•Says Ojukwu twisted Aburi accord to suit Biafra agenda

•Narrates clash with Awo over Civil War arms money

•‘How I stopped northern soldiers from pulling North out of Nigeria’

By Nnamdi Ojiego

Former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, says those who suggested that he did not do enough to stop the killing of Easterners in the North in 1966 -1967 or that the federal government did not try to bring the perpetrators to book after the sad occurrence were wrong.

According to him, the position of the accusers was not only full of mischief, it also deliberately ignored the undeniably and open efforts he made at stopping the killings in all parts of Nigeria.

Recall that the killings followed the counter coup of July 29, 1966 which claimed the lives of then Head of State, General Aguiyi Ironsi, and then Governor of Western Region, Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, among others.

The coup plotters had accused Ironsi, himself an Easterner, of not doing enough to bring the organizers of the January 15, 1966 coup, perceived in some quarters to be mostly Igbo officers and which killed Nigerian political and military leaders, including the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Premier of the Northern Region, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, Premier of the Western Region, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, and Brigadier Maimalari, mostly of northern origin, to book.

The crisis led to the Igbo pogrom in the North and the Civil War that lasted from 1967 until 1970.

Amid the crisis, some northern military officers contemplated the breaking away of the North from Nigeria.

Gowon hinted in his just released autobiography, My Life of Duty and Allegiance, that at least two major world powers, Britain and the United States, said at the time that they would not support the breakup of Nigeria.

He also spoke on the moves to stop the Civil War, notably the Aburi Conference which was hosted by Ghana, and how, according to him, then Governor Emeka Ojukwu of Eastern Region twisted the outcome while preparing for war against Nigeria.

The former Head of State narrated how he tried to save Ironsi from death, Ojukwu’s refusal of his offer of friendship, the clash he had with the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who had been made the Vice Chairman of the Federal Executive Council (FEC) after he had been freed from Calabar prison where he was serving jail term for treason, over payment for arms, and why he did not fight back after the coup of 1975 that ousted him from office while attending the OAU conference in Kampala.

Pogrom

 On the pogrom in the North, Gowon wrote: “Some of my accusers have also suggested that I did not do enough to prevent the killing of Easterners in the North 1966 and 1967. They also alleged that the federal government did not even try to bring the perpetrators to book after the sad occurrences. This position is not only wrong and full of mischief, but it also deliberately ignored the undeniably and open efforts I made at stopping the killings in all parts of Nigeria”.

The former Head of State narrated: “Just the conference (Ad Hoc Constitutional Conference he had convened to discuss the future of Nigeria in the post-military era he had envisaged) was scheduled to reconvene, Radio Dahomey relayed a news item on purported mass killing of Northerners in the Eastern Region. This triggered mayhem in the North, especially in Kano which recorded reprisal killing of Easterners.

“These ugly developments never featured in my worst scenario planning, and they sure threw a spanner in the works of the government. Ojukwu swiftly ordered Easterners in the North and other parts of Nigeria to return ‘home’ to safety in the East.

“As was to be expected, the Eastern delegates to the conference put up a no-show when the conference was to reconvene on October 24. “Neither did they show up at the next adjourned date, November 17.

“They maintained a position that they would not return to the table as far as ‘Northern troops’ remained in Western Nigeria. The Western Region delegates supported this position. Left with no choice, I adjourned the Ad Hoc Constitutional Conference sine die, since the ultimatum demonstrated that the outcome of the conference could no longer be expected to be representative of the desires of all Nigerians as I had wanted.

“Apart from trying to determine the best form of government for Nigeria in the years ahead, I also focused on addressing the matter of restiveness in the North.

“As soon as I assumed office I treated this latter issue with urgency because nobody with a conscience would approve of or endorse the mass killing of Easterners, mostly Igbo, in various parts of the North, notably Kano, Kaduna, Zaria, Bauchi and Jos.

“It was doubly worrying and unfortunate that the Eastern intelligentsia continued to maintain that the central authorities and leaders of the North instigated the killings. This was not the case.

“Without ruling out the possibility of subtle encouragement by partisan politicians who probably wanted to make personal political gains out of the situation, it is safe to say that the mob action that led to the killings was executed primarily by ordinary people on the streets in reaction to the radio news item.

“But those of us in charge at the time tried our best to minimize what happened.

“Acting on my belief that the use of force in the short run would not be as effective as an address to the heart and conscience of the people to tackle the problem on the ground, I arranged to make a few public broadcasts in English and Hausa, which were specifically intended for the listening ears of the people of the North.

“My overriding objective was to calm their nerves and, in the process, restore normalcy.

“I achieved that goal, though my message created the impression that one was partisan. “But I spoke the way I did to really touch the conscience of the people.

“Days after my broadcasts, several public commentators and sections of the local media made attempts to criminalise my remark that ‘another Northerner had come back to authority.’ This was an inconvenient truth, but it was embedded in empirical facts.

“Nigeria’s first centre of political authority was the Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa. He was a Northerner.

“After him was the Supreme Commander, Major-General Johnson Aguiyi Ironsi, an Easterner, who was also unfortunately killed. I am undeniably a Northerner from the Middle Belt area.

“But the import of my message was not to sell a Northern hegemony. Rather, it was to use the very point- Northern interest – that had been used to cause mayhem as an anchor to appeal against public disturbance and wanton killing of compatriots so we could restore peace, restore trust, and restore confidence amongst all Nigerians.

“Some of my accusers have also suggested that I did not do enough to prevent the killing of Easteners in the North in 1966 and 1967.

“They also alleged that the federal government did not even try to bring the perpetrators to book after the sad occurrences.

“This position is not only wrong and full of mischief, but it also deliberately ignored the undeniable and open efforts I made at stopping the killings in all parts of Nigeria.

“Although the soldiers calmed down, tension was not completely doused. There were reports of random killing of Igbo civilians, men and women by soldiers.

“News of occurrences of this nature deeply upset me and made me sad to the point of almost shedding tears when I called out the entire Army unit in Ikeja to address them on the issue.

“The only reason tears did not drop from my eyes was that I knew I would lose the respect of my men if I was seen to be crying.

“They would believe they had spotted my Achilles heel and would want to use that to get away with any wrongdoing.

“I told them that our mission was to protect every Nigerian and that the nonsense about wasting compatriots must stop.

“Eyes red with anger and annoyance, I threatened the officers and men that I would personally shoot anyone of them that hurt innocent citizens without just cause. Thank God I never killed anyone, friend or foe.

“By chance, we got information of another round of killings. A young officer was heard feeling so happy with himself for executing an ‘instruction’ to waste some saboteurs.

“This saddened and infuriated me to find out who was responsible for the heinous crime. It had to stop.

“On being questioned, the soldier said he acted on the orders of Lt-Col Murtala Muhammed based on information on ‘saboteurs’ supplied by so-called military intelligence sources.

“On checking the veracity of the sources, fingers pointed at Mr. Godwin Daboh, a renegade naval rating.

“He frequently reported people, labelled as ‘saboteurs,’ in his black book, particularly ladies who turned down his love advances.

“Such labelling occasionally led to the ‘wasting’ of such individuals in the ethnic tension-soaked period.

“My deputy, Commodore Wey, exclaimed: ‘Godwin Daboh? No, he is not a military intelligence officer; he did something wrong, and he was cashiered.’ Of course, this meant he was court-martialed, sentenced and discharged from the Navy.

“Although Daboh was effectively no longer in the Navy, he still surreptitiously associated himself with some of the intelligence officers, especially from his own area in Benue who occasionally rewarded him financially with which he used to enjoy himself in night clubs from where he came out his nefarious acts.

“An enraged Murtala stormed Lagos to look for and discipline Daboh after he found out that he had been fooled and misled.

“Daboh, too, seeing that he had been found out, made himself scarce to escape Murtala’s fury and wrath. That sad chapter was at last closed.

“Such occurrences were shocking and caused me several sleepless nights, much of which were spent making contacts with the leadership of all the former regions and discussing how to end the spate of bloodletting.

“In the North, General Hassan and I especially spent time speaking with traditional rulers as well as officers in the armed forces to make sure that the carnage stopped.

“We were unequivocal in letting the people know that if they did not want people from some parts of Nigeria to live among them, they must allow them to leave peacefully because God would not forgive anyone who took another man’s life with impunity.

“Having adjourned the Ad Hoc Constitutional Conference indefinitely because the political class had shown itself incapable of ‘evolving reasonable solutions’ to the brewing crisis, my only recourse was to turn to my primary constituency, the armed forces, believing we could succeed where the politicians had failed.

“I had all along tried to insulate the military from the prevalent general distrust in the country.

“Based on my beliefs, I addressed the nation on November 30, 1966 to keep citizens abreast of critical milestones we hoped to achieve”.

North’s ‘breaking away’ from Nigeria

 On northern officers’ perspective of moving to the North as a first step and eventually exiting from Nigeria, he said: “The success of my visit to Ikeja on Saturday, July 30 owed to two factors.

“First, I was fortunate that the young officers deferred to me because they knew me as the only surviving Northern officer; the former Adjutant General, Nigerian Army; Adjutant of the 4th Battalion, Ibadan and new Chief of Staff, Army before the insurrection.

“Secondly, they thought and hoped that I would support their position to change the leadership of the country or, if finally it came to the worst and they failed, to secede from Nigeria.

“Since they had already perceived and accepted me as their leader and an ally, my first task was to sufficiently calm their nerves, so they could listen to me even if they initially did not agree with my point of view.

The respect they accorded me gave me relative room to manoeuvre as I tried to persuade them to see the other side of the coin.

At Ikeja, I discovered that the soldiers were still angry over what they perceived to be Ironsi’s role in the death of Maimalari and his reluctance to put the perpetrators of the January coup on trial.

“Although there were talks by the Supreme Commander of setting up a panel of enquiry to deal with the culprits, nothing serious was done in this regard. Talks of me heading an enquiry or court martial to try the January 15, 1966 coup plotters are false.

“Nobody gave me any assignment in this regard despite my going to General Ironsi to complain that if nothing was done to them, we would have problems on our hands sooner than later.

“Worse was that nobody told me when or where Maimalari and the other officers were to be buried; I got to know of their burial by the Nigerian Police team purely by accident. This got me doubly angry.

“Knowing the way I felt at the time, I probably would have been quite prejudiced against the plotters because I was one of the people most hurt by the killings. I was close to all the deceased senior Northern officers, all coming from the same school – Barewa College.

“For one thing, I certainly would have passed very harsh judgments on the people who carried out the coup, which was a treasonable act. They were not only disloyal, but they were also treasonable felons and murderers because it was un-military to eliminate your colleagues, especially senior colleagues in cold blood. “However, many of them were eventually located and killed in various prisons after the July 29 coup.

“At that stage, the only thing one could do was to take and maintain control, seek to calm down the agitated soldiers, and try to repair the severe damage done.

“The overriding goal would have been to restore the high standard of discipline and loyalty for which the Nigerian Army was known before the situation became abnormal.

“However, talking with the aggrieved soldiers in Ikeja made me aware of the extent to which they had been conditioned by some junior and middle-piece officers one of whom I later learnt to be Lt. Colonel Murtala Muhammed.

“Their perspective was that rather than allow the status quo to remain, the Northern officers and men would move to the North as a first step and eventually exit from Nigeria.

“I quickly disabused their minds and made them understand the futility of the North leaving the union, as this was the least of their problems.

“I painted a vivid picture of what the North stood to lose from leaving the Nigerian union, particularly in terms of the sharing of the country’s assets and liabilities if the Region left the union in a huff.

“I succeeded in persuading them to see my point of view that there was merit in keeping Nigeria united and ultimately living peacefully together with their compatriots in other parts of the country.

“Much later, Murtala relayed to me the decision to stand down agitations for secession.

“I was happy to hear this, but I told him to go back and undo the damage that had been done by properly explaining the new position to the men to whom he had been talking.

“During these tense moments, the military unit in Ikeja planned with the British Overseas Airways Corporation (BOAC, the precursor of British Airways) to use the airline’s aircraft to ferry some family members of mostly Northern officers and men to Kano for safety.

“The situation, therefore, demanded that I stayed a while longer in Ikeja to assess and control affairs until a successor leadership was decided.

“For this, my continued stay and dialogue with the officers and men in the barracks gave rise to speculations that the soldiers had detained me. This is incorrect.

“My extended stay was necessitated by a dire need to continue to do everything necessary to defuse tension, take charge and avoid a catastrophe.

“In the state of uncertainty that pervaded the country in the hours immediately after the coup, some intrepid senior civil servants that included the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Defence, Alhaji Musa Daggash; his predecessor in office, Alhaji Abdul-Aziz Atta who by then was in the Ministry of Finance; Ahmed Joda, Yusufu Gobir, Edwin Ogbu, Phillip Asiodu, James Ebong and Allison Ayida defied obvious risks to their personal safety to look for me in the barracks in Ikeja.

“They were agitated by prospects and strong rumours of a break-up of the country and had expressed their reservation not just amongst themselves but to some senior officers.

“At the instance of Brigadier Ogundipe, they had headed for Ikeja to see me.

“The civil servants were escorted by Captain Joe Garba of the Federal Guards who provided security cover that enabled them to enter the heavily fortified barracks.

“Later accounts of their visit gave rise to story of the ‘rising grass’ because all they saw as they gained admittance to the barracks after properly identifying themselves was ‘rising grass.’

“They were shocked when the ‘grass’ (soldiers in combat fatigue crouched on the ground) suddenly rose with guns in hand to challenge their effrontery for driving into a military formation in disregard of the state of full alert. “Even with the tense atmosphere of the barracks at the time, I was bemused by how deeply the ways of the military shocked civilians.

“But I deeply appreciated the sense of patriotism that made these top civil servants to risk life and limb for the sake of unity and peace in their fatherland”.

World powers position on Nigeria breaking up/taking office as Head of State

 Gowon highlighted Britain and the US position on Nigeria breaking up: “The British High Commissioner, Sir Francis Cumming-Bruce and the American Ambassador, Elbert Matthews, also visited me at Ikeja not long after the Permanent Secretaries left.

“Again, the thrust of our discussions was the preservation of the unity of the Republic of Nigeria.

“The similarity of thoughts made me believe the foreign envoys and the civil servants had discussed the subject matter prior to their visits to Ikeja to see me.

“It seemed like they had agreed to play the ‘good cop, bad cop’ card in their discussions with me.

“I had a feeling the Permanent Secretaries came to function as ‘voices of reason’ whilst the British High Commissioner and the US Ambassador acted the part of ‘muscle’ to let me know that the major international powers at the time would not support the breakup of Nigeria.

“In noticeably clear terms, both envoys told me that neither a dime of the American dollar nor a penny of the British Pound would come in the form of financial or material aid to any part of Nigeria that opted to secede.

“They put the message across to me in a manner that was at once thought-provoking and fascinating.

