…discloses dispute with e-hailing firms

By Dickson Omobola

The Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), Friday, denied responsibility for the exit of the ride-hailing platform, Uber, from Nigeria, saying the company’s decision must have been based on its own economic and regulatory considerations.

Uber ended its ride-hailing operations in Nigeria on September 2, 2026, after 12 years of operations.

Managing Director of FAAN, Mrs Olubunmi Kuku, said the authority had, however, received complaints during the December holiday period about poor experiences involving some e-hailing platforms and car-hire services operating at airports.

Kuku spoke on the sidelines of the second induction ceremony and unveiling of the montage of honourees at the Nigeria Aviation Hall of Fame, themed ‘The Next Generation of Aviation Leaders: Talent, Technology and Global Competitiveness’, held in Lagos.

She said some passengers reported cases of intimidation and being dropped off at locations other than their intended destinations, among other complaints, while FAAN also had disagreements with e-hailing companies over driver liability and dedicated pickup zones at airports.

Her words: “In recent weeks, I have seen a lot of information in the media, and I think it is important to clarify it. I work for FAAN, and my responsibility, first, is to ensure that our passengers are safe, they are protected and they have a seamless passenger experience.

“For Uber, I can’t speak to their exit from Nigeria. I am sure they have their own economic and regulatory decisions as to why they choose to exit. But a couple of things are very clear. What was important for FAAN is to ensure that we addressed passenger concerns.

“We did receive a lot of concerns, especially around the December holiday period, about passengers who took some of the e-hailing and even the car hire services, who had very terrible experiences. Some of them went all the way from intimidation to being dropped in other places and even more extreme situations.

“We did have situations where some of the Uber and Bolt drivers would get down from their cars under the guise of coming into the airport as e-hailing drivers, and they would join the car hires to charge higher fares. Based on this, it was important, because everybody was complaining about the touting at the airport, that we even provided some sort of regulatory oversight on the car hires.

“The app (Airport Car Hire Rank Management System, ACHRAMS) that was developed was strictly to focus on the fact that you have visibility on who the car hire companies are. FAAN does not collect money on behalf of the drivers. Those car hire drivers are not FAAN drivers. All we do is to give you a sample of the rates based on the destination that you’re going to.

“It is also important to note that the car hires by nature have always charged a higher fare, because their reason is they’re only going from one point to the airport and returning to the airport. It is the choice of the passenger whether you want to pre-book your cars, whether you want to use the e-hailing app, or whether you want to use the car hire; we have no jurisdiction over that. The only thing that I have a responsibility to do is to ensure that you have visibility over who is driving you and those within our airport.

“One of the things that we were struggling with the e-hailing companies was largely around liability clauses. So they wanted us to give them dedicated pickup zones, which we agreed to, but we also wanted them to take responsibility for the drivers. But we were told that those drivers are not the drivers of Uber; rather, they are independent drivers. So, any safety concerns that we had, they wanted the passengers to use the safety features; they did not want to take up that responsibility, and we had a major issue with that.”

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Nigeria has a peculiar way of remembering power. We remember the men who speak loudly, the men who appear beside the President at important ceremonies, the men whose names travel through television studios and political meetings until their voices become part of the background noise of government. Women in power are often treated differently. They are noticed when they make an entrance, photographed when they are appointed, briefly discussed as evidence that government has not forgotten the existence of women, and then returned to the margins of public attention.

That is one reason the women serving in President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s government deserve a closer look. There are fewer of them than there should be, but the more important question is not simply how many women are in government. It is what kind of power they have been given, what they are doing with it, what they have changed and whether Nigerians are paying enough attention to the decisions being made in rooms where these women now sit.

Tinubu’s cabinet includes Hannatu Musa Musawa at the Ministry of Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy; Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu at Foreign Affairs; Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim at Women Affairs; Jumoke Oduwole at Industry, Trade and Investment, Doris Uzoka-Anite as Minister of State for Budget and Economic Planning, Suwaiba Said Ahmad as Minister of State for Education, and Nkeiruka Onyejeocha as Minister of State for Labour and Employment.

They represent different kinds of experience, and that matters. Nigerian politics sometimes talks about women as though gender automatically gives them a common political outlook. It does not. A diplomat does not necessarily understand power in the same way as an academic. A former legislator approaches government differently from a policy specialist. Gender may shape the obstacles people encounter, but it does not erase ambition, ideology, temperament, competence or political judgment.

So the right question is not whether these women deserve praise for being in government. It is whether they deserve to be taken seriously as people exercising power.

Imaan Sulaiman-Ibrahim

As Minister of Women Affairs, she heads a ministry that governments have too often reduced to empowerment announcements, commemorative speeches and photographs. Yet her background in humanitarian affairs, migration, conflict resolution and development, including her time as Director-General of the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons, gives her experience relevant to some of the hardest realities facing Nigerian women.

The test should therefore be bigger than another International Women’s Day statement. Can her ministry influence policy beyond its own walls? Can it strengthen the institutions responsible for protecting women? Can it reach women dealing with poverty, trafficking, displacement and violence? Most importantly, can it make the rest of government treat women’s issues as matters of national policy rather than the responsibility of one ministry?

That is what meaningful power looks like. Not visibility, but the ability to make something happen.

Jumoke Oduwole

She sits in a different part of the machinery, and arguably one of the most consequential. As Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, she is close to the decisions that determine whether Nigerian businesses can produce, invest, export and survive.

Nigeria does not suffer from a shortage of policies. It suffers from the distance between policy and reality. A business owner can hear government promise to support enterprise and then spend days dealing with overlapping agencies, licensing requirements, taxes, unreliable electricity and transport costs.

Oduwole’s ministry has already been involved in substantial trade reforms. In January 2026, Nigeria and the United Arab Emirates signed a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement after negotiations led by her ministry.

The agreement provides new market access for Nigerian goods and services, including the elimination of UAE tariffs on more than 7,000 Nigerian products. Her ministry has also been given a leading role in implementing the National Single Window, designed to reduce duplication and streamline import and export procedures.

Those are significant developments. But they also create a higher standard of accountability. A trade agreement matters only if Nigerian businesses can actually use it. A single-window platform matters only if it reduces the delays, costs and bureaucratic obstacles traders have complained about for years.

That is where Oduwole’s real test lies. Whether reform moves from government documents into the daily experience of Nigerian businesses.Doris Uzoka-Anite sits close to another critical pressure point. As Minister of State for Budget and Economic Planning, she is part of the machinery that turns government priorities into

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Nigeria’s external reserves have risen to $54.08 billion, reaching their highest level in nearly 18 years and moving further above the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) projection for the end of 2026.

Latest CBN data showed that the reserves reached $54.08 billion on September 3, compared with $53.99 billion on September 2 and $53.90 billion on September 1.

The latest figure is the highest level recorded since December 22, 2008, when the country’s reserves stood at about $54.21 billion.

The reserves have increased by approximately $1.42 billion from the $52.66 billion recorded on August 19.

Year-to-date, the reserves have risen by about $8.52 billion, from $45.56 billion on January 2, representing an increase of 18.7 per cent in just over eight months.

The latest surge followed a steady build-up in August, with reserves crossing the $53 billion mark on August 24 at $53.11 billion.

They subsequently rose to $53.30 billion on August 26, $53.51 billion on August 28 and $53.81 billion on August 31.

The reserves stood at $53.90 billion on September 1 before climbing above the $54 billion mark two days later.

The latest position is also $3.04 billion above the CBN’s forecast of $51.04 billion for external reserves by the end of 2026.

CBN Governor Olayemi Cardoso had attributed the sustained increase to stronger foreign exchange inflows, including receipts from crude oil-related taxes and third-party inflows.

The growth in reserves has also coincided with a strengthening of the naira in the foreign exchange market.

The naira appreciated to N1,315 per dollar at the official market on Thursday, its strongest level in two years, according to the figures cited in the report.

The rise in external reserves provides greater foreign exchange buffers for the economy and strengthens the CBN’s capacity to support stability in the foreign exchange market.

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By Ndahi Marama, Maiduguri

Fresh violence has gripped Borno State as rival factions of Boko Haram and the Islamic State West Africa Province, ISWAP, engaged in deadly clashes in Sambisa Forest, while Boko Haram terrorists also launched an attack on the convoy of All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate, Mustapha Gubio.

Security sources confirmed that at least 23 terrorists were killed in renewed fighting between Boko Haram and ISWAP around the Chingolo axis of Bama Local Government Area. Boko Haram fighters reportedly attacked ISWAP members advancing into the area, sparking sustained exchanges of fire.

Read Also: 2027: Violence looms as politicians threaten voters, opponents across nation

Videos obtained by Security Analyst Zagazola Makama showed intense gun battles as both factions sought to consolidate their positions and block each other’s expansion within Sambisa. Intelligence reports suggest more than 23 terrorists have died on both sides since the clashes began two days ago, though exact casualty figures remain unverified.

Analysts say the confrontation underscores the ongoing rivalry between Boko Haram and ISWAP over territory, access routes, resources, and control of fighters in Sambisa Forest and surrounding areas. The infighting has further weakened both factions and disrupted their operations in a region long considered a stronghold for insurgents.

Meanwhile, the Borno State Police Command confirmed that Boko Haram terrorists ambushed the convoy of APC governorship candidate Mustapha Gubio on Thursday. 

