.

Tuesday, April 24th 2012 | Judiciary Committee | 8 a.m. – State Capitol, Room 4202

Sacramento Capitol 1315 10th Street Sacramento, CA 95814

2. Call the offices of committee members

It is critically important to make short phone calls to committee offices. Each call lasts only about one minute, and it is therefore possible to cover all committee offices in about 10 minutes. For your convenience, here is a sample script that you can use:

“Hello. My name is _____, and I am a California resident. I am calling to request that the Assembly Member co-author AB1964, the Workplace Religious Freedom Act. I have lived in California for __ years, and I believe that workers should be judged for their skills instead of their religion.”

Mike Feuer – Chair Dem-42 (916) 319-2042

Donald P. Wagner – Vice Chair Rep-70 (916) 319-2070

Toni Atkins Dem-76 (916) 319-2076

Roger Dickinson Dem-09 (916) 319-2009

Jeff Gorell Rep-37 (916) 319-2037

Alyson Huber Dem-10 (916) 319-2010

Brian W. Jones Rep-77 (916) 319-2077

William W. Monning Dem-27 (916) 319-2027

Bob Wieckowski Dem-20 (916) 319-2020

3. Sign the Petition

The Sikh Coalition has prepared a petition letter that you can automatically send to your representatives in the California legislature.

Click here to view the embedded video.

Sidak, run by Sikh Research Institiute, is a diamond among jewels. It is one program, which after attending, completely changes your outlook on Sikhi, and life – I speak unequivocally when I say there is nothing else like it!

As a graduate of Sidak 2011, I want to share my experience to motivate and inspire whoever reads this to attend, so that you too can join the ranks of people who have enriched and developed their understanding of Sikh culture and history.

The annual retreat, based in Texas may seem daunting, particularly for me—it being my first trip to the US—I arrived with a feeling of trepidation, not fully aware what awaited me in the two weeks ahead. Suffice to say, I was not disappointed.

Sidak provides you with an arena for reflection and introspection; in those two weeks where I gained a meaningful understanding of the application of the Sikh canon, Guru Granth Sahib, to my life as a 19-yr old from Scotland.

I was enrolled on the Sikhi 201 course, which comes with a fair bit of reading (some 500 pages if I remember correctly: not to be taken lightly!) The other two tracks, Sikhi 101 and Gurmukhi 101, are equally interesting and challenging and are pitched perfectly for those at different stages and areas of interest in Sikhi.

Day 1 began with a session led by Harinder Singh, who introduced a topical and controversial question, designed to stimulate and spark debate amongst fellow students. At the end of the session, it was quite clear: the aim of the question was not to find an answer, rather to elucidate the process of reaching one. The framework provided was that of the Gurmat triad: Tvarikh, Bani, Rahit, a recurring theme which is the foundation for all the classes and discussions throughout Sidak.

Sessions could either be joint, amongst students from other tracks, or separate classes, specific to each track. Daily sessions were held on a variety of topics, from the composition of the Guru Granth Sahib, to 1984 and the Panjab Rivers Crisis and each of these were designed to challenge conventionally held beliefs and promote discussion to develop our critical faculties

Engaging in academic debates with your peers leads you down paths of new understanding…..a sort of enlightenment in itself.

Interwoven among all these activities are evenings full of kirtan and bani which provide a rich spiritual experience, bringing you closer to the Guru and building that crucial relationship which numerous Sikhs of the present and past have held dear. It was at these divans where listening to the divine Sabad, you get the opportunity to assimilate the knowledge you amass and link it to something more profound, something greater.

Supporting the daily activities are the wonderful local sangat of San Antonio where each day sevadars work tirelessly to produce culinary delights, and complemented the rich discussions that take place around the dinner table with students from other tracks.

It is evident both in Panjab and the diaspora that leadership is sorely lacking in modern Sikh institutions where young people who cannot channel their energies into their community, struggle with conflicts of identity and try helplessly to engage. At Sidak, the whole team succeeded in creating an inclusive, welcoming atmosphere and participation is encouraged, especially in those basic aspects like ardaas, kirtan and langar seva, which today are regarded as the reserve of the ‘Giani’, but in actual fact are core to building the essential relationship with the Guru.

Sidak isn’t just a camp, but a leadership development program, where you discover your heritage, connect with your Guru and become empowered to not only think and speak about Sikhi, but to live it!

Learn more about Sidak here.