“After that meeting I resolved that if I ever wrote a book on my experience, a chapter of it would be titled ‘Not a Dime; Not a Penny’ because it underscored the determination of citizens and non-citizens to put their weight solidly behind a united Nigeria.

“When, however, Nigeria got to a critical point in the war of unification that broke out about a year later, the vacillation and restrictions of the British and American governments to some of our requests for assistance contributed to prolong the end of the civil war and nearly made possible the breakup of Nigeria that their envoys had spoken against.

“The period from Saturday, July 30 to Monday, August 1, 1966 was particularly challenging for me during my time at the Ikeja barracks.

“So much had happened amazingly fast within and outside the barracks that no one could predict where the ship of State was headed. “Outside the Ikeja barracks, the killing of General Ironsi and Governor Adekunle Fajuyi, who had both previously been declared missing, became public knowledge.

“The death of Gen Ironsi, who was the Military/political head of government, had now obviously created a leadership vacuum that was worsened by the absence of a definite and immediate successor.

“At the officers Mess in the barracks, all the available officers who conducted the coup to forcefully bring about change tried hard to grapple with the problem of filling the vacuum the situation had created.

“As we discussed the matter, it became evident that the coup planners had not given as much thought to filling the position as they had to removing the incumbent, General Ironsi, from office.

“But they were determined not to accept leadership, particularly from Southern officers or anyone they did not trust.

“That was the reaction as I suggested the names of various senior officers in the Army, Navy and even the police, like Brig. Babafemi Ogundipe, Commodore Akinwale Wey, Col. Robert Adeyinka Adebayo, Navy Captain Nelson Soroh and Commissioner of Police Theophilus Fagbola.

“I further suggested drafting any of the senior officers and key leaders of the coup, notably Murtala Muhammed, Martin Adamu, or Yakubu Danjuma, who might be interested in the office and should be considered.

“I requested that I be left to look after the military to restore the discipline and loyalty of the Army and the Armed Forces to what they were pre-the insurrection.

“Rather than consider my suggestions, the loud voices of the junior officers in the hall hit me with the force of a three-ton truck.

“They wanted me to be their leader! They wanted me to assume the position of Head of State and Supreme Commander; the title General Ironsi had adopted when he became Head of State.

They added that I was the only officer acceptable to them.

“Otherwise, they would keep up the momentum of the coup and execute it to its logical conclusion, which certainly would not be devoid of more bloodshed! I certainly did not want this. I instantly declined the offer.

“As an outsider to the plot that led to the coup, I was not privy to the discussions that led in the first instance to my being considered suitable to lead after they had taken the risk of executing the plot.

“If I had any hint at all on the goings on, it was in respect of reports of gossips picked by girlfriends of young Southern Igbo officers who had bragged about an ‘unfinished business.’

“As I had earlier recounted, I merely advised the Northern officers to be more at alert to avoid being caught unawares like they were at dawn on January 15, 1966.

“Much later, I heard whispers that the coup planners had taken a deliberate decision to keep me out of the loop for two key reasons.

“First, they believed that I was highly unlikely to go along with them and, secondly, that I was an ace to be called up if the plot failed.

“They reasoned that, as the most senior Northern officer, I would have found a way to save their skin.

“As I pondered their discussions to get me to accept to give them leadership and to assume the post of Head of State and Supreme Commander, I sensed that I had been considered on account of one or two possibilities.

“First, it was highly probably that the organisers of the coup had not agreed a primus inter pares ahead of the actual execution of the coup.

“There was also the probability that they had ab initio settled for leadership by the most senior serving Northern officer.

“What may not be in dispute, however, is that the timing of the coup, which was forced upon them by the events at Abeokuta the night before caught them in a hop when H-Hour suddenly became a reality that left them with no definite leader, hence the imperative to resolve the leadership question in the most pragmatic way.

“Having created a vacuum in the leadership of the country and resolved not to take instructions from any senior Southern officer, they needed to consolidate their relative success in a manner that would neither cost them the advantage they already had nor allow officers from other parts of the country to quickly regroup and turn the table.

“The need for a leader thus warranted the decision to mention my name.

“That decision was easy to reach because I was from the North and technically the most senior living Northern officer following the deaths of Maimalari, Kur Mohammed, Abogo Largema and Yakubu Pam who were my seniors both at Barewa College and in the Army.

“Were they to be alive, I would not have been picked nor would I have accepted it, particularly because of the natural mutual respect we give to our seniors.

“Another probable reason was that the young officers appeared to have been inclined toward maintaining the respect they had for me since my days as Battalion Adjutant and later Adjutant General of the Nigerian Army when I had the professional fortune of most officers in my hands by virtue of my office.

“This also extended to my then position as Chief of Staff, Army.

“I never aspired to and was unprepared for the new role that fate had now thrust on me.

“Barely 24 hours earlier, I had been an independent arbiter seeking to put an explosive situation under control.

“Now, without warning, I had become the issue. Set before me was a semblance of what could be considered as alternative between the rock and the deep blue sea.

“Outside the barracks were fellow senior officers of Southern origin feeling helpless after they appeared to have lost the authority to command.

“Within the barracks were junior officers who had altered the power equation yet could not seem to move forward without a central, stablising authority.

“Without argument, the Friday night coup of July 29, 1966 and the preceding one of January 15 irretrievably damaged the notion of esprit de corps that was at the heart of military service.

“It decidedly set Northern officers against their Southern comrades, especially those from the Eastern Region.

“As anarchy loomed, it was also evident that the balance of violence at that moment was skewed against the senior officers in the Army.

“Both sides believed I held the key to resolving the impasse that, expectedly, got the international community sufficiently worried because of fears that it could further degenerate if not swiftly arrested.

“It dawned on me that I could not hope to successfully resist the load of leadership responsibility that had been placed on my frail shoulders.

“I was apolitical and loyal to the government of the day.

“When it was clear that I could not get out of the commitment to be the new Head of State, I was suddenly overwhelmed by indescribable fear – that the buck ends with me!

“I had neither sought after nor prayed to assume the responsibility of the office.

“The only leadership training I had at that stage was all I got from childhood and the training of the faith behind it.

“Then I had the professional military training that taught us to be able to appreciate and analyse any situation despite its inherent difficulty.

“Our key objective in training was to determine the causes of problems and to find solutions to them”.

Ojukwu’s refusal of friendship

 The former Head of State explained that despite his best efforts, Ojukwu rejected his offer of friendship. His words: “For the sake of continuity, I retained Ojukwu, Ejoor and Hassan in office as Governors of the East, Midwest and Northern Regions as appointed by the former Head of State.

“For the Western Region, I appointed Col. Adebayo, who had hurriedly returned home before completing his senior officer’s programme at the Imperial Defence College to replace Col. Adekunle Fajuyi who was killed alongside General Ironsi on July 29, 1966.

“I also left the police hierarchy intact, with Alhaji Kam Selem as head of the Police Force.

“I had no problem allowing Commodore Wey to remain in office as head of the Navy. Baba Bassey, who adored me to a fault from the day of my interview for officer cadet course, readily accepted me when I was Adjutant General and when I became the Head of State.

“Rather than announce my decision with executive fiat, l left each of these officers to decide whether to stay on or to leave.

“They chose to stay, which was acceptable because it indicated their willingness to collaborate with me in establishing a new direction for the country and, in doing so, promote loyalty, discipline, and respect within the military.

“If any of them had chosen to leave at that stage, I would have understood and respected his decision.

“The case of Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe was, however, not as straight forward because the course of the coup had made it obvious that he could no longer function effectively in the command-and-control structure of the Nigerian Army and the Armed Forces.

“With the concurrence of the UK government, he was appointed Nigeria’s High Commissioner to the UK.

“Ojukwu refused my offer of friendship. By extension, he willfully refused to recognise my leadership.

“He felt that the ‘normal’ protocol of seniority in service should have been upheld in selecting General Ironsi’s successor under the new administration, regardless of the circumstances by which I assumed power.

“Admiral Wey effectively persuaded former Supreme Military Council members to take cognisance of the situation and support my leadership, highlighting my ability to command respect from junior officers and my willingness to lead during a difficult time.

“Left unsaid at the time was Ojukwu’s strong view that I was junior to him in the hierarchy. “He failed to appreciate that he had been under serious threat because the young Northern officers believed he was complicit in the January 15, 1966 coup.

“I pre-empted any attempt to move against him, in part, because of my respect for all the Regional Governors and, more importantly, because I saw him primarily as a colleague and officer with whom I thought I had worked to restore normalcy in those early days of uncertainty.

“I believed that, together, we could rebuild the army and allow the country to continue its course in history.

“My decision to retain Ojukwu in office was altogether altruistic, though subsequent events made it seem a huge mistake.

“But with the situation at hand, it did not matter whether he agreed or not with the fact that change had occurred.

“Even if he did not agree with my new role, the soldier in him never said he would leave the Army. I let him be”

Aburi disagreement

 He discussed at length efforts to avert war through the Aburi conference. His words: “Ojukwu eventually softened his stance after several entreaties by the United Nations, the Commonwealth and several friendly countries. “In this regard, Mr. Malcolm Macdonald, who used to be the British High Commissioner in Kenya, East Africa, was a major facilitator of dialogue between Lagos and Enugu both in his personal capacity and on behalf of the British Government and the Commonwealth.

“Ojukwu finally agreed for us to meet on January 4 and 5, 1967 at the Presidential Resort, Peduase Lodge, in Aburi, Ghana, which the Chairman of the Ghana National Liberation Council and Head of State, Lt-General Joseph A, Ankrah, had graciously offered us in the hope that the conducive environment would more readily help us to resolve our differences. “Coincidentally, the dates for the proposed meeting in Aburi fell within the holy period of the Passion Week and of Ramadan. I saw this as a divine answer to my prayer for peace.

“Granting the tension that had built up amongst us officers and leaders of the nation since the coup of July 29, 1966, the proposed gathering in Aburi presented the first real opportunity for a full meeting of the Supreme Military Council (SMC).

“Ojukwu and I agreed that participants would only be the principal military officers in government.

“We further agreed there would be no set positions that could constrain our resolve to discuss amicably.

“These pre-meeting agreements came about because the objective of our intended gathering in Aburi was very clear; it would be a purely exploratory assembly to help us break the ice, remove the veil of suspicion, and engender trust and confidence amongst the principal actors.

“Specifically, the meeting was intended to create an avenue for us to clear the misgivings that Ojukwu had about the circumstances of my assumption of office as Supreme Commander, even if the death of Ironsi had not been publicly communicated, either within the full SMC or to Nigerians in general.

“We believed that if we substantially clarified this issue, which was at the heart of the friction between Ojukwu and the rest of us, the atmosphere would become much more conducive for us to set the agenda for substantive national issues and reach a common ground at future meetings at home in Nigeria.

“I personally felt that any discussion of some of the burning issues in the country at the preliminary meeting we had contemplated could inflame passion rather than douse tension. That would ab initio have defeated our purpose.

“Since the meeting at Aburi was not intended as a forum for which an official position was required, I casually mentioned the itinerary to the Secretary to the Federal Military Government (SFMG), Mr H.A. Ejueyitchie.

“He was not exactly happy at my decision to have agreed those ‘personal’ terms with Ojukwu without proper consultation with senior public service officials who would have provided necessary bureaucratic support.

“It was well known that the SFMG, typical of the diligent civil servants of that era, adhered strictly to correctness.

“He once corrected me for referring to him as ‘my secretary’, promptly reminding me that he was ‘Secretary to the Federal Military Government.’

“That was not my first time of encountering civil servants who were fiercely loyal to civil service protocols.

“I recall that on assumption of office as Head of State on August 1, 1966, I considered it expedient to urgently fill the position of Secretary to the Government of the Federation, which became vacant in January 1966 with the departure of Dr. S.O. Wey, the first holder of the office under the Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa.

“My plan was to appoint the then Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Defence, Alhaji Musa Daggash, to the office.

“This was because we had worked closely together and I could vouch for his competence, loyalty and patriotism.

“Surprisingly, Daggash altrustically declined my proposition arguing that there were officers who were senior to him in the hierarchy of the bureaucracy.

“When I sought his advice on who then to name to the position, he mentioned Ejueyitchie, then the Permanent Secretary (Establishment), whose appointment as SFMG I announced on August 4, 1966.

“I was not overly concerned when Ejueyitchie expressed apprehension that I might have inadvertently walked into an ambush by Ojukwu.

“But I told him I was honour-bound to keep my word to the Governor of the Eastern Region.

My stance did not sit well with him, because he found a good civil service excuse to avoid going to Aburi.

“Instead, he nominated the Permanent Under-Secretary in the Cabinet Office, Prince S.I.A. Akenzua, who later became the Oba of Benin, to make the trip and record the minutes of the impending meeting.

The SMC team that headed for Accra from Lagos comprised the Governor of the Western Region, Colonel Robert Adeyinka Adebayo; Governor of the Mid-West Region, Lt. Col. David Ejoor; Governor of the Northern Region, Lt. Col. Hassan Usman Katsina; Administrator of Lagos, Major Mobolaji Johnson; Head of Navy, Commodore J.E. Akinwale-Wey; the Inspector-General of Police, Alhaji Selem and his Deputy, Mr. Timothy Omo-Bare.

“We were accompanied by Mr. Peter Odumosu, Secretary to the Military Government, Western Region; Mr D.P. Lawani, Under-Secretary in the Military Governor’s Office in the Mid-West and Mr. Ali Akilu, Secretary to the Military Government, Northern Region.

“This later group of civilians, who were all top civil servants, was invited as observers at the meeting because of their positions as chief scribes to their respective regional governments.

“The Eastern delegation later arrived in Ghana on board an aircraft provided by the Government of Ghana.

“Rather than admit the truth of the courtesy of the Ghanaian government, the Eastern government’s propaganda machinery loudly proclaimed that Ojukwu purchased an ‘executive jet’ to convey him and the team from the region to Aburi.

“The deception was obviously intended to send a message to the people of the Eastern Region that Ojukwu was determined to meet with the Federal Government at ‘any acceptable venue.’ Again, this was far from the truth.

“All through our journey from Lagos to Accra, my mind played back various incidents on the road that we had to travel to get to where we were.

“A few days before the journey to Aburi, I had assured all Nigerians in my Christmas message that God had not forsaken Nigeria’s despite all the upheavals that were recorded between January 15 and September 30, 1966.

“But I warned that peace and goodwill would elude us as a nation except we let go of bitterness and were willing to forgive one another whilst we tried to forget the pain.

“In my follow-up ‘New Year Message’, I described 1966 as a ‘most momentous and tragic year’ in the history of our nation. I counseled that it did not pay to shed innocent blood and that misguided violence would not solve our political problems. I ended the New Year Message with a prayer based on my hope that 1967 would usher in peace and happiness in our land.