The incident occurred around Kareto community at about 2:30 p.m. along the Gubio-Kareto-Damasak highway, as the convoy was returning from Damasak to Maiduguri after a thank-you visit to party supporters.

Police Public Relations Officer, ASP Kenneth Daso, said the attack was swiftly repelled by a combined team of security forces, including the Police, Army, NSCDC, DSS, Civilian Joint Task Force, and vigilante groups.

“The terrorists laid ambush with planted Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) and fired several Rocket Propelled Grenades (RPGs), but they were repelled with no casualties recorded among security forces or civilians,” Daso stated.

Sources, however, disclosed that a police armoured vehicle in the convoy was damaged during the encounter.

The military continues to monitor developments closely, targeting terrorist concentrations, logistics networks, and hideouts as part of sustained counter-terrorism operations across the North-East. Officials have urged communities around Sambisa Forest and northern Borno to remain vigilant and report suspicious movements promptly.

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By Juliet Umeh

What happens after the votes have been counted and an election won? For Nigeria’s democracy, the answer may sometimes lie beyond the ballot box. That question has come into sharper focus following a revelation by Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, Nyesom Wike, about what happened behind the scenes after Gov. Ademola Adeleke’s re-election in the August 15 Osun State governorship election.

Read Also: 2027: Outrage trails Donald Duke’s human sacrifice revelation

Wike disclosed that he personally instructed Adeleke to publicly reaffirm his support for President Bola Tinubu, thank the President for what he described as a free and fair election, and present his Certificate of Return to Tinubu.

The revelation, made during Wike’s media parley in Port Harcourt on Wednesday, has raised questions about whether Nigeria’s democracy is increasingly being shaped not only by voters and institutions, but also by political negotiations among powerful individuals.

Recounting his intervention, Wike said: “My concern: if Adeleke wins, will he still support Mr. President? And I called him, because that’s my own interest.”

He said he reminded Adeleke of an earlier commitment to support Tinubu.

“I called him, I said, ‘Listen, you have told me you’ll support Mr. President. Are you going to keep to it?’ He said he was going to keep to it. I said, ‘Okay.’ I wished him good luck. I didn’t need to go to Osun.”

Wike said his conversation with Adeleke continued after the election.

According to him, he called Adeleke while he was in Croatia and asked him to publicly reaffirm his support for Tinubu.

“Now you have won, issue a statement. Issue a statement that you still will support Mr. President, and thanking him for a free and fair election,” Wike said.

He added: “I also told him, ‘Adeleke, when you receive your Certificate of Return, go and present it to Mr. President.’”

Adeleke subsequently met Tinubu and presented his Certificate of Return.

But Wike’s explanation of why he made the intervention has generated even greater interest.

He described it as a deliberate political strategy aimed at preventing the African Democratic Congress, ADC, from gaining political advantage from Adeleke’s victory.

“What was that strategy? To knock off these people you call coalition coming to… curry favour. When Adeleke issued that statement, ADC withdrew,” Wike said.

The disclosure has consequently raised a fundamental question: when political actors negotiate relationships and alliances after voters have made their choice, where does the voter’s mandate end and political bargaining begin?

Political analyst and Director-General of the Centre for International Advanced and Professional Studies, CIAPS, Prof. Anthony Kila, said the development exposes a deeper institutional problem.

“It’s not a good optic,” Kila said, warning that the increasing personalisation of politics could weaken democratic values.

“I’m very worried that politics is being personalised, rather than being based on policies and programmes and ideas, not ideologies. That is a risk there,” he said.

Kila was also concerned by Wike’s claim that if Tinubu had sent him to Osun, the APC would have won.

“So clearly, the man sees himself in powers that are beyond democratic power,” he said.

The development has also generated reactions online, with Nigerians questioning why an elected governor would need to publicly reassure the President of his political allegiance after receiving a mandate from voters.

While some commentators see Adeleke’s action as political pragmatism, others view it as evidence of the growing influence of political alliances and powerful individuals over elected officials.

For some Nigerians, the controversy is particularly disturbing because of the widespread distrust surrounding electoral institutions and the judiciary. The argument is that political leaders may prefer negotiation and accommodation to risking their mandates in prolonged electoral litigation.

However, there is an important distinction. There is no evidence that the APC abandoned a court challenge because Adeleke complied with Wike’s request. After the election, Osun APC said it was reviewing the results and consulting its legal team before deciding whether to pursue legal action.

For Kila, however, the mere perception that an elected governor might need political accommodation to protect his mandate is damaging enough.

“Those who see it as a political strategy for survival are right. They have reason to suspect that,” he said.

He argued that such perceptions reveal weaknesses within Nigeria’s democratic institutions.

“For us to even think that, that means that there’s an institutional deficit,” Kila said. “It tells you that people suspect that if you are not with the ruling party, you might have a rough ride.”

According to him, this represents “a deficiency in trust” and shows that Nigeria’s democracy is not yet strong enough.

Kila also blamed the opposition for failing to provide a sufficiently strong counterweight to the ruling party.

“If you have a vibrant, viable, solid opposition, they will be able to ensure that everybody is kept on their toes,” he said.

He argued that strong opposition parties should mobilise voters, scrutinise the government and compel institutions to perform their constitutional responsibilities.

“When the opposition is not visible, the government tends to abuse the system,” he said.

Ultimately, Kila believes Nigeria faces both a system problem and a character problem.

“We have a system problem and we have a country problem,” he said.

The Wike-Adeleke episode may therefore be bigger than the personalities involved. It raises questions about whether Nigeria’s democracy is strong enough to allow elected officials to disagree with those in power without fear, whether opposition parties can challenge governments effectively, and whether citizens can trust INEC and the courts to protect their votes.

Democracy is ultimately about the sovereignty of the people.

If voters cast their ballots in public, but political destinies are subsequently shaped through private negotiations, then the uncomfortable question remains: who really holds the power – the voter, the institution or the political negotiator behind the closed door?

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By Evelyn Usman

They came from Agadagba community in Ese-Odo Local Government Area of Ondo State. Not to trade. Not to visit. They came to Lagos to kidnap.

Read Also: 2027: Violence looms as politicians threaten voters, opponents across nation

And as you read this piece, the Lagos State Police Command has apprehended three members of a cross-state kidnap syndicate that abducted a businesswoman in the Ijedodo area of the state, collected N21 million as ransom before her release.

The suspects: Semi Buawe, 35; Oluwatomi Obosi, 37; and Bamure Telemowei, were traced to their hideout in Agadagba community in Ese-Odo Local Government Area of Ondo State by the command’s Anti-Kidnapping Unit.

The gang’s leader, identified only as ID, was said to still be at large and alleged to be connected to kidnapping incidents across multiple states, police sources said.

The victim, whose identity has been withheld, was held captive for three days in a bush in the Ijedodo area before her family paid the ransom, which included N21 million, a bottle of schnapps, a power bank, and one kilogram of frozen turkey.

How they operated

According to police investigations, the gang planned its operations in Ondo State, travelled to Lagos for the abduction in April 2026, and returned to the same Ondo community immediately after collecting the ransom, a pattern police said highlights the increasingly cross-border nature of kidnapping in the South-West.

Suspect opens up

Speaking after his arrest, 35-year-old Buawe, a sawmill worker by trade, admitted participating in the abduction. He revealed that he had been involved in kidnapping since 2010 but had attempted to leave the trade.

Hear him: “I am an indigene of Agadagba in the Ese-Odo Local Government area of Ondo State. I worked at a saw mill in Ondo State. I was staying in Lagos before but I returned to my hometown to be doing business there.

“I have been into kidnapping since 2010 but ID and I were not in the same gang. He came to me in April that he had a job in Lagos and that he wanted me to be part of the operation. Initially, I declined because I had decided that I wanted to quit kidnapping. He kept calling and begging me. Later he brought some of his friends to beg me and I agreed to join them. They said they needed my experience of the knowledge of Lagos, since I have lived in Lagos.

“When we came to Lagos, we had no specific target. ID just said that we were going to Ijedodo to look for any rich man. We were walking, when ID suddenly stopped in front of a very beautiful duplex. He concluded that the owner of the house must be very rich.”

The abduction

“He went inside the house with one other member of the gang, Alfred, while Oluwatomi and I watched over the environment. Later he came out with a woman and we headed straight into the bush in the same area.

“While we were about entering the bush, the woman started shouting for help and a man, who was walking by, tried to intervene on her behalf but ID brought out a gun and shot into the air. The man went on his knees and started begging us. I was almost running away but ID cautioned me,” he said.

N21m ransom

Continuing, Buawe said: “When we got into the bush, ID was the one negotiating with the woman’s family. He asked her if she was the owner of the house and ordered her to call her people.

“After two days in the bush, ID and two others left the bush and kept the woman with Tommy and myself. The woman refused to eat the food that we gave her. On the third day, she agreed to eat biscuit and that was the only thing she ate in three days.

“When we exhausted the foodstuffs that we had with us, we checked her phone and transferred one hundred and fifty thousand naira to a POS operator around Ijedodo and we collected it in cash from a POS.”

On the third day of the woman’s captivity, the gang, according to him, collected N21 million ransom.

He said: “ID came back and told us that he had negotiated with the woman’s family. They initially offered N16 million. ID rejected it. We were even telling him to collect it like that but he eventually collected N21 million, a bottle of Eagle schnapps, a power bank and one kilogram of frozen turkey.