This unique forum brings together researchers, budding scholars, and community members in conversations about some of the most pressing issues.  For this year’s inaugural conference, a theme has been selected: Theeja Ghallughara: On Justice, Memory, and Transmission.  The conference will be held at Simon Frasier University from June 16-17, 2012.  Please help circulate and encourage young scholars to send their abstracts before May 16, 2012 for consideration.

The scope of the conference is global; papers may concentrate on particular localities or regions, or they may present cross-regional comparisons and convergences. We encourage submissions from a broad range of disciplines, methodologies, and perspectives. All approaches will be considered – from medicine, to law, to history, sociology, media studies, etc. so long as they are related to the theme.

You can get more information about the conference at the Sikholars website.

All of our attention shifted towards Punjab last week.  There was some interesting developments early this week.  One is that Voices for Freedom, a non-government organization, based out of Punjab filed a public interest litigation (PIL) petition against the Sukhbir Badal’s appointee for Director General of Police (DGP) Sumedh Saini.  Saini is a well-known human rights abusers and was involved in the many murders, “disappearances”, and torture during the 1980s and 1990s.  From the media reports, while the petition may not go far, hopefully it does center some more attention on just the type of thugs that the the Badal Mafia appoints.

Another note from Punjab came yesterday when the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) of India announced that they would pay Rs. 175,000 (about $3,500) to 1,500 families in the Amritsar district for the murder of their sons.  Of course there is no culpability, just an attempt to buy silence.  Well-known human rights lawyer Navkiran Singh of Chandigarh has rightly state:

It is too little too late and why only from Amritsar District? Khalra gave example of Amritsar district, but wanted an inquiry for the whole of Punjab.  Imagine we had to pursue the matter in the NHRC for 17 years for this little justice.

UPDATE: I just wanted again to stress the lies that KPS Gill has restated for years.  See this interview with an Australian journalist, when asked point-blank about the case of illegal cremations, KPS Gill lies without hesitation.  Contrast this where the NHRC admits it occurred and even pays out money to families, though without casting any blame or responsibility.  I have yet to see a true Indian journalist expose KPS Gill for his lies.  Unfortunately they continue to lionize him, assuring that impunity continues – whether in Punjab, Delhi, Gujarat, Kashmir, and many other regions of South Asia.

Click here to view the embedded video.

Shifting from Punjab, I did want to highlight the dynamism in the diaspora.

@Blighty and @rococo (pagh salute) have highlighted the amazing energies of the UK youth.  Despite claims that generation 2.0 in Canada did not turn out, the Sikh Activist Network and others were successful in popularizing an #iPledgeOrange campaign, as well as protesting Jonathon Kay’s article, attempting to portray Sikhs as “extremists.”  Sikh-Canadian youth, of all walks of life, flooded Kay’s twitter account with their messages, to which even he had to reply:

I gotta hand it to Canadian Sikh activists. They sure know how to marshall the Twitter troops against me and @CBCTerry

— Jonathan Kay (@jonkay) March 30, 2012

However, Sikh-Canadians were hardly limited to the online protests.  Many young Sikhs braved the snow to come out and support the Rally for Rajoana.

Click here to view the embedded video.

If there is a particular diasporic community, where the second generation has been quieter, it is the United States.  The Berkeley SSF took a first initiative in starting a critical forum on facebook as well as a website, in addition to helping organize the protest rally at India’s Consulate in SF.  UC Davis is organizing a discussion to be held today and even covered their greens with orange yesterday.  The Jakara Movement has been organizing similar forums on other UC campuses, as well as in the Sacramento and Fresno communities.  Last week, I posted their powerpoint to make it available for anyone that may wish to use it.  These activities must continue!

One especially promising initiative by a Sikh-British youth in starting RajoanaTV.  Here you’ll find episode 3, but click here to see the channel and watch previous episodes.  The young brother was interviewed on Sangat TV this past weekend.

Click here to view the embedded video.

Another activity that is becoming popular are the various petitions.  There are petitions to the Indian Government calling for clemency (I don’t think I’ll bother to link to them, as you can read my previous comments here), there are petitions calling on Jathedar Gurbachan Singh to step down and install Bhai Balwant Singh Rajoana in this position (I don’t think petitioners are aware that under the current system, it is not Gurbachan Singh’s call – that choice belongs solely to Prakash Badal), and there are even petitions to Hillary Clinton calling for greater freedom of press in Punjab (I do not know what the petitioners are using as examples.  The Sikh Channel team was briefly detained, but soon released).

I’ll do a more critical analysis this weekend.  The energy must continue, although the forms are beginning to change.