“I was happy to note that young people across the world shared my vision and belief in one, undivided Nigeria.

“This became evident about a year later in 1968 when I played host to a delegation of global young leaders under the aegis of the Coordinating Secretariat of University Student Unions worldwide (COSEC) who paid me a courtesy visit in Dodan Barracks.

“The delegation was led by a young Nigerian, Julius Adelusi-Adeluyi, a Prince of Ado Ekiti who was COSEC’s Secretary General and later a celebrated pharmacist and founder of the famous Juli Pharmacy.

“No sooner did we arrive in Accra than I got the first hint of trouble, even before the Aburi meeting began.

“I was reliably informed that a phalange of civil servants from the Eastern Region had accompanied Ojukwu to Aburi.

“This certainly was against the spirit of our prior agreement that the meeting he made a strictly military affair.

“I was not perturbed by the blatant breach of our gentleman’s agreement.

“I told the officials that accompanied us not to worry because we would stick to what I had agreed with Ojukwu to make Aburi happen.

“But there is need for me to clarify the undercurrent of issues before our deliberations in Aburi so that the basis, course, and outcomes of the meeting would be put in proper historical context.

“Ojukwu anchored his objections to any meeting with me in ‘Nigeria’ on his discomfort with the presence of ‘Northern soldiers’ in the Eastern and the Western Regions.

“Deep down, however, was his fear of being seen as obeying instructions from his ‘junior’ in the military hierarchy, a fact he openly spoke about during our heated telephone conversation in January 1966.

“He preferred to believe he was my senior, never minding that I was commissioned two years before he received his commission.

“I was commissioned in 1956, with service number N/20 while he, with service number N/29, was commissioned in 1958, and he was one of the first set of university graduates to be directly recruited from outside the army.

“But Col Victor Banjo was already a degree holder and a qualified Mechanical Engineer before Ojukwu joined the Army.

“By 1963, the Army had more than six graduate officers, the most notable being Victor Banjo, Olufemi Olutoye, Oluwole Rotimi, Austen Peters and Ahmadu Ali (the latter two being medical doctors), Adewale Ademoyega and Emmanuel Ifeajuna.

“At the time, the Army board had a system in place that compensated university graduates with a few years’ seniority according to the quality of their degrees, namely, First Class, Second Class (Upper or Lower Divisions), Third Class, or Ordinary Pass.

“This was to allow for time spent in the university. Our own dates of commission were in general similarly adjusted to recognise the dates we started our cadet training at Sandhurst or elsewhere.

“In my own set and group, we were commissioned from Sandhurst in December 1956, but we started our cadet training at Teshie, Accra, Gold Coast (now Ghana) in May 1954.

“Whereas Ojukwu was commissioned in 1958, he was given a backdate of three years of a first degree.

“However, these things really did not matter after attaining the rank of Lt. Col because, from the point, any officer could be lucky to advance faster than his colleagues.

“As it happened, we were both promoted to the rank of Lt. Col on the same day, April 1, 1963.

“I was subsequently appointed as Adjutant General while he was Quartermaster General of the Nigerian Army.

“We held these posts until May 1965 when I attended the JSSC course in Latimer, UK while Ojukwu was posted as Commanding Officer of the Fifth Battalion, Nigerian Army in Kano. “After the January 15, 1966 coup, he was appointed the Governor of the Eastern Region while I was appointed the Chief of Staff (CoS) to the GOC, General Ironsi.

“In strict military hierarchy, therefore, I was senior to him by my appointment, yet Ojukwu refused to recognise me as such.

“This issue was at the root of his refusal to acknowledge me as the ‘de facto’ leader of Nigeria after the second coup of July 29, 1966. “Being in Enugu and out of the loop of the situation in Lagos during the July 1966 coup also did not help matters for him.

“As Commodore Wey would later say at Aburi, distance made it difficult for Ojukwu to properly appreciate the enormity of the problem that we all grappled with in Lagos where we had an unprecedented disciplinary situation on our hands.

“The situation was so bad that Wey easily concluded that if soldiers refused to take orders from superior Army officers, they would not think much of disobeying naval or other officers from sister arms of the service. As he later told Ojukwu at Aburi: ‘It would have been very unfair to Ogundipe or any other person for that matter to take command and there is no point accepting to command a unit over which you have no control’.

“I set eyes on Ojukwu after nearly six months of non-physical contact when he arrived at the venue of the meeting in Peduase Lodge.

“He was accompanied by some officials of his government, as the Nigerian delegation was already aware. I noticed that his beards had grown into a virtual wilderness in the mould of Cuba’s Fidel Castro.

“This, perhaps, was in keeping with the posturing of fiery revolutionaries found in history books.

“When we shook hands, I casually told him he now looked very much like Castro and that, despite our differences, he remained my brother-in-arm and fellow Nigerian.

“He merely smiled in response. As we had always done, we called each other by our first names, not ranks and we followed this protocol all through our deliberations.

“Our host, General Ankrah, did very well to ensure that the atmosphere was as relaxed as could engender fruitful deliberations.

“He struck the right notes by first emphasising that the issue at hand was the ‘domestic affair of Nigeria’, after which he enjoined us to resolve our differences with ‘patience, understanding and mutual respect’.

“He charged that as military leaders, we must be mindful of our’ onerous responsibility of rebuilding and reconstructing’ our country and, unlike politicians, we must be the last to hastily commit our men to war.

“His position very well aligned with mine because it was in tandem with my vision of a peaceful, progressive, and undivided Nigeria.

“I was hopeful that we would have a good meeting. Some of the pictures we took at Aburi validated my optimism.

“In 2013, I again saw some of these photos in a magazine produced by Nigeria Prays, a non-denominational, non-governmental organisation of which I am the Convener and Chairman.

“The memories they evoked reinforced my belief that Aburi truly was an excellent opportunity for the military leaders to discuss and evolve lasting solutions.

“The photographs certainly captured the cordiality of the meetings though the course of subsequent events was misplaced and became unfortunate.

“The meeting had barely been called to order when, again, Ojukwu exhibited to breach of our earlier agreement.

“He produced a fundamental aide memoire that had purposely been put together for the meeting in utter disregard of our initial agreement before we left home.

“To avoid causing the meeting to be deadlocked before it got off ground, I decided against insisting on the agreement or reminding him of our word against set positions.

“Doing either would have brought all our efforts over the past few months to nought.

 Instead, I made a joke that he had brought his ‘Pink Papers’. At the Staff College, officers or students generally usually presented all their answers on typed white foolscap sheets while the Directing Staff (DS) prepared solutions on ‘Pink Papers’ which were used to grade students’ answers to questions.

“This was unmistakable evidence that Ojukwu, ab initio, had a different understanding of our coming to Aburi as officers trusting in esprit de corps to achieve some results and return home to deal with identified problems properly and amicably.

“From all indications, Ojukwu and I worked from the extremes of whatever values we placed on our word as officers and gentlemen.

“He had no problem with admitting that he ‘prepared for the negotiation’, contrary to our understanding to have a simple relationship mending meeting.

“His assertion that he did not know if the rest of us thought we had come to Aburi for a ‘night club session’ further demonstrated his palpable misreading of human nature.

“I have no regrets about not falling back on the intellectual firepower of our team of highly cerebral and patriotic civil servants who had proved their love for a united country beyond doubts, especially during and immediately after the events of January 15 and July 29, 1966.

“Since I had no plan to have a slinging match with Ojukwu or to forcibly justify any position or try to browbeat anyone, it was a lot easier for me to have made a promise in utmost good faith and kept to it despite obvious provocations. “Without laying claim to a morally superior high ground, I refuse to accept the judgment of some historians that my decision to meet the rebels man-to-man and devoid of any prepared briefs, as agreed, was foolhardy.

“The while idea of our meeting was to establish personal communication, so my colleagues in the SMC and I were receptive to the idea of examining ad seriatim all issues raised by Ojukwu in his position paper.

“As far as the military was concerned, none of us denied that terrible things had happened in the country politically from the conduct of the elections in 1964 to the events of January 15, 1966 onwards.

“But we were determined, despite everything, to properly appraise the situation and deal with it in great details and with a high degree of level-headedness.

“We were confident that whatever requests we endorsed at Aburi, for the sake of country, would form the basis of lasting agreements to be reached at our subsequent meetings in Nigeria.

“Ojukwu’s motion that all parties renounced the use of force in the settlement of the brewing crisis certainly sat well with me and the rest of the SMC members.

“Indeed, it was the most pragmatic thing to do if we were to set on an honest path to peace. It did not matter that his plan was to buy some more time to enable him stockpile arms and ammunition.

“We were also mindful that he had cleverly planned to apply the brakes on our ability to deploy the numerical advantage of existing firepower of the Nigerian Army in the event of an immediate outbreak of hostilities.

“We knew he was compelled to buy time because his surreptitious arms build-up had suffered a serious setback in October 1966 with the crash in the hills of Northern Cameroons of the DC-4 aircraft with which he had hoped to smuggle in a cache of arms.

“Several months after the Aburi meeting, Ojukwu confirmed our belief that he had been bidding his time to enable him to stock his armoury.

“In May, 1967, at a meeting in Enugu with a delegation of the National Concillation Committee that comprised Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Prof. Samuel Aluko, Chief Jereton Mariere and Chief J.I.C Onyia, who represented the West and Mid-West Regions respectively, Ojukwu confidently declared he had attained ‘equality of arms’ that would make it possible for the East to discuss the future of Nigeria based on equality: ‘Quietly I built up. If you do not know it, I am proud, and my officers are proud, that here in the East6 we possess the biggest army in Black Africa. I am no longer speaking as an underdog: I am speaking from a position of power.’

“I did not believe Ojukwu’s play to the gallery; I only said to myself that we would see about that. This was because we knew better. “Regardless of his posturing, the reality was that a rough count of military installations and troops in station placed the Eastern Region at an obvious disadvantage compared to the rest of the nation.

“This was plain for all to see, except the Governor of the Eastern Region who believed that he could silence machine guns from the Federal side with the ‘120 rifles’ he claimed to have had and sheer bravado.

“For us, therefore, debating the non-use of force at Aburi was an unnecessary exercise that was very much like preaching to the converted.

“Our decision to accede to this proposal did not confer any advantage on the government of the Eastern Region were we to meet on the battlefield.

“Before we went to Aburi, there had been a sustained clamour for the restructuring of the Army owing to upheavals across the country.

“In the West, for example, the political leadership levied all manner of allegations including harassment against Northern troops in the Nigerian Army stationed in Ibadan and other towns in the West.

“At the height of their agitations, they came to me in the company of some senior Yoruba officers, notably Col Adeyinka Adebayo, Majors Olusegun Obasanjo and Olufemi Olutoye, among others to demand that the ‘soldiers of occupation’ from the North be moved out of the West to their region of origin. “I asked the officers if they were in accord with the views expressed by the politicians and they answered in the affirmative. I felt sad and disappointed with the senior officers, though to be very honest, many of them came back one after the other after the meeting to dissociate themselves from the political stance of the group.

“At the Ad Hoc Constitutional Conference in 1966, delegates from the East had put forward this same demand among pro-conditions for their return to the table.

“They insisted that Northern troops be moved out of the West, failing which they would stay away from continued participation in the conference. Western delegates concurred with this position. Ojukwu’s demand for the setting up of Army Area Commands, therefore, was not new because it was consistent with the clamour.

On the tough time Gowon had with Awolowo paying for arms to prosecute the Civil War, he wrote: 

“While we were waiting for the Soviets to help, we had to find other means of getting ammunitions to the men on the warfront. This was necessary because we needed to by-pass the restrictions imposed by our official armament suppliers in the West, which denied us access to supplies of ammunition, spare parts and hardware equipment. With the situation getting more critical, I sought the assistance of alternative suppliers. A good Lebanese friends of Nigeria, Mr Ali Jamal, a businessman who strongly believed in a united Nigeria linked us with the ‘black-market’. I had known him shortly after I became Army CoS and we thereafter remained good friends.

“Jamal was not deterred even after I told him that I had no money with which to make immediate payments for the purchases. He told me not to worry and that he would use his own money to provide the ammunition we needed but would want to be reimbursed interest-free at the shortest possible time. “With his support, we were able to get some of the hardware, and the ammunition we needed to change the face of the war. It was only after he had made good on his promise that I was able to order the troops back to full action whilst we awaited the fulfilment of the promise made by the Soviet Union.

“Ironically, the battle in the theatre of war almost became child’s play when time came for me to honour payment to Jamal. At the Federal Executive Council, the Finance Commissioner, Chief Awolowo, especially gave me a tough time by his decision not to make the payment to Jamal. Despite my gentle plea that he should reason with me considering that I had given Jamal my word of honour that he would be paid as soon as we got the goods, Chief Awolowo did not shift ground. I was further upset by his firm explanation that he could not make the payment because the process of getting help from the Lebanese was not properly followed and documented and, as such, was an extra-budgetary expenditure.

“I was aghast because it suddenly appeared to me that the Finance Commissioner and others at the FEC did not understand the depth of the problem I was in to ensure the survival of the men in the field and that war was successfully prosecuted. I had lived everyday with the anxiety that anything could go wrong at any moment if I were unable to supply our young men at war with the means to defend themselves. I knew if they turned their back and began to flee the battlefield, they would not stop until they crossed to the other side of the River Benue at Makurdi and what a disaster that would be! I did not want the failure and the avoidable death of the men to be on my head and conscience. I told Chief Awolowo that I was honour bound to pay Jamal.

“I’m afraid I’ll want to use my powers and authority, which I think I can do as Head of State and Head of Government, to give any department the order to do what is required to be done.

“This was about the only time that I really got upset with the Vice Chairman of FEC during our time together. The atmosphere in the Council chamber became charged as we argued back and forth. To defuse the tension after I had issued the order to the Vice Chairman, I called that we moved on to other matters on the agenda because I was not going to discuss the ieeue any further. Although I used anger and the power of my office to win the argument and retain the integrity of the nation with my friend, I felt proud of my team that always insisted on following due process to justify every action and every expenditure, Jamal subsequently was paid in full”.

The post Igbo pogrom in North: Don’t blame me – Gowon appeared first on Vanguard News.

…says ‘I’ll dialogue with agitators, make sacrifices’

By Henry Umoru 

The presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress, NDC, for the 2027 general election, Mr. Peter Obi, has dismissed concerns over growing political support for President Bola Tinubu from state governors, insisting that governors do not determine election outcomes.

Obi also pledged to engage and listen to agitators across the country, saying dialogue and sacrifice would be central to his efforts to rebuild national unity if elected president.

Speaking in an interview with NoireTV, the former Anambra governor said his performance in the 2023 presidential election showed that political endorsements by governors were not decisive.

“It doesn’t matter whether 36 governors are with the president. I didn’t have one governor in the last election, and I won 12 states,” Obi said.