“We collected the ransom in dollars. I got N1.5 million. I did not even use the money for any tangible thing because the amount was small.

“I collected the woman’s phone. She had two phones, I collected one of it.

When we got to Ondo State, I had a disagreement with ID. I told him I didn’t want to go with him again. He thought I wanted to set him up. I gave the woman’s phone to a Hausa bureau de change operator and he is yet to pay me,” he said in regret.

Love pushed me into crime – Suspect

For the second suspect, Oluwatomi Obosi, his descent into the underworld began not with a gun, but with a mother’s prayer and a grandfather’s advice, a desperate quest for love that would lead him straight into the arms of a kidnapper’s den.

With a voice heavy with regret, 37-year-old Tommy, as he is fondly called, said: “Sometime in April, I was with my girlfriend at our house in Ikorodu, when my mother told me to be very serious with relationship. She advised me to pick a lady and marry, so that I can be responsible.”

His grandfather, according to him, reinforced the message, urging him to return to their hometown in Agadagba, Ondo State, to look for a decent girl and look for money to do proper marriage.

In Agadagba, Tommy said he found a lady and proposed, but she insisted he must first secure the consent of her elder sister, a condition that would prove catastrophic.

He said: “It was in the process that I was introduced to ID, who was the leader of our gang. He was the husband of my girlfriend’s sister.

“When ID discovered I lived in Lagos, he told me about the kidnapping plan. He said he wanted me to be translating Yoruba language to other members of the gang, whenever the gang abducted a Yoruba victim.

“I only agreed to follow them for the operation because I needed money to marry as soon as possible.

“I received N2.5 million, which was enough to start my new life. But when we got to Agadagba, ID collected N200,000 from all of us.”

Today, the man who only wanted to make his mother proud and honour his grandfather’s wish sits in a police cell, his dreams of marriage shattered and future uncertain.

Police speak

Confirming the arrests, the Lagos State Police Public Relations Officer, SP Abimbola Adebisi, said the command had intensified efforts to apprehend the fleeing gang leader.

The suspects, she added, were currently in police custody and would be charged to court upon the conclusion of investigations.

The police urged members of the public with useful information about the fleeing gang leader, ID, to report to the nearest police station.

“There will be no hiding space for criminals in Lagos State,” Adebisi said.

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By Omeiza Ajayi

When the electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, blew the whistle last month to signal the commencement of political campaigns towards next year’s elections, the degree of threats and intimidation unleashed by highly placed political office holders across the country was disheartening.

Read Also: 2027: Outrage trails Donald Duke’s human sacrifice revelation

A section of Nigeria’s political elite openly threaten voters, opponents and dissenting residents with violence, eviction and physical harm ahead of the 2027 general elections.

From Osun to the Federal Capital Territory FCT, Borno, Kebbi and Ebonyi states, serving senators, commissioners, council chairmen and state governors have in recent weeks been caught on camera or quoted directly threatening citizens who refuse to align with the ruling All Progressives Congress APC, triggering condemnation from civil society groups, rights organisations and opposition politicians who insist the trend could plunge the country into another round of election-related bloodletting.

Divorce option in Yobe

In Yobe state, the situation went from bizarre to ridiculous as the state chairman of the APC, Alhaji Mohammed Gadaka, triggered widespread condemnation after urging married women in the state to divorce their husbands if they stopped them from voting APC, a remark he later withdrew following public outcry.

Gadaka, who made the comment while addressing hundreds of new defectors into the APC in Nangere town on Thursday, went as far as promising to personally settle the “new bride price” for any woman who ended her marriage on account of her loyalty to the party.

Reaction to the remark was swift and severe, with residents of the state, among them Islamic scholars, describing it as reckless, provocative and capable of undermining family values.

Confronted with the backlash, the APC chairman took to a 42-second video, posted on the Facebook page of the Director General, Press and Media Affairs to Governor Mai Mala Buni, Mamman Mohammed, to walk back his earlier comment.

He explained that his words had been misconstrued, insisting they were nothing more than a “joking banter” rooted in a long-standing tradition of playful teasing between his Ngamo people and their Kare-Kare-speaking neighbours.

“My statement was just a usual joking banter and does not in any way represent the ideals I stand for or intended to encourage divorce among married people,” Gadaka said, adding, “I offer apologies for my statement, and I hereby withdraw it.”

‘Kill them’ with votes in Osun

On the eve of the last governorship election in Osun state, Osun East Senator, Francis Adenigba Fadahunsi, while addressing APC supporters at the palace of the Owa Obokun of Ijesaland in Ilesa at a campaign rally said many of his party members had been killed by Accord party members.

Speaking in Yoruba language, Fadahunsi was heard telling the gathering in a trending video, “Until the day of election, when you see any Accord party member here in Ilesa, kill them”. He dared his audience to record and circulate his threats saying, “If we hear of the Accord Party again in Ilesa here for the election coming up on Saturday, you can record me and say it anywhere.”

Following the backlash, his media office issued a statement titled “Kill Osun Accord with Votes, Not Violence,” insisting the senator meant only that APC should defeat the Accord party at the polls and that the circulating clip had been selectively edited from a longer speech.

Governor Ademola Adeleke rejected the clarification, describing the remarks as a national security threat and demanding Fadahunsi’s arrest, while the police have since questioned the senator as part of their investigation.

Vote APC or leave FCT

In the FCT, the Chairman of Kuje Area Council, Samuel Danjuma Shekwolo, stirred a storm after warning residents who do not support the APC to relocate ahead of 2027. “Either you are for the APC or you leave the area council,” Shekwolo said on video, linking his position to development projects credited to President Bola Tinubu and the FCT minister, Nyesom Wike.

Amnesty International Nigeria promptly condemned the remarks as a “call to violence,” insisting that no public official has the right to tie residency in any part of the country to political affiliation, and urging security agencies to immediately halt any plan to deploy violence against residents over their political choices.

Opponents of APC to be flogged in Borno

Now, a similar controversy has engulfed Borno State, where the Commissioner for Youth and Sports Development, Sainna Buba, threatened that those who refuse to support the APC in 2027 “will be flogged,” while separately warning that anyone who crossed the ruling party would have a finger broken.

The remarks, made at a campaign inauguration organised by the Tinubu City Boy Movement in Maiduguri, drew sharp condemnation from both the Nigeria Democratic Congress NDC and Amnesty International, which described the commissioner’s outburst as unlawful and reckless.

The rights group warned that some politicians are already “overheating the polity” ahead of 2027, creating what it called a toxic climate of fear, and called on political parties to publicly condemn incitement to hostility or violence.

Speak against Kebbi governor and be dealt with

In Kebbi State, the Chairman of Gwandu Local Government Area, Alhaji Atiku Ahmad Mandiya, told supporters in a video that anyone who spoke against Governor Nasir Idris “should be dealt with,” while promising to secure the release of any supporter arrested for confronting the governor’s opponents. Mandiya also urged APC loyalists to station at least one person at every polling unit to protect the party’s interests during the 2027 polls, a directive that has raised fresh concerns about voter intimidation in the state.

Council chairmen in Ebonyi to be removed for failing to deliver APC

Ebonyi State Governor, Francis Nwifuru, has equally drawn criticisms after warning newly inaugurated local government chairmen that they would be removed from office if they failed to deliver their councils to the APC in 2027.

Responding to allegations by opposition parties that APC members were harassing and intimidating political critics in the state, Nwifuru dismissed the claims and warned, “They will see real threat at the right time.”

He went further to tell the chairmen and their deputies at their inauguration at the Ecumenical Centre, Abakaliki that: “Any chairman who fails to win his council will be removed from office and replaced with a councillor. I want this information to be on the headlines of newspapers because, as politicians, we will not speak in secret.”

Meanwhile, the newly sworn-in Chairman of Ohaukwu Local Government Area of Ebonyi state, Eze Paul Ituma, has since vowed to implement the directive, warning residents unwilling to align with the APC to steer clear of the council.

The threats come as the International Republican Institute IRI, in a pre-election assessment of Nigeria’s democratic environment, disclosed that civil society monitors recorded more than 81 election-related violent incidents in Osun State alone in the year preceding the August governorship poll, with violence intensifying as Election Day approached.

The lethal consequences of political friction in Osun State were underscored by a Pre-Election Security Risk Assessment report by the Kimpact Development Initiative (KDI). The security assessment documented 73 election-related violent incidents resulting in 29 deaths leading up to local polls, with the state capital, Osogbo, emerging as the primary hotspot. These figures have deepened fears over the security climate ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Amnesty International, in its various interventions, has insisted that political affiliation must never be treated as an offence in a democracy. “People’s right to make political choices is protected by Nigeria’s constitution, the Electoral Act and international law,” the organisation stated, warning that inflammatory rhetoric from public officials could inflame tension and undermine citizens’ freedom to vote for parties of their choice as the country edges closer to a keenly contested general election.

“Political parties and politicians must publicly condemn any advocacy of hatred or incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence.”

Public Outrage

Chima Okonkwo, a trader in the nation’s capital said; “What we are seeing from these politicians is pure desperation. They are no longer asking for our votes; they are telling us that our lives don’t matter if we disagree with them. When a governor publicly threatens local council chairmen and a commissioner promises to break people’s fingers, it shows democracy is turning into a dictatorship.”

Aisha Bello, a civil servant, urged security agencies to step up their game.