“Even after they have stolen two from me, I won 12 states. By making Abuja a state, we now have 37 states, because that is what the judgment of the Supreme Court showed.

“Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso won one state, Kano. APC, PDP and Labour all won 12 states each. And in it, I lost two by the process of rigging. So, I would have had 14.”

Obi repeated his claim that he was rigged out of two states during the 2023 presidential election, although the outcome of the poll was upheld by the courts, including the Supreme Court.

He argued that the 2027 election should be about improving the welfare of Nigerians rather than political alliances and elite endorsements.

“So it doesn’t matter whether they took all the governors. What is important, and what this election is going to be all about, is how to make Nigeria work for the poor,” he said.

“A Nigeria where tribe, ethnicity and religion will not be the issue. The issue will be about the welfare of the people, the education of the people and the health of the people. That’s the Nigeria we want. Nigerians are hungry today. Nigerians are looking for food.”

Meanwhile, Obi has promised to adopt a dialogue-driven approach to addressing agitations across the country, saying genuine national unity can only be achieved through listening, inclusion and justice.

In a statement issued on Saturday by the spokesman of the Peter Obi Media Reach (POMR), Ibrahim Umar, the media office said the former Anambra State governor made the remarks during an interaction with Nigerians in Washington, D.C., United States.

Responding to a question on how he would unite the country amid growing regional and political tensions, Obi said, “To achieve the aim of unifying the country, I will listen to all agitators, harmonise them and make some sacrifices with a view to bringing the country together.”

According to his media office, Obi believes that many agitations across Nigeria are rooted in poverty, unemployment, perceived injustice and the feeling of exclusion from the nation’s political and economic structures.

The statement added that his position should not be misconstrued as support for any particular group or individual but as a commitment to addressing the underlying causes of unrest through dialogue.

“For decades, Nigeria has leaned heavily on military and security interventions to suppress regional grievances, whether in the Southeast, the Niger Delta, the Middle Belt or the North,” the statement said.

“By shifting the strategy from active combat to active listening, Obi plans to treat agitators not just as security threats but as citizens with grievances, many of which stem from economic marginalisation, perceived injustice and institutional neglect.”

The media office further argued that “true national unity cannot be coerced; it must be built,” adding that democracy should encourage structured dialogue that restores faith in public institutions and promotes fairness and mutual respect.

Obi’s latest comments come amid ongoing political realignments ahead of the 2027 general elections, with opposition figures and parties exploring possible alliances to challenge the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and President Tinubu.

The post 2027: Doesn’t matter if 36 governors are with Tinubu; I won 12 states in 2023 without any gov — Obi appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Ndahi Marama, Maiduguri

Suspected members of Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorists on Saturday invaded Kautikari village of the Chibok Local Government Area in Borno State, setting primary and day secondary schools ablaze.

Read Also: Abducted ex-defence spokesman, Maj-Gen Abubakar dies in captivity

Recall that the village has recorded a series of deadly Boko Haram attacks in recent times.

Sources told our correspondent that the incident, which erupted at about 7 p.m. on Saturday, forced residents to flee the community into the bush for safety.

A security personnel, who hail from Kautikari but based in Maiduguri, confirmed the fresh attack to Vanguard.

However, he said, details of casualties are yet to be ascertained.

“Yes, I can confirm to you that our village (Kautikari) in the Chibok Local Government Area is under Boko Haram attack.

“Our people are scampering for safety, even as two schools (primary and day secondary school) are on fire,” he said.

Efforts to get confirmation from the police public relations officer, ASP Keneth Daso, proved abortive at press time.

Vanguard News

The post Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorists set Chibok schools ablaze appeared first on Vanguard News.

*How efforts were made to secure MKO’s release before his death — Obasanjo

‘ Abdulsalami ignored pressure to extend his 6-month transition programme’

By Johnbosco Agbakwuru

Former Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar (retd.), yesterday, dismissed allegation that the late Chief Moshood Abiola was poisoned, insisting that an autopsy conducted by pathologists from four countries attributed his death to natural causes.

Abiola, winner of the June 12, 1993, presidential election adjudged the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history, was imprisoned by the military regime of the late General Sani Abacha after he declared himself the rightful president. He passed away in detention on June 7, 1998, under controversial and suspicious circumstances.

Meanwhile, Abubakar’s revelations, contained in Chapter 21 of his 264-page book, titled: ‘Call of Duty,’ stated that MKO collapsed during a meeting with a visiting American delegation comprising Mr Tom Pickering, then U.S. Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs, and Ms Susan Rice, then Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs.

The book is one of three presented in honour of the former Head of State on his 84th birthday at the Banquet Hall of the Presidential Villa, Abuja.

The event, chaired by the former Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon (retd), had in attendance former presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan. President Bola Tinubu was also represented by the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shettima, among other dignitaries. 

Abubakar wrote: “I do not believe Abiola was poisoned. The family requested an autopsy and we assembled American, British, Nigerian and Canadian pathologists to conduct it. The autopsy report attributed his death to natural causes.”

He disclosed that Abiola had been managing pre-existing medical conditions, including hypertension and a heart ailment, as far back as 1994 when he was first detained.

He stated: “As far back as 1994 when he was arrested by the Abacha Administration for declaring himself President, it was public knowledge that Abiola was managing certain medical conditions which could seriously affect the quality of life of any human being.” 

According to Abubakar, a radiological report by Colonel (Dr) O. Awofeso, then Chief Consultant Radiologist at the Nigerian Army Defence Hospital, Sokoto, dated September 28, 1994, found that Abiola’s heart was enlarged with “right ventricular preponderance” consistent with hypertensive cardiac disease.

The former military leader narrated how the fatal meeting unfolded, citing Rice’s 2019 memoir, ‘Tough Love: My Story of the Things Worth Fighting For,’ in which she recalled that Abiola began coughing mildly about five minutes into their conversation before it became “wracking” and “dramatic.”

“Rice said she noticed Abiola’s ankles were swollen. About five minutes into their conversation, according to her, ‘Abiola started to cough, at first mildly and intermittently, and then wrackingly with consistency,’” Abubakar wrote, quoting the memoir.

He said Abiola complained of feeling hot and asked that the air-conditioning be turned up, after which a doctor was summoned and diagnosed a heart attack. Quoting Pickering’s account in a BBC interview shortly after Abiola’s death, Abubakar wrote that the politician “had trouble breathing, went into the toilet and came out obviously very distressed,” before being moved to a couch where he removed his shirt and asked for the room to be ventilated.

“A doctor arrived within 10 minutes and called for immediate hospital attention. We all helped to put him in a car, there was no ambulance immediately available. We followed him to the clinic of the Head of State of Nigeria, where doctors immediately began to work on him…but unfortunately at the end of their efforts it was not possible and he died,” Abubakar quoted Pickering as saying. 

Abubakar recalled receiving the news from his Chief Security Officer, Major General Abdulrasheed Aliyu, who had led the American delegation to the meeting.

“Aliyu, my CSO, called me. As soon as I picked, he said, in a shaky voice, that there was a problem. I asked: ‘What problem again?’ He said Abiola was dead. My head went blank,” Abubakar wrote.

He described breaking the news to Abiola’s family, recounting how one of the politician’s daughters broke down in tears and was consoled by Rice.

“If we had not allowed the American delegation to see him and he had died in custody, it would have been a different story. It would have been insinuated that he had long died and we were trying to cover it up,” he stated.

Meanwhile, Obasanjo, in his remarks, revealed that Abdulsalami Abubakar was facilitating the release of Abiola before his death, saying: “You sagaciously managed the seeming confusion and uncertainty that followed Abacha’s death. You emerged from the cloud and carefully proceeded to untangle the nation. Political prisoners were released, and I was. As has been said by the President of the Senate, the National Assembly is a beneficiary of that. Your next move was how to get MKO Abiola released and you kept me regularly informed, and also related messages to the family. Kola was already in Abuja to pick up his father when the unexpected happened. I remember you telling me on the telephone, ‘our man is dead.’”

Obasanjo also recounted how Abubakar personally intervened to overcome widespread opposition to the Land Use Act, saying Abubakar engaged community leaders across Oyo State, pointing out that the effort helped secure the survival of a law that remains a key part of Nigeria’s constitutional framework.

Using the story to illustrate the importance of leadership, consultation and national service, Obasanjo said the Land Use Decree faced stiff resistance from both Northern and Southern interests when it was introduced during his military administration. When the Land Use Act was promulgated as a decree, a colleague came to me and said nobody liked it. The North didn’t like it, the South didn’t like it.”

According to him, reports later emerged that the Agbekoya movement in the South-West was preparing protests against the legislation, prompting him to seek advice from elder statesman Chief Adebo.

Obasanjo said the elder statesman advised him to engage directly with the people instead of relying on intermediaries.

“I left Lagos at about 2 a.m., got to Ibadan before dawn and visited villages to meet Agbekoya leaders in their homes. By about 8 a.m., I had visited more than a dozen villages explaining the policy to them,” he said.

The former president noted that the consultations succeeded in diffusing tensions and ensuring acceptance of the policy.

“That was how we were able to suppress the protest against the Land Use Decree, and that is why the Land Use Act has endured till today,” he said.

For his part, Major General Abdulrasheed Aliyu (retd), Chief Security Officer, CSO, to the former Head of State, disclosed that Gen Abubabakar rebuffed pressures from the military circle to extend his six months transition programme.

Aliyu said: “When he rolled out his six month transition programme, our participants in the military were divided into three groups. One group believed that, yes, this time they have accepted as proposed. Another group felt that it is okay, but can we have an extension of five to six months? The third group felt the civilians are not ready to take over the country.”

Aliyu said he approached Abubakar with the concerns. “Sir, those are the institutions for me extending six months so that we can have the small group by our side,” he recalled.

Abdulsalami looked at him and said: “It is my duty and my task to take decision on behalf of the country and what is good for the country and for the people. I’ve taken my decision. That’s what I will do.”

Also speaking at the event, Jonathan described Gen Abubakar as a remarkable statesman with a lifetime of dedication to the service of the nation and humanity, recounting his role in guiding Nigeria through a peaceful transition to democratic governance.

He commended the former head of state for his uncommon courage and selflessness in promoting peace and progress in Nigeria and his continued advocacy for peace, a legacy he said is measured not by the number of years but by achievements recorded.

Likewise. Senate President, Godswill Akpabio, who spoke at the event, described the National Assembly and Nigeria’s democratic institutions as direct beneficiaries of the sacrifice made by Gen Abubakar in restoring democratic rule to the country in 1999.

Akpabio said his decision to hand over power after an 11-month transition programme, despite having the authority to remain in office, helped restore democratic governance and laid the foundation for the legislature and other democratic institutions operating today.

For Gen Gowon, he used the occasion to call for unity and respect for others despite religious and ethnic differences, also urging young people to emulate Abubakar’s patriotism, commitment to justice and dedication to national unity.

Vanguard News

The post MKO Abiola died of heart attack, not poison – Gen. Abubakar appeared first on Vanguard News.

•Tinubu vows: We won’t bow to abductors’ demand to free captured bandits 

By  Ibrahim Hassan-Wuyo & Kingsly Omonobi

The current spike in kidnapping across the country took a frightening dimension as abducted former spokesman of the Nigerian Army, retired Major General Abubakar Rabe,   died  in the custody of bandits who abducted him in Katsina State.

Katsina State government confirmed the development in a statement issued by the Commissioner for Internal Security and Home Affairs, Dr. Nasir Muazu.

He said the retired senior military officer died as a result of complications arising from diabetes and high blood pressure while being held captive by his abductors.

The statement reads: “Katsina State government, with a heavy heart and deep sense of loss, wishes to inform the general public of the tragic passing of Retired Major General Rabe Abubakar.

It is with profound sadness that we confirm the General’s death while in bandits’ captivity. Despite the relentless and concerted efforts of the state government and various security agencies to secure his safe release, the situation ended in this tragedy.

The deceased died a natural death from complications of diabetes and hypertension.

“’His abduction and subsequent death are not only a loss to his family and Katsina State but a monumental loss to the entire country.

The Executive Governor of Katsina State, Malam Dikko Umaru Radda, extends his deepest condolences to the family of the late General and the country at large. The governor has described this incident as a dark moment and a reminder of the urgent need for a collective and intensified front against the criminal elements threatening the peace of our communities.

Katsina State government remains committed to working with  Federal Government and security forces to ensure that those responsible for this heinous act are brought to justice. We assure the citizens of Katsina State that our resolve to eliminate banditry and ensure the safety of all residents remains unshaken.

Our thoughts and prayers are with the bereaved family during this difficult time.’’

General Rabe  and his wife, Hajiya Amina Abubakar, were abducted on May 30, 2026, while travelling along the Marabar Musawa–Kafinsoli Road in Matazu Local Government Area of Katsina State.

Their vehicle was reportedly ambushed by armed bandits near Zakin Baure village, while their driver sustained gunshot injuries during the attack.

Days after the abduction, the bandits released a four-minute video showing the retired army spokesman and his wife in captivity.

In the footage, Hajiya Amina appealed to the Katsina State government and local government authorities to accede to the demands of their captors.

She said: “We are begging all those concerned to help us heed these demands so we can be released. Two of the boys were captured in Jikamshi and the other one was arrested separately, so we are appealing to the government to please adhere to their demands, release them and release their cows.”

Hajiya Amina also disclosed that the abductors were demanding the release of three detained associates identified as Aminu, Sani and Nasiru, as well as the return of livestock allegedly seized from them.

The late general also spoke briefly in the video, calling for dialogue and a peaceful resolution of the situation while appealing for efforts to secure their freedom.

However, President Bola Tinubu has expressed shock over the death of retired General Rabe.

In a statement by Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Mr. Bayo Onanuga, the President commiserated with Abubakar’s family, especially his wife.

He also extended his condolences to the Katsina State Government and the Armed Forces.

The statement reads: “While the terrorists have done their worst, the President wants them to know that the government will never bow to their demand to release their members held by our security agencies.

“As I said on June 12,   bandits, kidnappers, and sponsors of terror should now surrender or face the full force of the Nigerian state. These windows of surrender will not remain open forever. And no mercy will be shown to those who trade in the blood of Nigerians.

“As Nigerians, we must stand united and be assured that the enemies of our nation shall soon be history. We will triumph over terror and continue to build a more prosperous nation.”

Meanwhile, it was learnt that his wife had been released by her captors.’A source quoted by TheNiche said Mrs Abubakar was released alive to Katsina State government while her husband’s body was transported to Kaduna for burial.’ Just got information that the bandits have handed over the corpse of Major General Rabe Abubakar to Katsina State government alongside his wife (who’s alive) and the corpse is on the way to Kaduna for burial later today,” the source said.

The post Abducted retired General dies in terrorists’ captivity, wife released appeared first on Vanguard News.

For the layman, FIFA means Federation of International Football Associations. It was formed 122 years ago on May 21, 1904 in Rue Saint-Honore in Paris, France. Incidentally, its first president was a French man named Robert Guérin who served for two years, 1904-1906.

After him came Daniel Burley Woolfall (England): 1906–1918, Jules Rimet (France): 1921–1954, Rodol- phe Seeldrayers (Belgium): 1954–1955, Arthur Drewry (England): 1955–1961, Sir Stanley Rous (England): 1961–1974, João Havelange (Brazil): 1974–1998, Sepp Blatter (Switzerland): 1998–2015.

Issa Hayatou from Cameroon is the only African to have been president but he was in acting capacity for just one year from 2015–2016 when Blatter was forced to resign over corruption charges.

Hayatou stepped down when a substantive president Gianni Infantino of dual nationality (Switzerland/Italy) was elected in 2016. Infantino remains till today.

In the history of FIFA, Africa was given proper recognition during the time of Blatter who had a running battle with his Europe Confederation then headed by Lennart Johansson, a Swede, who governed UEFA from 1990 to 2007. Johansson wanted to succeed Havelange, a Brazilian and the longest serving president who was in the saddle for 24 years.

As then Secretary General of FIFA, Blatter knew that Africa had the number, being the largest Confederation in the FIFA family with 54 member Associations.

So he worked on that by taking projects to Africa and ensuring that the continent had more representation at the World Cup.

One of Blatter’s greatest support for Africa was, against the push by Europe, ensuring that Africa hosted the World Cup. To him without Africa hosting it, after all other continents had done so, it would not be truly called a World Cup. And Africa hosted it through South Africa in 2010.

FIFA had a recognized slogan which was “For the Game. For the World”. This highlighted a commitment to expanding and protecting the sport while focusing on social responsibility.

Years after using this slogan, it launched a new one, “Football Unites the World”. This is because it operates under this global movement to inspire, unite, and develop people all across the globe through the beautiful game. Football is just one of the many sports under the International Olympic Committee, IOC, which has a charter that governs sports all over. Any country in the world that agrees to be part of the IOC must abide with the Charter.

This Charter seeks to place sport at the service of harmonious human development and promote a peaceful society. The IOC’s mission to unite nations transcends cultural, religious, and political boundaries through several key mechanisms defined in the charter.

The Olympic Charter mandates that sports organizations maintain political neutrality, ensuring the Olympic Games, in this case, the World Cup, remains a sacred space for peaceful competition which guarantees human rights and non-discrimination.

This is the reason why FIFA demands a government guarantee from any World Cup host for everyone connected with the good organization of the World Cup every four years.

All past presidents of FIFA ensured that host countries, including the Arab country of Qatar which hosted the last one in 2022, which relaxed some of its laws to allow a truly enjoyable World Cup, signed the guarantee.

That is why the football world is shocked that Infantino has allowed his ‘friendship’ or closeness to US pres- ident, Donald Trump to ridicule FIFA for the first time.

The world is shocked that FIFA is making excuses for the US which has denied a Somalian referee, Omar Artan it selected from Africa entry into their country to do his job.

Infantino said, “It’s unfortunate what happened to Omar. But again, we don’t control everything. We try, we discuss, we see. Maybe it’s good to just chill, relax.

We try to solve everything. Sometimes screaming and shouting has the opposite effect. Don’t believe me if you don’t want but we always try to find solutions. We are not the kings of the world.” Havelange or Blatter, wouldn’t have said this when they had the document of guarantee signed by the host government.

During their time and others before them, their words were law and they were treated like presidents of countries. Not anymore under Infantino’s presidency when FIFA cringes under the threat of US president Trump who seems to be against the whole world.

The world is not keeping quiet though. Blatter has already condemned the action of the US authorities and indirectly rubbished Infantino’s position on the matter.

Like we say in Nigerian local parlance, him no bend mouth talk him mind. He said: “No one is more official than the referee, and if a country refuses to allow a referee in, the World Cup should not be held in such a country.”

True to Blatter’s position, referees are not just visitors.

They are fundamental to the competition itself just like players who are joint major stakeholders of the sport.

A concerned Nigerian, Kachi Okezie, Esq summed up the whole scenario thus: “A World Cup is supposed to be a neutral, global sanctuary. If geopolitical biases and border-agent whims dictate who takes the pitch, then it is no longer a World Cup; it is an exclusive invitational filtered through Western political anxieties.”

Aptly summarized. And it is showing because the World Cup has lost its flavour as traveling fans who add colour to the event are missing this time around with restrictions or complete ban imposed by the US.

The post A new low for FIFA, by Patrick Omorodion appeared first on Vanguard News.

Brazil were forced to come from behind to snatch a 1-1 draw with African champions Morocco in their World Cup Group C opener at the MetLife Stadium in New Jersey on Saturday.

Real Madrid star Vinicius Junior lashed in a superbly taken equaliser in the 32nd minute after a brilliant counter-attacking goal by Ismael Saibari had given Morocco an early lead.

The post World Cup 2026: Morocco, Brazil settle for point each after 1-1 draw appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Peterside Apereseimokomo

In the turbulent waters of Nigerian politics, leadership is often defined by the fierce defense of one’s own territory, faction, or political camp. Yet, every once in a generation, a leader emerges who transcends these artificial boundaries to embody the very soul of a people. For the Ijaw nation, that leader is Senator Konbowei Benson. A core Ijaw man to his bones, Senator Konbowei Benson does not merely participate in the Ijaw struggle; he absorbs its shocks, protects its people, and consistently catches political bullets to preserve the unity, peace, and progress of Ijaw land.

 What makes his brand of leadership exceptional is a rare, unyielding principle: he protects every Ijaw man and woman irrespective of their clan, political differences, or past grievances. To Senator Konbowei Benson, the blood that binds the Ijaw nation is infinitely thicker than the ink on a political party card.

 Facing the Friendly Fire: Forgiveness Over Retaliation. 

 True leadership is tested not when you are attacked by outsiders, but when the arrows come from within your own home. As a first-term Senator representing Bayelsa Central, Senator Konbowei Benson faced a barrage of political warfare. He was dragged through several courts across Nigeria over frivolous, fabricated allegations. In a heartbreaking twist, these attacks were not engineered by political rivals from other regions, but by his own Ijaw brothers, who went as far as attempting to publicly embarrass him in the national media and sent him to Kuje Prison.

 This legal warfare was a calculated strategy designed to cripple his effectiveness, consuming the first two years of his tenure in exhaustive courtroom battles. Yet, when the dust settled and Senator Konbowei Benson emerged completely victorious, the political landscape held its breath. Observers and political strategists—including this writer—fully expected a swift, decisive retaliation. Supporters even presented substantial, hard evidence of crimes committed by his detractors, offering him the perfect ammunition to strike back.

 Instead, Senator Konbowei Benson chose a path that shocked the political establishment: absolute forgiveness. Shunning the temptation of vengeance, he looked at his supporters and uttered words that should be etched into the stones of Ijaw history:

 “What does it profit me or any Ijaw man to see a fellow Ijaw man suffer, even though that Ijaw man is guilty?”

 By leaving vengeance in the hands of Almighty God, he refused to allow internal malice to tear the fabric of Ijaw brotherhood.

 Performance Amidst Distraction: Turning Scars into Projects

 While his detractors tried to drown his mandate in litigation, Senator  Konbowei Benson remained fiercely focused on the people who elected him. He refused to let the distractions of a few undermine the progress of the whole. His scorecard over a three-year period stands as a towering testament to resilience:

Senatorial Score card Achievements

Socio-Economic Projects:  Delivered Over 45 distinct community projects

Legislative Motions Moved: Approximately 10 motions

Bills Sponsored: 5 progressive bills

By turning the energy meant for conflict into fuel for governance, he proved that the ultimate defense against political bullets is undeniable performance.

Defending the Camp of His Detractors

The true measure of Senator Benson’s protective shield over the Ijaw nation was put to the test when negative news broke regarding a former Governor of Bayelsa State over an alleged coup plot. Naturally, political opportunists and gossips rushed to Senator Konbowei Benson, eager to share and amplify the negative narrative to diminish the former Governor’s standing.

Crucially, the former Governor was not in the same political camp as Senator Konbowei Benson. In the ruthless playbook of modern politics, this was an open invitation to destroy a rival.

Instead, Senator Konbowei Benson immediately shut them down. He ordered the detractors away, telling them plainly to be ashamed of themselves as Ijaw people for promoting the downfall and negativity of a fellow Ijaw brother. In that single moment, he drew a line in the sand: no Ijaw man would be devalued or destroyed on his watch, regardless of political alignment.

Conclusion: The Ultimate Open-Door Leader

Senator Konbowei Benson operates a life-long open-door policy. It is a philosophy rooted in the authentic, hospitable, and fiercely loyal nature of the traditional Ijaw man. By choosing peace over polarization, and protection over persecution, he has redefined what it means to be a nationalist for his people.

He continues to take the bullets meant to divide Ijaw land, transforming hostility into harmony, and proving that for the Ijaw nation to thrive, its leaders must possess a heart large enough to forgive, and a shoulder strong enoug h to carry everyone.

The post How Konbowei Benson takes bullets for the Ijaw nation appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Kehinde Olaosebikan 

As the 10th Senate marks three years, one name defines its rhythm: Senator Michael Opeyemi Bamidele, CON. Majority Leader. Lawyer. Bridge builder. To call him “The All Round Leader” is to capture three years of law, politics, and quiet consensus in the Red Chamber.

The Lawmaker’s Lawmaker

MOB came prepared. A lawyer with decades at the Bar, veteran of the 7th House of Representatives, and 9th Senate, he brought legal precision to the floor. As Majority Leader, he is chief sponsor of Executive Bills and the chamber’s floor manager. 

The results show. Complex legislation — the 2023 Electricity Act, the Student Loans Act, 2024 tax reform bills, and three national budgets — moved with unusual efficiency. Colleagues point to his style: simplify the technical, negotiate the contentious, and build support before a bill is called. That is legislative dexterity at work.

The Bridge Between Powers 

Nigeria’s Constitution demands cooperation between Executive and Legislature. History shows how badly that can go. Bamidele’s model is different: cooperative but not pliant.

President Tinubu’s administration has found a reliable legislative partner in him. Yet he insists on due process. He pushes back when needed and rallies the chamber when alignment matters. That balance — loyalty without servility — helped stabilize governance in the administration’s first half. It is not a rubber stamp. It is a partnership.

The Chamber’s Calm

The 10th Senate is not simple: 109 senators, 7 parties, strong regional blocs. The Majority Leader’s job is to keep that mosaic together. 

In three years, Bamidele became the Senate’s stabilizer. Budget debates, ministerial screenings, heated motions — he douses tension early. His tools are not the gavel alone, but the late-night call, the corridor conversation, the respect for all views. Senators across party lines call him accessible and fair. In a chamber that could easily fracture, he is the centre that holds.

The Ekiti Anchor 

Abuja has not cut him off from Ekiti Central. Roads, tertiary institutions, classroom blocks, scholarships, medical hospitals and outreaches, and SME grants dot his senatorial district. His constituency office in Ado-Ekiti runs as a service hub, not a ghost address. 

For his people, he remains “Egbon Opeyemi or simply MOB” — the brother who picks calls. For Nigeria, he is the Majority Leader carrying national weight. Holding both roles without dropping either is the mark of an all-around leader.

The Year Ahead

Year four will test the 10th Senate: constitutional amendment, security challenges, and tougher economic bills. The chamber will need its Leader’s full skill set — legal mind, political instinct, human touch. 

Three years in, Opeyemi Bamidele has redefined the Majority Leader’s office. Not just the bill manager, but statesman. Not just party man, but institutionalist. 

That is why “All Round Leader” fits. And why the Senate and Nigeria are steadier for it.

•Olaosebikan is an APC chieftain and CEO of Midas Communications Ltd, a global PR firm.

The post Opeyemi Bamidele: The all-round leader at 3  appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Toni Kan

A wag once said that the reward for hard work is more work.

This aphorism was at the core of Yemi Cardoso’s acceptance speech in London on June 10, 2026 when he accepted the Central Banking award for Central Bank of the Year on behalf of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN).

Speaking at the ceremony, which is hailed as the “Oscars of Banking” Cardoso said – “We receive this recognition with humility. We see it, not as a destination, but as encouragement to continue the important work ahead.”

While there is indeed important work ahead, no one can countenance the fact that the CBN under Cardoso has notched up impressive achievements since he took over a central bank that was mired in a quagmire of gargantuan proportions. The successes are remarkable especially in a period marked by “turbulence and uncertainty” as well as tectonic geopolitical shifts.

Cardoso said at the ceremony that credit for the successes achieved belong to his dedicated and committed team at the CBN on whose behalf he was accepting the award.

“I accept this award on behalf of the Board, Management and staff of the CBN. Above all, it belongs to the many dedicated professionals who serve our institution with integrity, expertise, and an unwavering commitment to the public good,” he said.

Speaking further Cardoso reflected on the journey to global acclamation and the important role the apex bank plays in the financial ecosystem.

According to him “the responsibility entrusted to central banks is a solemn one – to preserve confidence, safeguards to stability and to create the conditions in which economies and societies can prosper.”

The challenging environment that faced the apex bank in 2023 and the decisive actions taken by Cardoso and his team to reverse years of financial rascality and unorthodoxy at the CBN were catalogued in an article announcing the CBN’s selection as Central Bank of the year. 

Quoting a former Central Bank governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi,  Central Banking  writes: “When Nigeria’s new president, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, assumed office in May 2023, he inherited an economy that was “on the brink of hyperinflation” and “fiscal bankruptcy” with “the naira in free fall” and “inflation rising month on month” due to “the total loss of CBN autonomy” and “very loose monetary policy under [Muhammadu] Buhari,” Sanusi adds. He had earlier been quoted in the article as saying that “the nation looked more likely than not to be heading the way of Venezuela and Zimbabwe.”

In three years, with a disciplined insistence on not just autonomy but adherence to good corporate governance, transparency and orthodox monetary policy, Cardoso and his team have managed to drag the economy back from the brink where it teetered weighed down by high inflation, depleted forex reserves, opaque monetary policy and reporting, huge ways and means over hang, run away backlog of matured FX obligations and wide spread between the official and parallel market rates.

The CBN under Cardoso’s sway and a robust inflation targeting mechanism has presided over a comprehensive disinflation regime with inflation down to about 15%, robust accretion of foreign reserves which has crossed $50bn guaranteeing over 10 months of import cover, contraction of the FX spread to about 2% from 60%, a healthy macroeconomic environment, close alignment with fiscal authorities, a recapitalised and resilient banking sector and restored investor confidence which has contributed in large part to Nigeria exiting the “grey list.”

All these successes were central to the recognition and validation from Central Banking. Commenting on the choice of the CBN as Central Bank of the Year, Christopher Jeffrey, editor-in-chief explained that the apex bank was honoured for among other things, “a recognition of its monetary policy reforms that overturned past frameworks and resulted in widespread improvements in the country’s economy.”