“It is terrifying to live in a country where a local council chairman can threaten to drive citizens out of their homes just because they belong to another political party. Kuje belongs to all Nigerians, not to APC or PDP. The security agencies must step in before these leaders raise private militias for 2027”, she said.

On his part, Human Rights Advocate, Babatunde Adeleke, expressed fears that the forthcoming general ejection could be a war zone.

“The rhetoric coming out of Osun, Kebbi, and Borno is a direct call to anarchy. When leaders tell supporters to deal with critics and promise to bail them out of police custody, they are officially sanctioning criminality. If the Inspector General of Police does not make high-profile arrests now, 2027 will not be an election; it will be a war zone”, said Adeleke.

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By Dayo Johnson, Regional Editor, South West

Nigerians have expressed outrage at the revelation by former Cross River State governor and presidential candidate of the Peoples Redemption Party, PRP, in next year’s general election, Mr Donald Duke that some Nigerian politicians resort to human sacrifice in their desperation for power.

Read Also: Full List: ADC unveils 28 governorship candidates for 2027 election

The PRP’s presidential candidate, in an interaction with the media which was aired on the Morning Show programme of Arise News television had said that the desperation for power by some Nigerian politicians led them to resort to human sacrifice and cited an incident that happened while he was the governor.

According to Mr Duke, “the fundamentals of our democracy are being lost on us because it is becoming literally a do- or-die affair and that’s because we have turned politics into an occupation rather than a vocation. A large number of people today have no business being in politics. When you have a society where people are desperate for power and do all sorts of things, even using human sacrifice, you ask yourself, how low are we going to go to get it right? The only thing that can stem that is if we, the players, know that there’re dire consequences for doing this. You cannot aspire to lead the people when you yourself have a character that is abominable. While I was governor, a case was brought up where we found body parts, skulls, all sorts of things in the house of a local government chairman because he had to do some sacrifice. Now, this happens multiple times across the country. These are things we know but we never say”.

Reacting to Mr Duke’s revelation, elder statesmen, community leaders, educationists, activists, and other concerned Nigerians stressed that given the already high levels of electoral violence in the country, Mr Duke’s warning must not be dismissed as mere rhetoric. They warned that no election is worth the blood of Nigerians saying that the country urgently needs leaders who value human life above personal ambition. They also called on security and law-enforcement agencies to launch a serious, immediate investigation into these disturbing allegations, insisting that no political prize justifies human blood.

Elections are about winning confidence of people, not eliminating opponents — Prof Ojo

Prof. ‘Gbade Ojo, a Political Scientist, University of Ilorin and former Chief of Staff to late Governor Abiola Ajimobi said: “The allegation that some politicians resort to human sacrifice in their desperation to win elections is extremely disturbing and should not be dismissed as mere political rhetoric. Whether every of such claims can be substantiated or not, the persistence of reports and allegations of ritual killings linked to political ambitions points to a dangerous intersection of desperation, criminality and superstition in our politics. Elections are fundamentally about winning the confidence of the people, not eliminating opponents or seeking supernatural assistance through human sacrifice. Where politicians believe that power can be obtained through violence, ritual or the shedding of innocent blood, it reflects a serious erosion of our democratic values and the sanctity of human life. The warning about Nigeria potentially descending into widespread violence ahead of the 2027 general election should therefore be taken seriously. The security agencies must be proactive rather than reactive. Intelligence gathering, surveillance and the investigation of suspicious killings must be strengthened, while anyone found to be sponsoring or participating in ritual killings must face the full weight of the law, irrespective of political status.

Traditional rulers, religious leaders, community leaders and civil society organisations should equally intensify public enlightenment against the belief that human sacrifice or ritual practices can guarantee electoral victory. Ultimately, the best antidote is to make elections more credible and less susceptible to manipulation. When politicians know that victory depends on the votes of the people rather than violence, money, intimidation or occult practices, the incentive for such desperation will diminish considerably. Nigeria must not allow the struggle for political power to become a justification for the destruction of human lives.”

Resort to human sacrifice for political power deeply troubling — Hon Adewale

Former Ondo state SDP chairman, Hon Stephen Adewale said, “Donald Duke’s allegation is deeply troubling and should be investigated rather than dismissed as political rhetoric. If he possesses credible evidence that politicians have engaged in human sacrifice, he should present it to the appropriate security agencies because human sacrifice is murder, regardless of the political, cultural or spiritual language used to disguise it. Some politicians may resort to such barbarity because political office in Nigeria has become a gateway to enormous wealth, influence and immunity.

The winner-takes-all character of our politics, coupled with weak institutions and persistent electoral impunity, can persuade desperate aspirants that power must be obtained at any cost. The killings associated with the recent Osun governorship election should serve as a grave warning ahead of the 2027 general election. Security agencies must thoroughly investigate every politically connected death, identify both the perpetrators and their sponsors, and ensure prompt prosecution.

Political parties should disqualify aspirants associated with violence, while INEC, civil society, traditional rulers and religious leaders must continually affirm that no public office is worth the blood of a Nigerian. Until the certainty of punishment replaces the prevailing culture of impunity, desperate politicians may continue to regard violence as a pathway to power.

Nigerians should expose politicians involved in rituals – Sir Owie

Former Chief Whip of the Senate and NDC chieftain, Sir Rowland Owie, said: “I hear about it, but I have never seen it myself, neither here in Edo nor back in the old Midwest. I have not witnessed anyone perform such rituals, but I am convinced that anyone who does so in order to gain political office will come to a bad end.

“From my own observation, those suspected of engaging in such practices have not fared well. Many have died in terrible ways, and their children have not prospered. If you look at such people, even if they have twenty children, you will hardly find one who succeeds in life. Stopping this practice is difficult because it is done in secret. Secret societies are already banned, but ritual activities remain hidden.

“Only a person’s conscience can truly prevent them. If caught, they will deny everything. That is why the electorate must be bold enough to expose them. Once exposed, they will be forced to stop.”

A reprehensible act that demands full legal justice — Ambakederimo

Convener of South South Reawakening Group, Joseph Ambakederimo said: “How anyone could believe in, let alone engage in such a fetish act in today’s world is difficult to imagine. The allure of political power has driven some among us to the brink. If this is indeed the case, those caught must be dealt with firmly within the ambit of the law.”

2027 elections must not be sacrificed on the altar of political desperation — Prof Okaba

A university don and immediate past President, Ijaw National Congress (INC), said: “The specter of Nigerian politicians turning to human sacrifice for electoral victory exposes a profound moral collapse, where a do-or-die mentality and winner-takes-all system devalue human life and make ritual violence a tempting shortcut to power.

“To avert this tragedy, urgent action is needed: INEC and security agencies must enforce swift prosecutions, financial rewards of office must be reduced, voter education must reject thuggery, religious leaders and media must condemn occultism, and all allegations of ritual sacrifice must be transparently investigated, because no political prize is worth a single human life, and Nigeria’s democratic integrity hangs in the balance.”

Nigeria’s politics drifting from sport to bloodshed — Evangelist Ebiowei

For Ebitumitula Embiowei, an evangelist and House of Assembly candidate, Bayelsa State, he noted: “In the past, Nigerian politics was often viewed as a contest of skill, where the best minds  were mobilized to outmaneuver opponents. Today, however, many politicians are perceived as prioritizing personal enrichment, acquiring wealth, power, and property, over public service. This shift has led to a toxic environment where electoral victories are pursued through intimidation, violence, and coercion, rather than through constructive debate or proven competence.

“As a result, the political space has become dangerously volatile, with ordinary citizens frequently bearing the brunt of election-related unrest. Looking ahead, Nigeria urgently needs leaders who value human life above personal ambition, echoing the principle that no political goal is worth a single drop of blood. Elections must be won on the strength of a candidate’s record and vision, not through the deployment of hired thugs or violent tactics.

“For the nation to break free from cycles of bloodshed, citizens and institutions must demand accountability and reject any candidate who relies on fear or force. Only then can Nigeria move toward a democracy that truly serves and protects all its people.”

ISSJHR demands investigation into use of human sacrifice for power

According to the Chancellor, International Society for Social Justice and Human Rights (ISSJHR), Dr. Jackson Omenazu, this matter demands serious investigation by the appropriate security and law-enforcement authorities. “The root causes likely lie in political desperation, the excessive value placed on public office, weak accountability, and an entrenched culture of impunity. When politicians believe power can be won or kept at any cost, ordinary citizens’ lives become dangerously expendable.

“We call for stronger intelligence gathering, better protection for witnesses and whistleblowers, effective monitoring of political financing, and swift prosecution of electoral-violence cases. Political power must be pursued through the ballot, never through the blood of the Nigerian people. No election is worth a human life, and no political ambition outweighs the right of Nigerians to live.”

Politicians’ desperation fueled by deep-seated corruption — Aghomi

Austin Aghomi, Media Consultant and Coordinator of Journalists for Just Development of the Niger Delta said: “From the Ondo election violence in 1965 to the deadlier 1983 clashes during the Second Republic, and the Abonnema killings in 2019, every election cycle has been marked by bloodshed. Whether driven by ritual sacrifices or violence to eliminate opponents, killing remains a crime punishable under the same criminal code.

“However, former Governor Donald Duke should avoid sweeping statements without evidence. If he knows individuals involved in ritual killings for political purposes, he should name them or provide proof. Politicians resort to human sacrifice out of desperation to win at all costs, fueled by deep-seated corruption that makes political office one of Nigeria’s most lucrative ventures. The only lasting solution is credible elections, with strict legal action against anyone caught in election-related violence or ritual killings.”

Ritual does not determine who wins an election — Igbo women Assembly

The National President of the Igbo Women Assembly, IWA, Lolo Nneka Chimezie, warned that the increasing desperation by politicians to win elections at all costs could worsen ritual killings and political violence as the 2027 general elections approach.

She said, “The unfortunate thing is not just the issue of ritual killings. What frightens me even more is the way some politicians encourage and arm youths to cause chaos during elections simply because they want to win at all cost. During elections, they give these young people money and weapons and turn them into instruments of intimidation and violence. They teach them how to harass people and deal with political opponents.

“But after getting what they want, they stop funding them and suddenly begin to see them as criminals. The monsters they created become a danger to society and, in some cases, even turn against their creators. Two desperate politicians may engage in the same rituals, but only one person can emerge winner. That alone should tell us that ritual does not determine who wins an election. Why shed innocent blood because of political ambition? Let politicians do what is right, win the confidence of the people and allow Nigerians to freely decide who should govern them.”

Some politicians may go that far, but not all — Abia elders chairman

Chairman of Abia State Elders Consultative Forum, Archbishop Professor Princewill Ariwodo, said some politicians might resort to ritual killings in their desperation for power but cautioned against generalising the allegation. According to him, “Some could get to that extent, but not everyone. I know there is ritual killing in Nigeria, but I cannot say politicians generally do rituals to grab power because we have not caught or prosecuted anyone for that. Ritual killings and bloodshed have become a disastrous and devastating problem.

“Even some youths who are desperate for quick wealth are allegedly involved. Every politician knows there is God and there is judgment after this life. Power is temporary. If anyone sheds innocent blood to acquire power, such a person should desist because one day, God will demand an account for those lives.”

Such desperation ends in vanity — Rt Hon Bakkita Bello

Former Speaker of Ondo state House of Assembly and Ondo State Secretary of Afenifere, Rt Hon Bakkita Bello, said that, “Strives, struggles and contests for power, in Nigeria and elsewhere amongst gladiators in any human endeavours, have led to desperation on the part of many. This desperation from the past erroneously involved the belief in human sacrifices.

“So, the beliefs and involvement in human sacrifices to acquire, possess, retain and dominate powers, though abnormal, despicable, cruel, inhuman and condemnable, in Nigerian politics as well as any other endeavors, cannot be dismissed. Any act of human sacrifice is against the law whether in Nigeria or any other part of the world. It is against humanity and all forms of morality. Wherever it is found, it is man’s inhumanity against man. It’s a capital offense and should attract the highest and ultimate capital penalty. Moreover, such desperation ends in vanity. Power is transient and ephemeral”.

Politicians who engage in such are living in the stone age  — Comrade Ekujumi

A human rights activist, based in Lagos, comrade Nelson Ekujumi, said, “I cannot rationalize such horrendous and criminal acts as a pathway to winning election, it doesn’t make sense. Why politicians will engage in such an obscene and evil act is because they lack knowledge of how democracy works and are only living in their stone age of ritualistic culture which is outdated and condemnable.

“The only way to discourage such a despicable act is to ensure that whoever goes on that path is made to face the full wrath of the law accordingly.”

Samuel Oyadongha; Olasunkanmi Akoni; Rotimi Ojomoyela; Egufe Yafugborhi; Shina Abubakar; James Ogunnnaike; Steve Oko; Ozioruva Aliu; Daniel Abia; Emem Idio & Adeola Badru

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Dr. Ibironke Odumosu-Ayanu, a Nigerian-born legal scholar and lecturer, has been appointed dean of the University of Saskatchewan College of Law in Canada.

Odumosu-Ayanu will begin a five-year term as dean on October 1, 2026, succeeding Martin Phillipson, who completed two five-year terms in the position.

She currently serves as a professor and associate dean for research and graduate studies at the University of Saskatchewan College of Law, where she has been a member of the faculty since 2008.

The appointment was announced by Patti McDougall, interim provost and vice-president, academic at the University of Saskatchewan and chair of the search committee for the new dean.

“Dr. Odumosu-Ayanu’s appointment as dean reflects a distinguished record of academic excellence, collaborative leadership, and dedication to advancing research and graduate education,” McDougall said.

“Her work as dean will continue to build on the College of Law’s strong reputation for excellence in legal education and research, while strengthening its leadership in Indigenous legal scholarship and engagement with local and global communities.”

Odumosu-Ayanu has an academic background spanning both Nigeria and Canada. She obtained her LLB from the University of Lagos in Nigeria before earning an LLM from the University of Calgary and a PhD from the University of British Columbia.

She is internationally recognised for her research in business and human rights.

Her work has also involved building collaborative research networks across different countries and academic institutions.

Beyond research, Odumosu-Ayanu has developed a strong record in teaching and mentorship, regularly supervising graduate students in law and interdisciplinary programmes.

Her contributions to student support and teaching have earned her several recognitions, including the Provost’s College Award for Outstanding Teaching in 2012 and the USask InterD Advisor Award in 2026.

She has also been involved in academic and community organisations across Saskatchewan and Canada, serving on the boards of professional associations, academic journals and community organisations, including the Saskatchewan Intercultural Association.

Before Odumosu-Ayanu assumes office, Professor Doug Surtees, who has been serving as interim dean, will continue in the position until September 30.

Her appointment makes her the latest Nigerian academic to attain a senior leadership position within a Canadian university, building on an academic career that has spanned legal education and research in both Nigeria and Canada.

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There is the prospect of a genuine sports revolution in the air. There is a refreshing spirit across the land. There are glimpses of a new dawn for the entire sports sector through the developments in football. 

Beyond sport, there are also emerging, the faint outlines of a new nation from 2027. Things are coming together. Things are falling into places and fitting in like a jig saw puzzle. 

Even the Universe is involved in the evolving ‘conspiracy’. Otherwise, who can explain the spate of coincidences of developments in Nigerian sports? 

Presidential support

It was all kick-started by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He directed that proper sports reforms take place. And he backed his directive with the money to get it done. 

Such level of presidential interest has not been seen since the era of late Admiral Augustus Aikhomu. 

The president means business, and everyone knows it. 

The NSC – getting things done! 

The National Sports Commission, NSC, bosses have been very busy, demonstrating proficiency in managing the crisis-situation in Nigerian football and maneuvering through the maze of difficult issues. They dealt with the disbandment of the board of the NFF masterfully. It went without any outcry, or resultant crisis. 

They led a delegation to the headquarters of FIFA and came back with a bouquet of flowers (that I hope are not coated with hidden poisons)from the embattled president of FIFA. I hope they now have the clearance to carry out the needed reforms in Nigerian football without involving the Congress of the NFF. That organ should have been dismantled as well, and without the threat of any sanction for ‘Third-Party interference’ hanging on our necks. 

The NSC, I hope, are now set to advance matters to the next level – setting up a body of credible, neutral, and knowledgeable persons to dismantle the old failed system and to create new  instruments for genuine football development in the best interest of the country. 

Allen Onyema – the pace setter! 

A few days before that, Dr. Allen Onyema, Chairman  of AirPeace Airline, had approved that the ‘file’ of the Olympic Gold Medalists of 1996 be dusted, and that the names of the heroes be uplifted again and inscribed in Gold on the ‘NIIA Sports Diplomacy Wall of Fame’ at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs in Lagos. 

The induction ceremony will be held in October/November, 2026, a year that marks the 50th anniversary of the 1976 Olympic Games Boycott led by Nigeria, as well as the 30th anniversary of Nigeria’s greatest moment in sport, the 1996 Atlanta Olympic Games. 

Two of Nigeria’s great sports ambassadors will also be decorated on the day – late captain and manager of the Super Eagles, Stephen Okechukwu Keshi; plus the only world record breaker in Nigeria’s athletics history, Tobi Amusan(even as her record has been broken by America’s Olympic champion Masai Russel). 

Governor Uba Sani – a new titan

Then, last week, came the bombshell. In my humble reckoning, the best news of the year came from Kaduna. 

The Governor of Kaduna State, Uba Sani, CON, has joined Allen Onyema to fan the embers of the ‘Dream Team’, Nigeria’s victorious Olympic football team of 1996. Following that success, the Governor of Kaduna State at the time rewarded the players and their officials with plots of land in Kaduna. For some reason, the deed was not completed. The parcels of land were not documented and handed over the players. 

30 years after, Governor Uba Sani has awakened ‘dead bones’, dusted the long-buried files, completed the process and redeemed the State government’s promise. 

There was more great development 

The state government was handed back the ownership of Ahmadu Bello Stadium, a heritage site that was built and opened in 1964 by the government of Northern Nigeria under Sir Ahmadu Bello. The stadium has deep historical significance to Northern Nigeria . It was taken over by the federal government for renovation for the Nigeria ‘99 FIFA Under-17 championship. 

To have taken over all the State stadia became the worst decision ever. Some administrators in charge at the time, not versed in sports matters, ignorantly destroyed all major sports infrastructure in the country. Nigeria has not recovered from that misadventure and financial brigandage since then. 

The Ahmadu Bello stadium, Kaduna, the Liberty Stadium, Ibadan, and the Township Stadium, Calabar, had some of the best football facilities in Africa. Their ‘renovation’ became their destruction by some Nigerian and Israeli contractors.