Continuing he noted that the reforms had enabled the CBN to “implement disciplined monetary tightening, while also pursuing FX market reform. A further major achievement has been the CBN’s clearance of more than $7bn of outstanding obligations.”

Central Banking also added that as “evidence of its widespread efforts to improve its operation, the central bank had carried out governance and transparency improvements …Additionally banking sector recapitalisation, payments modernisation and Nigeria’s removal from the Financial Action Task Force “grey list” had contributed to rebuilding investor and public confidence making the CBN a fitting candidate to be recognised for global excellence.”

Recognition has also come from other quarters, notably the International Monetary Fund (IMF) which acknowledged and praised the CBN’s reforms noting that its “Directors welcomes steps by the authorities to build reserves and support market confidence and praised reforms to the foreign exchange market that supported price discovery and liquidity.”

Last year, Cardoso was named African Central Banker of the year at the Annual Banker Awards in recognition of ongoing reforms. The organisers recognised “Governor Cardoso’s recent achievements and the Central Bank’s critical role in addressing market imbalances and repositioning the Nigerian economy for sustainable growth.”

Closer home the Centre for Economic Growth and Monetary Reforms (CEGMR) has commended the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) for its handling of the country’s monetary policy with the director stating that “Monetary policy is not magic, but discipline pays off. The CBN’s commitment to consistency and orthodox tools is now reflected in falling inflation, stabilising exchange rates, and a rebound in external reserves.”

While the achievements are not in doubt two key things stand out from the piece by Central Banking. First is the unequivocal vote of confidence by Sanusi Lamido Sanusi who is not known to suffer fools gladly.

Another is Cardoso’s insistence that more work needs to be done. With a successful conclusion of the banking recapitalisation exercise, Cardoso seems focused on making sure that the gains of the exercise are not frittered away. On the day of the award ceremony in London, the CBN released new rules for the licensing and regulation of financial holding companies (FHCs/HoldCos) in Nigeria.

The June 10, 2026 circular with reference number FPR/DIR/PUB/CIR/001/017 and signed by Dr. Rita Sike, Director Financial Policy and Regulation Department was titled  “Exposure Draft of The Revised Guidelines for Licensing and Regulating Financial Holding Companies In Nigeria” and presented key proposals around Ring-Fencing Operations, Capital Requirements, Governance Structure and Public Engagement all geared to “enhance the stability of the banking sector and protect depositors’ funds” with Holdcos now “required to maintain a minimum 51% equity stake in each subsidiary and have stricter capital requirements to ensure financial stability.”

The CBN is also ensuring implementation and monitoring of its FX manual to ensure not just transparency but expansion of market participation and tighter documentation standards and enhanced EFEM surveillance.

The reward for Yemi Cardoso and his team’s hard work is without doubt more work to which they are clearly committed to achieving.

The post Yemi Cardoso leads the CBN to global acclaim  appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Glory Wobo 

When a tough task is to be undertaken, a person with the required experience is normally chosen to lead the group that will undertake that task. Primodial sentiments are kept aside,  while choosing the leader, if the task at hand is to be done speedily and efficiently. 

Therefore, the choice of Kingsley Ogundu Chinda, widely known as O.K. Chinda, to lead the governorship battle of All Progressive Congress, APC, in Rivers State in the coming general elections in 2027, should not come as a surprise to many who are familiar with the man, Chinda. 

Rt.Hon. Kingsley Chinda has carved a niche for himself as an important figure in Nigeria’s political and legal space. 

Representing the Obio/Akpor Federal Constituency of Rivers State in the House of Representatives, Chinda has built a reputation as a seasoned lawmaker with strong grassroots connections.

A lawyer by profession, he was called to the Nigerian Bar in 1995 and has since combined his legal expertise with public service. His early professional journey included active involvement in legal practice, human rights advocacy, and environmental matters.

Born on March 24, 1966, in Rivers State, Chinda had pursued a career in law before venturing into politics. Chinda’s blossomed politically when he served as Commissioner for Environment in Rivers State. In that capacity, he contributed to policy development and environmental management initiatives within the state. 

His performance as a commissioner prepared him for national leadership responsibilities. His membership of the House of Representatives has further brought out the leadership qualities in him.

He has been known for his vocal participation in legislative debates and national discourse. He previously served as the Minority Leader of the House, a position that placed him at the forefront of opposition leadership and parliamentary strategy. 

While he was the leader of the minorities in the House, he was recognized for advocating accountability, democratic principles, and effective governance.

A grassroot politician,  he has maintained and kept close ties with his constituents back home in RiversState. This is why his political influence extends beyond the National Assembly, where he also  held sway.

It, therefore, did not come to many political observers as a surprise when he emerged as the consensus candidate of All Progressive Congress, APC, in the coming  2027 governorship election. 

With years of experience in law practice and law making, Hon. Chinda has become a national figure whose contributions continue to shape legislative activities and political discourse in the country.

A passionate believer in self development through education, O. K. Chinda has championed any act and legislation that will  increase human capital development through both his legislative contributions and personal interventions. 

Many legislators remember him while supporting a bill on student loans on the floor of the House of Representatives. He passionately advocated for its speedy passage, emphasizing the need for “students to begin benefiting from the scheme without delay.”

A believer that education is the greatest tool  for personal and societal development, the people of Obio/Akpor Federal Constituency have benefited immensely from his commitment to the education sector.

He has championed the construction of classroom blocks, scholarship awards, distribution of school desks and tables, Back-to-School programmes, support for skills acquisition initiatives, and numerous personal educational assistance programmes for students and families within his constituency.

A compassionate man and a person who  believe in the intellectual development of those around him, Chinda galvanised his personal staff. 

 His decision to encourage all members of his staff to pursue higher education by enrolling for Master’s Degrees or Ph.D. programmes, with the costs fully undertaken by him, demonstrates his conviction that investing in education is the best legacy any individual can leave behind. 

Through his actions and advocacy,  he has shown so far that he understands the importance of quality education and its role in transforming lives. 

This explains why there is almost a general belief amongst political observers that Rivers State and its people will witness rapid growth and development with him as the governor.

Those who hold this view have insisted that he has demonstrated leadership capability and qualities. He has  a track record that is there for all to see.

They also contend that leaders should  be assessed on the basis of competence, integrity, and merit. 

As an accomplished lawyer and seasoned legislator, his credentials are there for all to see. His wealth of experience and measurable contributions to the growth and development of  Rivers State speak for themselves. 

Indigenes of Rivers State and political stakeholders  while speaking about the emergence of Hon. Chinda  in the just concluded parties primaries for the coming elections said Rt. Hon. Kingsley Ogundu  is eminently qualified for the job. They have called on voters in the state to look at the character, capacity, and performance of the contestants for the position of governor.

They have also appealed to voters to support him in the coming elections and work with him if he wins to unite Rivers State once again. 

With the broad parties coalition currently established in Rivers State and with little opposition from the other political parties in the state, many political analysts and observers are of the firm belief that Hon. Kingsley Ogundu Chinda will emerge as the elected governor of Rivers State. 

The post Kingsley Chinda: The man with the requisite experience appeared first on Vanguard News.

Thanks be to God for life.   

You are a testifier.  That we are alive to witness the first half of the sixth month is indeed a testimony.

Beloved, the greatest testimony is that of life and the salvation of our souls.

Sleeping and waking up, isn’t by our power.  It is God that gives us the breath of life and this is why we must give thanks to God every day.

Last week we talked about the sixth   month being the month of good news.

However, something precedes the much awaited good news and that is visitation.

A visitor usually would come with good news, bad news or no news at all.  In other words, you many have a visitor that visits without a message for you.  Such a visitor may have come in, just to have a chat with you or share with you the challenges you have without any offer of a solution.

Today, we are considering Divine Visitation.    

As defined by Pastor Benjamin Ajayeoba, of Region 59 of the Redeemed Christian Church of God, “ Divine Visitation is the meeting between Divinity and Humanity”.

Every Christian surely looks forward to this type of visitation?

Why?  It is simply because, anyone that experiences the visitation of God will definitely have something change in his or her life.

We’ll take a few examples from the Holy Bible.

Luke 1 vs. 2-20 (Angelic visit to Zachariah) For our purpose, we’ll make reference to verses 11-14  ( NIV) : “ Then an angel of the Lord appeared to him, standing at the right side of the altar of incense.

When Zechariah saw him, he was startled and was gripped with fear.

But the angel said to him: Do not be afraid, Zechariah; your prayer has been heard. Your wife Elizabeth   will bear a son and you are to give him the name John.

He will be a joy and delight to you, and many will rejoice   because of his birth”.

Brethren, are you in a similar condition? Are people calling   your wife barren?

Take steps like Zechariah.   He was prayerful; he was in the service of God.

It simply means that prayer for children isn’t the exclusive duty of the wife; husband and wife need to cooperate in prayer.

As we read here, the angel appeared to the man first.  What if he hadn’t been prayerful?   He probably would never have received the good news.

Note also that the angel brought a message from God.  

Let’s also note that the angel did not appear in a dream.  It was live and direct.

Your own angel may be your Pastor, he could be someone that God has put words in his mouth to speak to you about a particular challenge.

The angel delivered the good news and also to Zechariah what would follow when the message becomes a reality.

The angel said: “ He will be a joy and delight to you, and many will rejoice because of his birth”.

Even today, when childless couples have children after years of waiting, what follows is “ joy and celebration”. Many would rejoice with them.

Another example of the visitation of God is found in the story of the great prophet Elijah.

1st Kings 19 vs.  3-6 ( NIV)- Elijah the great man of God feared for his life,  when Jezebel  threatened to kill him/“  Elijah was afraid and ran for his life. When he came to Beersheba in Judah, he left his servant there, while he himself went a day’s journey into the desert.  He came to a broom tree, sat down under it and prayed that he might die.

“I have had enough LORD,” he said. Take my life; I am no better than my ancestors”.

Then he lay down under the tree and fell asleep.  All at once an angel touched him and said, “ Get up and eat”.

Note that Elijah was tired and hungry when he fell asleep.   He knew that the enemy that pursued him was strong enough to kill him and he had no physical strength to overpower Jezebel and her killer gang.

Elijah had given up hence he asked the LORD to take him away from the danger that confronted him.

I may not know what is it that confronts you today.  

Are you trying to break away from poverty? Are you tired of loneliness?, or have you been working without progress.? Or are you confronted with a medical condition that doctors say is a 50-50 survival chance, don’t give up.

No condition should make anyone ask God to take his or life.  To do that is a demonstration of a lack of faith in the ability of the God of possibilities.

Verses 6-8 complete the story of Elijah.

“ He looked around, and there by his head was a cake of bread  baked over hot coals, and a jar of water. He ate and drank and lay down again.

The angel came back a second time and touched him and said, “ Get up and eat, for the journey is too much for you”.

So he got up and ate and drank. Strengthened by that food, he traveled forty days and forty nights until he reached Horeb, the mountain of God”.

My prayer for you is that the Lord will give you strength and peace of mind to overcome the challenge you are passing through.

One of the lessons for us in the story of Elijah is that he got fed up and would rather die.

Beloved, nothing must make you think of suicide when confronted with a challenge.  Neither should you condition your mind to ask God to take you away.

Going through a challenge should strengthen you.  It is the time to build up your faith and trust in God.

Prophet Elijah finally got more than he needed when the angel visited him.

It therefore means that when the Lord visits you, you are likely to get more than you asked for.

Which food can a man eat that would make him not to be hungry for 40 days? None.  But when God visits or sends a message, the miraculous that defies scientific explanation would manifest in that person’s life.

The question is are you prepared for the Lord’s visitation?

How pure is your mind?   Do not allow your state of barrenness to prevent you from going to naming ceremonies.

I’ll share a short story of a friend who trusted the LORD for the fruit of the womb.   Though her husband had been persuaded to try another woman.

She stayed in her marriage and continued to trust God prayerfully.

The lady attended the naming ceremony of her neighbour and openly she said, “ I use this baby as a point of contact for the Lord to give me my own”.

She gave presents to the mother and child and joined the celebration.

Barely, a year after she conceived and God blessed her marriage with a baby boy.

Beloved, God’s visitation could be in any form. 

The important thing is that it leaves you with a message that would change your story.

Cry not beloved, cheer up.

JESUS is LORD!

The post Prepare for His visitation, by Funmi Komolafe appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Henry Efe Duku

The conscience and consciousness of the electorate of Delta Central Senatorial District are settled that the All Progressives Congress (APC) committed a grave injustice and self-inflicted harm when it annulled the widely acknowledged landslide victory of the Deputy President of the 9th Senate and Obarisi of Urhoboland, Senator Ovie Omo-Agege, CFR, in its senatorial primaries of 18th May, 2026. As confirmed by credible and unchallenged evidence gathered by professional and citizen journalists across all 85 wards of the district, the Obarisi won emphatically, polling 109,516 votes against a paltry 7,698 for his rival, Senator Ede Dafinone.

Yet, pandering to Governor Sheriff Oborevwori’s endless, bitter and unwinnable declared war to retire Omo-Agege, along with other steadfast leaders of the old APC bloc and their legions of fiercely loyal supporters, from politics for the ‘offence’ of daring to challenge him in the 2023 governorship election, the field organisers of the primaries brazenly refused to accept and record the authentic results. This was made possible chiefly by an Urhobo-hater-in-chief who fears that the Obarisi’s return to the Senate would weaken her present unlimited control of the destiny of the Urhobo Nation, exercised through docile, servile and uninformed minds.

Following the targeted impunity that attended the APC primaries, a principled Omo-Agege responded decisively and calmly, migrating his tested grassroots political machinery to the new Nigerian Democratic Congress (NDC), having carefully laid the groundwork beforehand. As a first consequence, he comfortably secured the NDC’s senatorial ticket for Delta Central, strategically upending Oborevwori’s comically boastful sterilisation agenda to ‘cage and padlock’ the Obarisi and his people as retired lame ducks in a kitchen-led APC. It was an uppercut to Oborevwori’s demigod posturing that grew, in part, from a poor reading and misconstruction of the text and spirit of Nigeria’s extant electoral laws. For the Obarisi, this was a well-planned strategy, dri ven by an incisive understanding of the law and a blend of Sun Tzu and Machiavellian tactics. As it should, the audacity of the move has altered Delta’s 2027 electoral calculus, with seismic effects extending well beyond his own race. All options are now effectively on the table, and Delta Central’s traditionally republican, anti-oppression electorate is gearing up to withstand squarely whatever rigging schemes lie ahead.