Governor Uba Sani has come to spearhead a redemption of those monuments. The Governors of Oyo and Cross Rivers States should follow Uba Sani’s lead, secure the release of the two other State stadia from the NSC and rebuild them for the sake of posterity and for the coming reformation of sports in Nigeria. 

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By Douglas Baye-Osagie  

_dbayeosagie@yahoo.com

President Bola Tinubu has ordered “comprehensive reforms” for Nigerian football. The directive could not have come at a better time. For years, the Nigeria Football Federation has been stuck in cycles of poor performances, crisis, litigation, and distrust. If we are serious about fixing the house, we must start with the foundation: the NFF Congress.  

Good that the National Sports Commission has got the nod from FIFA to set up an Interim Management Committee after the resignation of the Gusau-led board. There is now enough time to set our bed neatly for a proper respite.  

This must be the first job of the Interim Management Committee after FIFA’s nod this week.

The Congress is the highest decision-making body of the NFF. It elects the President. It amends the statutes. It approves budgets. In short, whoever controls the Congress controls Nigerian football. That is why reforming its composition is not optional. It is urgent.

The current Congress structure, with 37 FA Chairmen as a voting bloc, has created a culture of “delegate democracy” where loyalty is traded for development. One man, one vote, one state has produced 37 kingmakers and left the real stakeholders of the game as spectators.

As stakeholders prepare their minds ahead of the reforms, here is a concrete proposal for a new NFF Congress that is representative, equitable, and development-focused. It reduces politics and increases expertise.

To ensure legitimacy, the various associations and constituencies shall hold elections to provide representatives at least 60 days to the Congress to pick its representatives. This will guarantee transparency and give all stakeholders time to participate in the process.

FA Chairmen: Reduce from 37 to 6  

6 representatives, one each from the 6 geopolitical zones. Football administration should be zonal, not parochial. This preserves the voice of the FAs while removing the bloat that makes elections a bazaar.

Coaches: 6 members  

One each from the 6 geopolitical zones. Coaches are the engine room. They discover talent, shape players, and implement philosophy. Yet they have never had real voting power. That must change.

Referees: 6 members  

One each from the 6 geopolitical zones. Our referees are abused, underpaid, and ignored. Giving them a seat at the table will promote professionalism and protect the integrity of the game.

Sports Writers: 12 members  

Two each from the 6 geopolitical zones. The media holds the mirror to the NFF. They amplify successes and expose failures. A reformed Congress must include those who tell the story of Nigerian football. A lot of sporting decisions globally are determined by the media and the Nigerian situation cannot be different.

Players Union: 12 representatives  

Two each from the 6 geopolitical zones. The players are the product. Without them there is no game. They deserve the largest single constituency because they bear the biggest risks — injuries, unpaid wages, and broken careers.

Club Owners/Reps: 6 members  

One each from the 6 geopolitical zones. Clubs are the factories of talent. From NPFL to NNL to grassroots. They invest money and time. They must have a direct say in policy, not just pay levies and take orders.

Sponsors: 6 representatives of major sponsors  

Football is now a business. Brands keep the lights on. Giving them a vote ensures accountability for how their money is spent and aligns NFF’s priorities with commercial growth.

School Sports: 6 representatives  

One each from the 6 geopolitical zones. Our greatest talent pool is in secondary schools and universities. Yet school sports has been abandoned. This guarantees a pipeline from classroom to national team.

Physical Education Teachers & Practitioners: 6 members  

One each from the 6 geopolitical zones. They are the first scouts. They teach fundamentals. They are the link between education and elite sport. Their exclusion over the years is why we keep starting from zero. A Masters Degree or Doctorate should be a minimum qualification.

Persons With Disabilities: 6 members  

One each from the 6 geopolitical zones. FIFA now runs amputee football, blind football, and other PWD tournaments at the international level. Nigeria cannot be left behind. This inclusion gives PWD football structure, funding, and a voice in decisions that affect them.

Football Academy Owners: 6 members  

One each from the 6 geopolitical zones. The academies in Lagos, Abuja, Port Harcourt, Kano, Enugu, and beyond are doing the work of the federation. It is time to bring them in from the cold and make them partners.

Armed Forces & Police: 4 members  

One each from the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Police. These institutions run some of the most disciplined teams in the country. They also provide security at matches. Their inclusion recognizes service and broadens the base.

Total: 82 voting members  

This new Congress is not about reducing voices. It is about balancing them. No single group can hijack it. Every zone is represented. Every critical stakeholder has skin in the game. This is how you build consensus instead of conspiracies. And for the first time, Persons with Disabilities have a guaranteed seat.

This must be the first assignment of the Interim Management Committee. FIFA respects member-driven reforms that expand inclusion. This proposal does exactly that, and it aligns with global best practices of stakeholder governance and FIFA’s mandate on football for all. The IMC should draft it, circulate it, and convene an Extraordinary Congress to adopt it within 60 days.

The era of 37 men deciding the fate of 200 million people must end. If President Tinubu’s “comprehensive reforms” are to mean anything, let them start here. A new Congress will produce a new NFF. A new NFF will produce a new Super Eagles, new Falconets, and a new national PWD team. And a new NFF will restore pride to a nation that deserves to win again — on every pitch, and for every Nigerian. The work starts now.

Let’s build a federation that works for coaches, players, fans, persons with disabilities, and the future — not just for elections.

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Chief Daniel Osi Orbih, popularly known as Kulukulu 1, who died on Monday, August 31, at the age of 64, was undoubtedly one of the most steadfast political actors of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic.

His family announced his death without disclosing the cause. He is survived by his wife, Florence, his daughters, Winifred Anwosiobor and Mildred Omonemi, siblings and members of the extended Orbih family.

Though Orbih became so closely identified with the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, that admirers sometimes spoke of the party as being in his DNA, his Fourth Republic political journey did not begin there.

In the transition to civil rule, Orbih was in the All Peoples Party, APP, and emerged as running mate to Lucky Imasuen, the party’s candidate in the 1999 Edo governorship election.

That background is significant because it shows that Orbih had established a political identity before becoming associated with Chief Tony Anenih, the legendary PDP strategist under whose influence he would subsequently flourish.

Politics was, in any case, part of the Orbih family tradition. A biographical account from his Ogbona community records that his father, Chief M.C.K. Orbih, had been elected to the House of Representatives in 1959 and remained active in public affairs.

After moving into the PDP, Orbih rose steadily until 2008 when he assumed leadership of the Edo chapter. For roughly 12 years, he became the face and voice of a party that had lost control of the state to Adams Oshiomhole.

That period arguably produced the political identity for which Orbih will be best remembered.

Opposition politics in Nigeria can be unforgiving. Once a governor takes control of the machinery of state, opposition parties often become shadows of themselves. Orbih refused to allow that fate to befall the PDP.

He transformed opposition into almost a full-time vocation.

Though he and Oshiomhole came from the same Etsako axis and had once enjoyed a close personal relationship, their political encounters became legendary. He told this correspondent that the two had previously been close enough for their families to exchange holiday visits. Yet, in politics, Orbih became one of Oshiomhole’s most persistent tormentors.

His weapon was often documentation.

One memorable confrontation involved conflicting public references to Oshiomhole’s year of birth. Orbih produced an affidavit and other records while questioning why official and public accounts appeared to give different years. The governor’s camp responded that the discrepancy arose from an error in a birthday brochure.

More devastating politically was the 2013 encounter between Oshiomhole and widow Joy Ifijeh.

After the governor was recorded telling the pleading street trader to “go and die,” the recording became a national embarrassment. Orbih got to hear of the incident and paid his way to obtain the video of the incident from those who accompanied the governor during that infamous encounter. Orbih and the Edo PDP then aggressively publicised the incident forcing Oshiomhole to apologise and even invite the widow for tea.

Yet Orbih was more than a political attack dog. He understood timing.

When the relationship between Oshiomhole and his successor, Governor Godwin Obaseki, began to deteriorate, Orbih gradually recognised that Obaseki could come over to the PDP. He as such pulled back his criticisms of Governor Obaseki.

Eventually, after Obaseki was disqualified from the APC governorship primary in 2020 and defected to the PDP, political necessity brought former adversaries together.

Orbih became chairman of the PDP campaign council and publicly campaigned for Obaseki’s re-election against APC candidate Osagie Ize-Iyamu.

It was a remarkable demonstration of political pragmatism.

His years as Edo PDP chairman also showed that an opposition party could remain electorally competitive against an incumbent state government. In both the 2015 and 2019 presidential elections, the PDP defeated the APC in Edo.

Orbih later cited those two presidential victories as part of the legacy of his leadership.

His imprint, however, stretched beyond Edo.

Perhaps one of the most consequential episodes involving Orbih occurred in Rivers State and ultimately helped alter the balance of power within the PDP.

Orbih chaired the panel that conducted the disputed Rivers PDP congress from which rival factions produced competing claims to the state leadership.

The battle eventually reached an Abuja High Court. In April 2013, the court removed the Godspower Ake-led executive aligned with then Governor Rotimi Amaechi and recognised the Felix Obuah-led faction associated with Nyesom Wike.

Crucially, the court upheld Orbih’s deposition that the result being paraded by the Ake faction was not the result of the congress he conducted. Contemporary accounts reported that Orbih and the panel secretary backed the list presented by Obuah and Walter Opuene as authentic.

The consequences were enormous.

Control of the Rivers PDP machinery shifted away from Amaechi and strengthened Wike, then Minister of State for Education. The political struggle subsequently grew into a national confrontation involving Amaechi, Wike and powerful forces within the PDP.

Wike would eventually become Rivers governor in 2015 and later Minister of the Federal Capital Territory. Orbih remained one of his closest political associates.

That explains the emotion in Wike’s tribute following his death. The minister described Orbih as “a friend indeed” and his passing as the fall of “one of the biggest trees in the political forest of Edo State.”

For this correspondent, however, the loss is also personal.

About a month before his death, noticing his absence from functions where he would ordinarily have been seen, I called him. His voice was barely audible. Perhaps because of the familiarity built over about two decades, he still took the call.

I immediately sensed that he was gravely ill. What I did not imagine was that it would be our last conversation.

Dan Orbih belonged to a generation of politicians for whom political association was built not merely around election seasons but through relationships, loyalty, endurance and long battles.

He fought many.

He won some and lost some.

But he rarely disappeared from the battlefield.

At 64, Kulukulu 1 has left the stage much earlier than many who knew him would have imagined. Edo has lost one of its most durable political combatants; the South-South has lost a formidable party organiser; and many of us have lost a friend whose telephone number we will instinctively remember long after we can no longer call it.

May God grant Florence, Winifred, Mildred and the entire Orbih family the fortitude to bear an irreparable loss.

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By Ebunoluwa Sessou

The Prelate of the Calvary Grace International College of Bishops and President of Sword of the Spirit Ministries, Bishop Francis Olubowale Oke, has been elevated to the office of Archbishop after more than 27 years of episcopal service.

The elevation, which recognised his spiritual leadership, mentorship and contributions to the growth of episcopal ministry, was conferred on him by the Calvary Grace International College of Bishops during the ongoing annual Holy Ghost Convention of the Sword of the Spirit Ministries in Ibadan, Oyo State.

According to a statement issued by the Media Bureau of the Sword of the Spirit Ministries, the ceremony was attended by members of the College of Bishops and other Christian leaders.

Oke, who is also the National President of the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria, PFN, accepted the elevation, describing it as a call to greater responsibility in advancing the cause of Christ globally.

He disclosed that he had repeatedly declined opportunities to become an archbishop since his consecration as a bishop in 1999, preferring to concentrate on evangelism and preaching the gospel.

The new Archbishop, however, said he accepted the elevation because it was the will of God and the collective decision of the College.

“I accept the elevation with all my heart. Since it seems good to you and to the Holy Spirit, it seems good to me also. I concur with you,” he said.

The elevation was proclaimed by the Presbyter of the College, South-West, Bishop Felix Adejumo, after Bishop Julius Abiola presented the statement of purpose for the conferment.

Abiola described Oke as “a father of fathers, pastor of pastors and bishop of bishops,” saying his episcopal ministry had produced and strengthened other episcopal leaders.

He said the elevation was not merely the conferment of a title but a recognition of a ministry tested by time, demonstrated through service and spiritual fruits, and manifested in the raising of other leaders.

The College said Oke had, since his canonical consecration in 1999, demonstrated longevity, stability, maturity and faithfulness in episcopal ministry, with his influence extending beyond congregations and national boundaries.

It noted that he had participated in the consecration and establishment of bishops in different parts of the world and provided spiritual oversight and fatherly leadership to many of the more than 50 bishops associated with the College.

The College charged him to strengthen the brethren, encourage bishops, defend the Christian faith, promote unity within the body of Christ, preserve godly episcopal order and raise succeeding generations of faithful servants of God.

Responding, Oke expressed gratitude to God and the College, stressing that prospective bishops were subjected to thorough examination by presbyters before admission.

“The door is still open to anyone who is interested, but the standard remains the same,” he said.

Recalling his journey, Oke said the late Archbishop Benson Idahosa had wanted to consecrate him as a bishop as far back as 1988, but he avoided the elevation because of his passion for evangelism.

He said he eventually yielded to the prompting of the Holy Spirit and was consecrated a bishop in the United Kingdom in 1999, with the consecration repeated three months later at the Garden of Victory, Ibadan.

Oke said the Calvary Grace International College of Bishops grew from his desire to mentor younger ministers after responding to God’s call in 1976.

He said the fellowship, initially known as Calvary Grace Covenant Fellowship International, later evolved into the College of Bishops following a meeting at Premier Hotel, Ibadan.

According to him, the College now has members across Nigeria, Africa, North America and Europe, with its influence extending to several countries.

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Judas Iscariot betrayed Jesus Christ leaving with us a long chain of treachery that keeps staring all in the face. Brigadier John Amadu Bangura lost his life through a death warrant signed by Siaka Stevens, the same man he made Prime Minister of Sierra Leone.

 Like Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, Bangura handed over power to a democratically elected government in 1968. The 1967 elections saw Stevens and his All Peoples Congress ( APC) in front. To stop him, Brig. David Lansana ascended the throne through a military coup. In the next 48 hours, Brig. Andrew Juxton – Smith toppled Lansana.

Bangura was posted to the Sierra Leonean embassy in Washington. However, the envoy disappeared to Guinea to team up with Stevens. Supported by their host,  Sekou Toure, they trained guerillas.

The exiled duo returned to Freetown in 1968 when  Warrant Officer Patrick Conteh and Private Morlai Kamara staged what became the Sergeants Coup. The Non Commissioned Officers handed power to Bangura, a man that was seen as highly professional.

Bangura assumed office and did what most African military dictators would not. He promised to relinquish power to a democratically elected prime minister in about seven days. That was on April 18, 1968. By April 22, Bangura offered leadership to Siaka Stevens.

The new Prime Minister turned his back on the people and became an Absolutist. Bangura wanted to save democracy by moving against Stevens. His coup in 1971 proved abortive and after trial, the officer was condemned to death and hanged inside Pandemba Road Military Prison.

Bangura joined the Army as a private in 1950. Apparently, he was influenced by Meshach Ezihe Obasi who was married to Tity, a member of his family.  The Nigerian was part of the Royal West Africa Frontier Force (RWAFF) to World War 2.

His 82 West African Brigade returned to Freetown after service in the Far East. Obasi stayed behind and because he was useful as a Gunsmith ( Armourer), the Royal Sierra Leonean regiment retained him while his mates journeyed back to Lagos  by sea.

Bangura excelled as a Private, gaining the attention of his British commanding officers who sent him to Ghana for further training. He then travelled to Nigeria for more exposure. Fortunately, a place was found for him in Britain.

The Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst had turned out less than five Nigerian officers when Bangura was admitted in 1953. Zakari Maimalari, Kur Mohammed and Abogo Largema were commissioned before the Sierra Leonean became a Second Lieutenant in August 1954, with Army number WA/27.

In other words, Bangura left Sandhurst before  George Kurubo and Yakubu Pam arrived. David Ejoor, Victor Banjo who followed, only heard of him. Yakubu Gowon, Alexander Madiebo, Arthur Unegbe, Mike Okwechime and  Patrick Anwunah who were commissioned in December 1956  saw his photographs.

Obasi remained an NCO while his in – law progressed. Like they say, the young shall grow.

As a Captain,  Bangura was part of the United Nations mission to the Congo in 1962. When he returned, the officer was promoted to Major.

However, he did not forget Obasi. While Civil War raged in Nigeria, the Armourer landed in London and proceeded to the Bordon Garrison in Hampshire for specialist training. He had visited his hometown, Dim na Nume, Isu, with his family in the First Republic. The soldier owned the house at 45 Freetown Road.

While in the United Kingdom his cousin, Medo, who left for greener pastures before the Civil War tried to catch a glimpse of him at Bordon Garrison.  Somehow, the guards on duty did not understand how a Nigerian could be claiming a Sierra Leonean as kinsman. Entry was refused.

Bangura had plans of sending Obasi to the Mons Officers Cadet School, Aldershot before the tide turned. The death of the former meant the latter could also not be trusted. He was lucky to survive and wisdom guided him to voluntarily retire from  Armed Forces of Sierra Leone. 

What happened to Bangura sounds like the fate of  Lt. Col Abu Taher in Bangladesh. In 1975, he released Maj. Gen. Ziaur Rahman from prison and allowed him to become Head of State. In 1976, Rahman caused Taher to be executed.

It also happened in Ghana. Jerry Rawlings was in gaol awaiting firing squad when Major Boakye Djan led troops free and install him as Head of State. They later fell  out Djan fled. He paid dearly for that rift as his younger brother,  Kojo, was roped in and executed for treason by Rawlings in 1986.

 Nigerian soldiers are always celebrated in Sierra Leone. Gen. Maxwell Khobe became the Chief of Defence Staff. Today, that position is occupied by Gen. Amara Idara Bangura, who graduated from the Nigerian Defence Academy in 1993.

 Christopher Okoro Cole, was the First President of Sierra Leone, defacto. Gabriel Kpamber, Abu Ahmadu, Felix Mujakperuo and Abdul One Mohammed, all of them commanded ECOMOG forces in Sierra Leone.

 Obasi’s last visit to Nigeria was in 1976.  His first two children, David and Peter, live in Abuja and Lagos respectively. The man who was known from Kossoh to Fula Town as an Armourer, was a Prince.  He died in Freetown. His other children reside there.

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By Dickson Omobola

Emirates has launched the world’s first electrically powered Premium Economy seat, featuring a full-height adjustable privacy screen between every seat.