The Obarisi’s methodically executed embrace of the NDC has, as expected, prompted diverse commentary, including some legal analyses that are, with profound respect, factually and legally misconceived and flawed for being predicated on wrong facts, conjectures, and a poor appreciation of today’s electoral legal framework governing political party primaries and the nomination of candidates in Nigeria. Through it all, a consensus is growing that Omo-Agege’s principled exit from an APC that panders to oppressive inclinations and eliminates its own quarterbacks has further consolidated his standing as a leader with clear convictions on the true spirit of electoral democracy.

A significant place to start is to note that the APC, of its own accord, chose to secure written withdrawals from aspirants in each electoral race before the primaries. To all intents and purposes, therefore, no aspirant was in law an aspirant before, during or after the primaries, each having withdrawn from the race and deposed to a statement on oath affirming that withdrawal, unless otherwise affirmed by the party with the aspirant’s express consent. This may not apply to aspirants who defied the party, but if Omo-Agege complied with this condition imposed by the party, then he was as free as the air to exit the party at any time and contest on any other platform within the window allowed and conditionalities prescribed by law. Indeed, on this footing, even his participation in the APC primaries could, in law, amount to no more than an academic, hypothetical exercise. This has to sink.

Some analyses have suggested that joining the NDC after participating in the tainted APC primaries may breach the law. This is not correct. Which law? Omo-Agege’s movement to the NDC is firmly anchored on strong wickets of the law; like the Rock of Gibraltar, he is unshakable. The question that arises for consideration is this: subject to permissible, lawful constraints, does the law, as presently constituted in Nigeria, prohibit a qualified citizen from subscribing to the membership of a different political party in order to protect and advance his political rights, where those same rights are demonstrably violated in his own party? As hinted already, some analyses have given the wrong impression that the answer to this key question is a simplistic ‘yes’. That position is unsupported by any good law

To start with, Section 40 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), in its supremacy, guarantees a citizen the fundamental right to ‘… belong to any political party … for the protection of his interests’. The Constitution does not require a citizen to sit pitiably frozen in a party where his interests or rights are permanently, disdainfully violated. A citizen’s right to belong to any party of his choice is constitutionally protected, and no law exists, nor is it thinkable that one could lawfully exist tomorrow, in opposition to Section 40 of the Constitution. This is trite law, finding expression in a plethora of judicial decisions, including the recent case of Mene-Okotie v. Pan Ocean Oil Corp. Ltd. (2025) 15 NWLR (Pt. 2009) 471, where the Supreme Court reaffirmed that “[t]he Constitution is superior to the laws made by the National Assembly and the lower legislatures. …

 It is very prime in our law that every law or regulation to be applied or enforced in Nigeria must accord with the dictates of the Constitution ….”

It should also be said that joining a ‘new’ party to advance one’s political interest is not among the constitutional “disqualification criteria” emphasised in Section 85 of the Electoral Act, 2026. It is not the law that an aspirant who participated in the primaries of one political party is, by that fact alone, disqualified from participating in the primaries of, or from being nominated as a candidate by, another party, subject to mandatory conditions weighing in the aspirant’s favour. As the Supreme Court stated in Jime v. Hembe (2023) 12 NWLR (Pt. 1899) 463, “[t]here is a vast difference between participation at the primaries and being actually nominated by a party. The processes are quite different.” Unless duly nominated by a party, an aspirant is free to move to another party to advance his political interest, provided, as said, other equities favour him. Indeed, in Jime (supra), Kekere-Ekun, JSC (now CJN), clarified that “… there is no provision in the Electoral Act that precludes a candidate from participating in more than one primary. What is forbidden is his nomination by more than one political party at the same time and to his knowledge.” Nothing more needs to be added.

Although nothing relating to dual party membership factually, reasonably applies to the Most Distinguished Senator Ovie Omo-Agege, it should nevertheless be mentioned that, pursuant to a bill sponsored by its leader, Rt. Hon. Julius Ihonvbere, the House of Representatives, on 11th March 2026, initiated an amendment of Section 77 of the Electoral Act. The amendment seeks to add subsections (8), (9) and (10) to the section to prohibit, void and criminalise dual party membership, thereby clearly confirming the absence of such provisions, and of their intent, in the extant law. The process, however, remains inchoate, having not received the Senate’s concurrence, let alone presidential assent. Any contention to the contrary is wrong.

Maybe it should also be said, regarding the amendment, that the views of many lawmakers, including Rt. Hon. Hassan Fulata, who is vastly experienced in electoral reform, were jettisoned during the clause-by-clause consideration of the bill by the House’s Committee of the Whole. Fulata had reasonably contended that the amendment, as couched, strips an alleged offender of membership in both parties once dual registration is merely alleged, and that this itself violates the offender’s constitutionally guaranteed right to freedom of association under Section 40 of the Constitution. That argument may yet prove the Achilles’ heel of this unfinished amendment if it is ever fully passed and ultimately tested in court.

Relatedly, it has been insinuated that the former Deputy President of the Senate may have run afoul of Section 77(4) of the Electoral Act 2026, which requires a political party to submit its membership register to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) no later than 21 days before the date fixed for its primaries. For those who advance this view, if Omo-Agege’s name appears on the register submitted by the NDC to INEC, there must be a violation termed ‘double membership’. It must be firmly stated that no such violation exists in today’s Nigerian electoral law. Rather, and as already noted, what the law frowns upon is ‘multiple nomination’, provided for in Section 35 of the Electoral Act 2026 as follows: “Where a candidate knowingly allows himself to be nominated by more than one political party or in more than one constituency, his nomination shall be void.” As couched, ‘multiple nomination’ is not even an offence per se. At best, it is an intentional procedural breach that attracts an administrative penalty in the form of a void nomination, and nothing more.

By subsections 77(3),  (4), (5) and (6) of the extant Electoral Act, the law as it stands today in relation to party primaries only mandates a political party to maintain a digital membership register; issue membership cards to its members upon registration; submit its membership register to INEC not later than 21 days before the date fixed for its primaries; allow only those members whose names appear on the submitted register to participate in its primaries; and use only the submitted register for those primaries. Under subsection 77(7) of the Act, a party that fails to submit its register as prescribed is ineligible to field candidates for election. That is all the law provides on a party’s membership register; anything else is imaginary and undue hair-splitting, not law. Nowhere does the law say that a citizen whose party elects to be reckless with its primaries must remain helpless, rather than take lawful steps to effectuate his constitutionally guaranteed right to freedom of association.

Accordingly, any suggestion that Omo-Agege’s membership of the NDC may be tainted because he did not personally delist his name from APC’s membership register before registering with the NDC is both spurious and untenable in logic and law. The germane question is who bears the reasonable and lawful duty to delist a resigned member’s name from a party’s register: the party or the resigned member who has no access to the register? Does the law command the impossible? Without access to the party’s digital register, it cannot be the duty of the resigned member to delist his own name from that register. This is simple logic.

For absolute clarity, it should also be added that Senator Omo-Agege’s movement to the NDC has nothing whatsoever to do with the recent judgments of the Federal High Court in Suits Nos. FHC/ABJ/CS/517/2026 and FHC/ABJ/CS/720/2026, filed by the Youth Party (YP) and the Social Democratic Party (SDP) respectively, which focused heavily on the powers of INEC with respect to election timelines and administrative guidelines for the 2027 general elections. Nothing in the decisions already rendered by the Court, or in the ongoing appeals arising from them, relates to the Obarisi situation.

Finally, Senator Omo-Agege’s case is in a class of its own and is compliant with the law in all material respects. Omo-Agege is OK!

The post Nomination of Candidates for 2027 Elections: Omo-Agege’s case is different; compliant with the law appeared first on Vanguard News.

“I thought of Napoleon, 1769-1821, who said the word “impossible” does not exist or should not exist” – German philosopher.

After the nomination of former President Goodluck Jonathan as the presidential candidate of a faction of the moribund Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, on May 30, 2026, in Abuja, I am beginning to believe that nothing is impossible in Nigeria’s political wonderland – a place where former inseparable friends become implacable foes; and where past political adversaries embrace eagerly – just on account of changing political parties. 

Last week, I got republished an article written in October last year when the ADC was being formed and Jonathan was being tipped as the likely candidate. It was not clear then if Jonathan could legally run for office again. And, in my view, PDP, with its monumental problems, was the last platform on which he would attempt to try again. But, politicians are different from columnists. At any rate, by the time GEJ was cleared by the Supreme Court, the African Democratic Congress, ADC, door was firmly shut against him. So was the Nigerian Democratic Coalition, NDC. Atiku/Amaechi and Obi/Kwakwanso had seized control of ADC and NDC respectively. Perhaps, the PDP remained the only possible game in town – despite the threat of legal action by the Wike faction. In some respects, Jonathan’s re-entry into PDP has already loosened Wike’s grip on his own faction. Some of the die-hard PDP members might find GEJ a more credible leader to follow than Wike’s nominee. The question now is: What can Nigerians expect?

RIGHT NOW A POLITICAL CIRCUS IN PROGRESS

“Idealists in politics lack a sense of reality; and a politician must be a realist above all” – Henry Miller, Vanguard Book of Quotations, VBQ, p 192

There is an amusing circus show going on in Nigerian politics. Obviously, some people actually consider a game for all comers. Candidates emerging from the primaries conducted by most of the parties would suggest that those involved were having fun instead of conducting very serious public business. With few exceptions, the flag-bearers of the parties are so obscure; it is difficult to see how those who selected them can expect them to be taken seriously. The Labour Party illustrates the point. A party, whose candidate came third in 2023, on account of its strong candidate, drove him out; only to replace him with someone almost totally unknown. I never heard of him; and the brief introduction in the media made little difference. 

There is turmoil everywhere, with the exception of the APC and NDC, almost all the other parties have produced two presidential candidates, either through comical primaries or by consensus – arranged for candidates allergic to open primaries.

The approach to managing intra-party disputes favoured by President Tinubu – consensus – which has worked well in Lagos State, has hit the hard rock of political reality. Nigeria is not Lagos. Instead of solving problems, it has ignited revolt in many states. Nigerian courts and INEC should brace up for an avalanche of cases arising from the primaries.

The political “Ebola” has extended to candidates for governorship elections. Nigerians must be wondering if those who cannot govern themselves can be expected to govern our country – if elected into office. Opposition political leaders, who one would have thought were intelligent enough to realize that their only chance of unseating Tinubu is to unite and form a solid front, have gone the other way. About six candidates, representing just as many small parties, have emerged. People holding hands and exposing dentures a few weeks ago are now snarling at one another like life-long adversaries.

WHAT EXACTLY IS A POLITICAL PARTY?

“A political party must represent the ideals and aspirations of the people. Otherwise, it is just a mere conspiracy to seize power.” That was one definition of a political party advanced by the late US President Dwight Eisenhower, 1890-1969.

It is not perfect; but, it serves as a point of departure. Questions are raised. Which party now represents the ideals and aspirations of majority of Nigerians? Related to that is the question: Can a politician be member of different political parties and still claim to represent the citizens? The answer to the second question, which is obvious, leads us to the heart of the present Nigerian predicament. We are no longer asked to vote for political parties but organized conspiracies – irrespective of what they stand for. Added to that is what I call personality politics. It is because of personality politics that Jonathan’s entry, if allowed by the courts, has become the major threat to the ambitions of others.

GEJ THREATENS ALL THE OTHERS

“The game-changer forces everybody to alter their plans” – American basketball player.

Buhari’s eight years and Tinubu’s three years have redeemed Jonathan more than APC or anyone could have imagined in 2015. Jonathan lost to Buhari on account of alleged widespread corruption and, most especially, his perceived mismanagement of the abduction of Chibok girls. Because it was unprecedented, Nigerians could not believe their government was so impotent to protect them. Today, as abduction of several citizens, old and young, has become the new normal and annihilation of dozens is the new normal, Jonathan has performed a lot better than Buhari and Tinubu.

 By any objective measure, the Nigerian economy was better under Jonathan; and, the nation might have been saved the trauma Nigerians are experiencing if fuel subsidy removal had not been opposed by the “Progressives” when Jonathan proposed it in 2012.

Despite that setback, relevant economic data available for 2012 to 2014 compared with 2023 to 2025 will be extremely difficult for Tinubu to challenge. I will leave them out for now. Jonathan is the only candidate, if he actually runs, who has been there before.

Apart from Tinubu, all the other candidates, except Atiku, will also find it almost impossible to demonstrate their grasp of how the Federal Government works. Depending on how fast they can learn on the job, Obi, Makinde and Donald Duke will spend, at least, their first two years learning how the system works – while inevitably committing blunders; which might be costly for Nigeria.

Atiku might turn out to be the unintended beneficiary of Jonathan’s late entrance into the race. Jonathan has increased the number of Southern candidates by one; but, he would shift the voting pattern more significantly than any other contestant. Bayelsa APC members can forget delivering the state to Tinubu. Ijaws, the fourth or fifth largest ethnic group in Nigeria, will vote overwhelmingly for him; so will Ijaws in Rivers, Delta, Edo and Ondo – as well as elsewhere nationwide. This might be their last chance of occupying Aso Rock. All the Governors of the South-East cannot stop Ndigbo from casting almost all their votes for Obi. The same is true of Igbo voters nationwide. The battle grounds are the remaining states of the South-South and the South-West for the Southern candidates. Tinubu will need more than the support he received from the SW to offset the inevitable losses from the North. Atiku, as the only Northern candidate, already has an enormous advantage in terms of name recognition, vast Northern network and the recent shift of support among Northerners, Fulani in particular, against Tinubu. Increasingly, ethnicity has trumped merit or ability to govern well. The contest is now portrayed as Yoruba versus Fulani; and Northerners are invited to choose. Historical precedents suggest what the answer will be on Election Day – unless vast powers of incumbency can be deployed to alter the course of history.

Again, here is where Jonathan has a chance. If the North decides to allow the South four more years, the safest Southerner is Jonathan. Certainly, nobody believes Peter Obi’s promise to serve only one term – if elected.

MINISTER OF ESTIMATED BILLING CLOBBERED BY ESTIMATED COUNTING

“The evil that men do lives after them…”, said William Shakespeare, 1564-1616. But, that is half of the story about retributions. Sometimes, people are victims of what they nurtured. Candidate Tinubu in the RENEWED HOPE document promised to end estimated billing; page 30. Mr Adelabu was appointed Minister of Power and after almost three years in office, he left Nigerians with estimated billing intact – allowing DISCOs to defraud consumers even worse than when he started. Tariff soared 300 per cent; service delivery remained atrocious.

Despite that disgraceful performance, the fellow had the audacity to want to run for governor of Oyo State on the platform of APC.

If Adelabu thought people can be mocked; God is not mocked. He lost the contest to, what he claims, was over-estimated counting!! God’s judgment was fast.

For more than eleven years, including three under Tinubu, my two-bedroom bungalow in Lagos with only my wife, grand-daughter and me living there was sent estimated bills higher than three-storey buildings on the same street. Letters and petitions to NERC and the Ministry went unanswered – even by Adelabu. I was not alone.

Who cares if Adelabu was rigged out of election? He deserves what he had allowed DISCOs to do to us and more.

God bless all those who participated in the Oyo State APC primaries. I will pray for you forever.

•Follow me on Facebook @ J Israel Biola.

The post Jonathan and Nigeria’s political wonderland, by Dele Sobowale appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Bunmi Sofola

WHEN it comes to first kisses, scientists agree with those who believe in love at first sight, happy endings and the power of that first glorious embrace.  That’s because, Scientists say, a kiss is much more than just a way of saying you fancy someone.  It’s an efficient means of working out if your potential partner is the one for you.

In her book:  The Science of Kissing, Sheril Kirshenbaum explains: “When we are that close to another person, all our senses are engaged allowing our bodies to assess compatibility and the potential for a long-term relationship.”  This behaviour, she says, evolved to help humans fulfil three basic needs – sex drive, romantic love and attachment.  “In other words,” she says, “kissing helps us find partners, commit to one person and keep couples together long enough to have a child.”

So how does locking lips help us achieve all these?  When you kiss, you can’t help smelling the other person.  And biologists have found that women are more turned on by the smell of men who have very different immune systems from their own.

Kirshenbaum says; “This may be because potential children would have a higher level of genetic diversity, making them healthier and more likely to survive.  In this manner, kissing serves as nature’s ultimate litmus test to help us determine when to pursue a relationship.”

And once we find our perfect genetic mate, our bodies respond instinctively to his kiss by flooding our systems with feel-good hormones.  She explains that: “A good romantic kiss quicken our pulse and dilates our pupils, which is probably part of the reason so many of 

us close our eyes.  Our brains receive more oxygen than normal and breathing can become irregular and deepen.  Our cheeks flush too but that’s only the beginning.  There’s an associated rise in the neurotransmitter dopamine, responsible for craving and desire.

 “Meanwhile, serotonin spikes to stimulate obsessive thoughts about a partner.  This is the same neurotransmitter involved in obsessive-compulsive disorder (OeD), Oxytocin, popularly called the love hormone, is involved in bonding, fostering a sense of attachment.  This is the chemical likely responsible for maintaining a love relationship over years and decades.”

We should not underestimate the importance of these chemicals.  After all, how many of us have left the cinema after a dull romantic comedy and pointed out the ‘lack of chemistry’ between the couple who are supposed to be mad about each other?  Or dreamt about how it would feel to kiss someone we have fantasised about for months – then been disappointed by the reality?  For while that first kiss can be powerful enough to spark a lifelong romance, it can also break the spell.

A study of more than 1,000 students by the evolutionary psychologist George Gallup found that two-thirds of women and over half of men had been attracted to a potential partner – until they shared a disastrous first kiss.  His team also found that men and women used kissing for different reasons.  While the men mostly saw kissing as just a necessary step on the way to eventually having sex, women thought it was much more important.  More men than women said they preferred kissing their partners with open mouths and using their tongues.  And there’s even a good reason for that.  Male saliva contains testosterone so it could affect how attractive the kissers find each other.  Some scientists believe that men prefer sloppy kisses because they’re a way of working out how fertile a woman is – by ‘testing’ her saliva for tiny traces of oestrogen.

So when your kids scoff at your memories of that first magical kiss, tell them that without kissing, they might not have been here today.  

And make sure you don’t get out of the habit once your romance settles down.  Research shows that couples who kiss regularly are less likely to get depressed, and those who kiss each other hello and goodbye have happier relationships than those who no longer do this.

How To Tell If Your Marriage Would Last

Are you and your spouse destined to be together forever?  You don’t need a crystal ball.  Just answer these questions set by relationship experts, honestly … Can you let things drop?  Doesn’t it grate on you that he met his ex for lunch (a year age)?  Is he still harping on about how you forgot your anniversary once?

Both of you need to be generous enough to put it behind you and move on.  Everyone has got a past: we all mess up sometimes.  Can you enjoy doing nothing together?  If you can quite happily lounge around together, just enjoying the sound of silence, you work well as a couple.  Do you fight right?  If he’s a sulker and you’re a shouter.  You could find it tricky to get to the bottom of an argument.  So think about how you hammer things out and remember it is not about winning or losing – you both want the same thing.

Can you stop trying to change each other?  We all try to fine-tune our partners a bit, but if you’re always offering to fix things for him, you will end up disappointed.  You need to learn to accept the way your partner is or find someone you don’t need to fix!

Can you share your secrets?  If you’ve opened up to him about your deepest, darkest moments but he is reluctant to talk, then you may need to think twice.  It is by being open that we achieve intimacy.

The post Couples who kiss regularly are less likely to get depressed appeared first on Vanguard News.

At last, members of Nigeria’s House of Representatives have passed the bill for state police in the country. The proposed new policing system which is aimed at addressing rising insecurity across the country saw 289 out of the 290 members in attendance voting in favour of state police while only one member abstained. But because no reason was given for the absence of about 69 other members, we cannot assume that they would have also voted in favour of the bill. We can only hope that they were not absent because they wanted to avoid being exposed as among those opposed to the idea of allowing state police to stop the current nation’s insecurity.  Perhaps that is why some members of the ruling party are reluctant to support the policy, otherwise why are they toying with a project President Bola Tinubu seems to wholly support?

The state police policy is not just one of the policies that Tinubu supports, he has had cause to show severally that the policy is close to his heart. At the 14th meeting of the All-Progressives Congress National Caucus held at the Conference Centre, State House, Abuja in December 2025, the President urged state governors and members of his party caucus to support the proposal for the establishment of state police and full implementation of local government autonomy. He recalled his earlier extensive discussions with officials from the United States and Europe, during which he expressed confidence that the passage of state police would be achieved to strengthen national security.

Some two months later, President Tinubu at a lecture titled “Leading Nigeria Forward: Strategies for Security and National Cohesion,” in Umuahia called on the National Assembly to review relevant laws to enable states to establish sub-national policing where necessary. The goal according to the President was “to restate our commitment to the decentralisation of the nation’s policing system by bringing back sub-national policing as was obtainable in the First Republic.” These statements clearly confirm that President Tinubu wants state police. If so, why are the legislators reluctant? Interestingly, the senate which is known for approving any idea which they suspect the President is thinking about has put the state police issue on a sleep-walking mode.

Could it be that they are among Nigerians who are willing to support whatever can stop the nation’s bizarre insecurity, yet are opposed to the idea of a state police? While the reluctance of the legislature may not be easy to see, we are aware that many citizens have their fears tied around the possibility of state governors abusing the policy. We certainly cannot dismiss the fear because history has shown over and again that our governors have long become notorious for victimising their political opponents. As a result, it is not impossible that those in government might unnecessarily use state police to imprison critics and anyone outside their own political parties. But whereas the fear is real, it is nevertheless insufficient for opposing a structure that should ordinarily be part of a federal system of government.

The way therefore is to approve the state police and ensure that its enabling law is well articulated to make it hard for it to become a tool for oppression in the hands of those in government. For example, general statements such as that officials of the state police shall not have been involved in partisan politics may not be enough because we have seen what our governors turned state independent electoral commissions into. Indeed, even the federal referee INEC has so many politicians in its fold notwithstanding that such is patently disallowed by the law. There is therefore the need to properly determine the composition and control of the forthcoming state police.

Also to be well determined are the functions of the state police. We are supporting the idea now because we are anxious to use them to bring down the high degree of insecurity in the country. After that what next? There are many examples of how we support policies on account of immediate challenges which in future become problematic because no one thought of what becomes of the policy in future when the rationale for its existence changes. For example, when the military was departing the political scene in 1979, everyone supported the idea of structures that would make us united as a nation. As a result, the military federalized everything in the country. Even television stations were suddenly merged to form NTA believing its programmes would forge national unity.

Of course, it didn’t work because successive governments later refused to let the NTA serve everyone. Apart from not allowing a level playing field in the coverage of events, even right of reply was usually not granted to opposition parties that had been indicted by official statements. What this suggests is that the exact purpose of the state police ought to be clearly stated with power given to anyone to challenge their transgressions. Accordingly, state police should not be given the opportunity to have officials who would prioritize bogus assignments such as the inspection of vehicle particulars on our streets. Except such functions are clearly defined and the involvement of the state police is outlined and controlled; no one should be surprised to find them guarding election materials and usurping the role of the electoral body.

What should be key from day one is training and retraining because we must not make the mistake of hurriedly appointing and deploying personnel who would be unable to demonstrate any professional competence in the performance of their duties. Under no circumstance should state and federal police fight for control of territory. Bearing in mind that both agencies have the same goal, synergy which must be the watch word can only be attained through collaboration and cooperation. The federal police in this case have so much to offer and must be allowed to provide professional guidelines for the police. Those who think the federal police should not contaminate their state police would have a wrong footing because what we imagine is wrong with our police is not necessarily the problem.

If there is corruption in the Nigeria Police it is greatly influenced by the Nigerian society. Stories abound of how our police are rated highly when deployed to foreign assignments while they face lamentations at home. The state police will also be problematic if it is introduced into working for long and odd hours with inadequate pay. Where that happens, the affected officials will begin to look out for how to fend for themselves so that in future  they won’t sleep around the office waiting for salaries, pensions and gratuities. Also problematic is poor working tools and inadequate materials. We know of police formations to which vehicles are supplied without funds for fuel. How do such formations source the funds to meet those necessities?

Today, we wholeheartedly support state police to help bring down our nation’s insecurity. Tomorrow, we shall not be able to defend the state police that would be guarding the elite and their families. At that point, future generations would be unable to appreciate how a poor Nigerian nation decided to have dual policing system that it can hardly afford to pay for. We did it before, by having a bicameral federal legislature, today it is obvious that we cannot really afford it but because it is occupied by politicians the nation’s resources are depleted keeping it. Let’s thoroughly examine the forthcoming state police. What do we need it for today and for how long will be viable?

The post State Police: The way forward, by Tonnie Iredia appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Ayo Onikoyi

Nigerian music star Ayra Starr has revealed that one thing many people may not know about her is how much she values spending time by herself.

Speaking with Chinasa Anukam on Is This Seat Taken (ITST), the singer shared insights into her personality, career ambitions and definition of success.

“Something that will surprise people about me is that I’m very big on spending time alone.”

Despite her energetic public image, Ayra Starr said she enjoys solitude and embraces moments away from the spotlight.

The singer also reflected on her career journey, noting that she is steadily accomplishing the goals she set for herself.

“I’m kind of doing everything I said I was going to do. I’ve done some of it, and I’m still doing the rest. Success for me is consistently keeping momentum and enjoying it while I’m doing it. It’s like I can’t focus too much on the result.”

Ayra Starr explained that her ultimate goal is to build a career that reflects her versatility and individuality.

“I want my career to be able to tell that I can and will always exist in multitudes — in different aspects, different genres and different personalities. I want my story to show that there is only one Ayra Starr, and that I did and am doing it the way only Ayra Starr can.”

Describing herself as an open and authentic person, she added:

“I wear my heart on my sleeve. What you see is what you get.”

The post I’m very big on spending time alone — Ayra Starr appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Ayo Onikoyi

Actress and media personality Nancy Isime has opened up about the realities of fame, the demands of her acting career, and the importance of staying grounded, insisting that celebrities face the same struggles as everyone else.

Speaking during an interview with Yanga FM, Isime reflected on the public’s reaction to her role in Blood Sisters 2, describing the experience as both challenging and rewarding.

“It feels amazing, I can’t lie. When people appreciate the work that one puts in, it means a lot because it’s a lot of work. When you watch that kind of role, you would know that it took a lot out of the person who played it — physically, mentally and even spiritually. Literally blood, sweat and tears. It means the world to me to see people appreciate my role. This pushes us to do more.”

The actress said the recognition from viewers makes the sacrifices involved in bringing such a demanding character to life worthwhile.

On the subject of meditation and faith, Isime explained that meditation plays an important role in maintaining her mental well-being, while also affirming her Christian beliefs.

“Meditation is for the mind. It is actually more mental than anything else. In terms of religion, I am a Christian by choice.”

Addressing the issue of vulnerability, the actress noted that despite her celebrity status, she continues to navigate life’s challenges like everyone else.

“Struggles are an everyday thing. I am human, and I am also going through my own human experience.”

She stressed that fame does not shield people from difficulties, adding that celebrities and non-celebrities alike share similar emotions and experiences.

“Whether celebrity or not, we are all still human.”

The post We are all still human, celebrity or not — Nancy Isime appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Ayo Onikoyi

Nollywood actress Ruth Kadiri has voiced concern over Nigeria’s rising cost of living, saying the increasing prices of basic food items are becoming unbearable for many citizens.

In a video shared online, Kadiri highlighted the cost of tomatoes and pepper, noting that some Nigerians now spend as much as ₦5,000 on the essentials.

“The cost of tomatoes is so high. Somebody will use ₦5,000 to buy pepper and tomatoes, while somebody else out there is probably earning ₦25,000, ₦40,000 or ₦50,000.”

The actress said the situation has made her reflect on the struggles of ordinary Nigerians.

“If someone like me can feel the impact of the current high cost of living in Nigeria, I wonder what average Nigerians are going through.”

Kadiri also warned that prolonged hardship could take a toll on people’s emotional and mental well-being.

“Poverty, what poverty does to people’s minds is like cancer; it eats away.”

Her comments have sparked conversations online, with many Nigerians agreeing that the rising cost of food and other essentials remains a major concern.

The post Ruth Kadiri laments rising food prices, worries about average Nigerians appeared first on Vanguard News.

By Ayo Onikoyi

Nollywood actress Shine Rosman has expressed deep concern about the state of Nigeria, while also reflecting on personal loss and the lasting influence of her late father in an emotional interview with media personality Chude Jideonwo on With Chude.

Speaking during the conversation, Rosman opened up about her relationship with her father, describing the time she had with him as impactful despite its brevity.

“Some people never got to know their father. I got to know mine for a good fifteen years. Wish it had been longer but in the time that he was here I am grateful for that time. I am taking up all that I got from him and I am trying to emulate his kindness, his positivity, his love, his trusting spirit.”

She explained that the lessons she drew from him continue to shape her outlook on life and relationships, noting that she consciously carries forward the values he instilled in her.

“You meet people and each person that comes into your life they have something that you take from them. And so I try to take as much as a daughter is meant to take from her father in the time that he was here with me.”

Rosman also used the platform to speak on her fears about the country’s direction, praising the resilience and talent of Nigerians while questioning the system that limits their potential.

“I am afraid for this country. Nigeria has so much potential. Nigeria has Nigerians and Nigerians thrive in whatever situation. Nigerians are insanely talented and driven people but the environment that we exist in doesn’t allow us reach our potential as much as we want to.”

The post I’m afraid for Nigeria — Shine Rosman appeared first on Vanguard News.