Debuting on newly received Airbus A350 aircraft, the new seat combines industry-leading innovation with elevated comfort, giving customers greater control over their personal space.

Installed in the Emirates A350 Premium Economy cabin in a spacious 2-3-2 configuration with just 28 seats, the new seat represents the airline’s latest investment in continuously raising the bar for customer experience.

The electric privacy divider extends to the full height of the seat – the first feature of its kind in Premium Economy cabins worldwide. Emirates Premium Economy seats are a comfortable 20” wide, and seat pitch is up to 39” on the A350.
Customers can effortlessly raise or lower the divider using the seat controls and lock it into position, creating a more private and personal environment for relaxing, dining or working throughout the flight.
The new seat marks Emirates’ first fully electrically powered Premium Economy seat, where customers can also adjust their preferred seating position at the touch of a button using the integrated Passenger Control Unit.
Comfort has been further enhanced with the introduction of Emirates’ widely acclaimed U-Dream headrest by Safran Seats. Crafted in leather, the redesigned headrest provides exceptional neck and head support, allowing passengers to adjust the wings into multiple positions for personalised comfort. A manually deployable leather footrest offers additional relaxation and reduces leg fatigue.
Wireless charging is also being introduced to Premium Economy for the first time, allowing customers to conveniently power compatible devices throughout the flight. Every seat also includes USB-C charging and a practical tray table with an integrated phone holder.
Customers can also enjoy Emirates’ award-winning ice inflight entertainment on a 13.3-inch 4K HDR touchscreen, delivering stunning picture quality with ultra-responsive navigation. On newly delivered Airbus A350 aircraft, passengers will also enjoy enhanced aircraft camera views, with new left and right exterior perspectives joining the existing forward and downward cameras.

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The Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) has said debates over the removal of fuel subsidy are now belated, urging the Federal Government to ensure that the policy’s benefits translate into improved living conditions for Nigerians.

PENGASSAN President, Bosun Olabiyi-Agoro, stated this on Friday while appearing on Channels Television’s The Morning Brief.

Olabiyi-Agoro said Nigerians had endured significant hardship since President Bola Tinubu announced the removal of the petrol subsidy shortly after assuming office in May 2023.

“I think the argument over whether to remove the subsidy or not to remove it is belated now. We have done it, but we need to start seeing the benefits of fuel subsidy removal in the lives of common Nigerians,” he said.

Following the policy, petrol prices rose from about ₦200 per litre to around ₦1,300, contributing to increased transportation costs and a broader rise in the cost of living.

While critics and opposition politicians have continued to question the policy, the Federal Government has maintained that there is no going back on subsidy removal.

Olabiyi-Agoro acknowledged that the decision was painful, particularly for workers and low-income Nigerians who have continued to grapple with economic pressures.

He, however, said recent improvements in key macroeconomic indicators must begin to reflect in the daily lives of citizens.

His comments came against the backdrop of Nigeria’s reported 4.43 per cent Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth in the second quarter of 2026.

The PENGASSAN president said improvements in GDP, foreign exchange reserves and the balance of trade were positive developments, but stressed that such gains would have little meaning to ordinary Nigerians if they did not result in better access to food and improved living conditions.

“What we are advocating for at the moment is that we want to see that translate into what is going to help a common man and not just the things that we see in figures,” he said.

He added that workers were prepared to contribute to the country’s economic recovery and support measures that would improve the economy, irrespective of the government in power.

On the impact of subsidy removal on petroleum supply, Olabiyi-Agoro said the policy had contributed to improvements in the availability of petroleum products.

“From the moment there was no budget for subsidy again up until now, we believe that we are buying products at their right prices without the government putting in a subsidy, so I think we’ve left one side of that argument,” he said.

The PENGASSAN chief maintained that the focus should now shift from whether subsidy should have been removed to ensuring that the economic gains from the policy are felt by Nigerians.

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We have this monthly rendezvous in Surulere. Called ‘The Amala Group’, it is a small gathering of largely media veterans and their close friends. It has been a part of our lives for about 17 years now. About two years ago, I was there seated by Uncle Sam when a relatively new member and an alumnus of Vanguard who had made good in the business and political world, offered to host a small birthday get-together in honor of Uncle Sam. I knew a small, chummy private party was down Uncle Sam’s alley. I was therefore not surprised that he accepted the offer after asking for some clarifications.

What surprised me was that he thereafter, leaned into my ear and whispered ‘Who is he?’ ‘How can you not know him?’ I whispered back. ‘We were at Punch together. We were at Vanguard together during the early stages’ I continued in a low tone to avoid being heard. His response was a defensive ‘that’s a long time ago, man. Do you know how many people I have worked with’?  I smiled indulgently at that response because I understood. Old age was at its usual tricks and my boss was giving the kind of defensive reactions old people give. Ordinarily, this person should have been remembered by Uncle Sam because of the impact he made at both Punch and Vanguard since he was not just a faceless former staff who came and went with the crowd.

Old age plays its tricks on my memory too from time to time. Perhaps the most recent was at the Vanguard re-union last month. I drew a blank when I was introduced to the Joint Organizing Chairman. Yet, he had worked with me at the early stages of Vanguard and I had acknowledged his potentials. The Organizing Secretary also said he had had to introduce himself to me at least twice – he too claimed to have been ‘there’ almost from the beginning. And I am not anywhere near Uncle Sam in age yet! Perhaps, like Uncle Sam, I could use the defense that it was all a long time ago. Yes, 42 years almost to the month if you are nitpicking. Sunday Vanguard, the precursor, was about three months earlier on June 3, 1984. I was the Pioneer Editor of both. An abnormality these days when Daily and two Weekend titles are shared by three different Editors.

The day was the official launch of a book aptly titled ‘The Vanguard Chronology: 40 years of Nigeria’s leading Tabloid’. It was the culmination of efforts by some enterprising members of the Vanguard alumni to chronicle the 40 -year journey of a paper that gave many of them professional exposure and livelihood. I was reticent about the project to be honest. Too much water has passed under the proverbial bridge and I wasn’t sure if I wanted to go that far back in time. Or how much of that past I wanted to relive. I left Vanguard 40 years ago to chase other rainbows. I am proud of what I had achieved and reflective of lessons learnt along the journey. But more to the point, most of those who make up the alumni did not work with me.

So, I reasoned that there could be no reunion for me if there was no separation in the first place. ‘You might not know them, but they know you’ was Uncle Sam’s response.  Then, the Organizing Secretary called. A card was sent to my residence. And two days to the event, the Daily Editor called. These are in addition to former colleagues who had asked discreetly if I was attending. I understood the pressure and appreciated the concern. To them, it might be like a class re-union without the pioneer class captain. It would be seen as a snub. Or a serious oversight. Only I didn’t see it that way. I felt my contribution was too insignificant in the overall scheme of things to be given an undeserved attention if not accolade. Yes, I helped to bring someone’s dream, someone’s concept into reality. Yes, I helped to plant. But the greater credit must go to those who stayed long enough to water and nurture the young plant through the seasons.

The lingering ambivalence abated when the reviewer Gbemiga Ogunleye, former Deputy Editor-in-Chief of Punch, former Provost of the Nigerian Institute of Journalism, and a favourite aburo, mounted the podium. As he mentioned my name, my mind travelled back in time to 1984. It started with my first serious conversation with Uncle Sam on the proposed paper where he talked about his expectations and what the success of the paper would mean to him given the circumstances that led to it. He also advised me on the challenges of managing a diverse group of people and touched on my relatively young age then. He quickly assured me though, by saying that Gowon wasn’t much older when he became the Head of State.

At a point, I wasn’t listening to Gbemiga Ogunleye’s review anymore. I was doing my own review in my head as I went through some stages that preceded the actual birth of the paper. I sat on different interview panels as we engaged critical personnel – not just in editorial – that would steer the overall ship. The purse was lean and the number of personnel reflected that. But what we lacked in quantity, we tried to make up in quality. I remembered the meetings with the General Manager, the Production Manager and the Press Supervisor to set up deadlines and a production time-table that would work with the capacity of our press – a newspaper is nothing without strict deadlines. I remembered the expectations, the sacrifices and the disappointments when we had to shift D-Day at least twice. I remembered my emotions when the first clean copy of the paper was finally brought to me by the Press Supervisor.

Vanguard has come a long way. Shortly after the coup that brought Buhari into power, Editors and media owners were invited to Dodan Barracks for briefing by Idiagbon, the de-facto Prime Minister of the regime. We were asked to introduce ourselves. ‘Vanguard? He scoffed after I had introduced myself. ’Which paper is that?’ he asked dismissively. Segun Osoba and Felix Adenaike quickly rose to our defense. I and Uncle Sam kept quiet. But I promised myself that nobody would be so dismissive of Vanguard after a year and that the success of Vanguard would make Idiagbon eat his words. The quick acceptance of Vanguard was thus gratifying. It had entered various offices and homes within four months of its daily publication. 

Nobody lives forever and many of those who kept sleepless nights forty-two years ago, to help make a reality of the dream that was Vanguard are sadly, no longer with us. May their souls rest in peace. I still see their faces when I think of those early days and I would have given anything to share memories with them on the day. I am however glad that Uncle Sam, the man who personifies Vanguard is alive to see this day of glory after so many storms. It reminded me of what Superstar singer Diana Ross said to CEO Berry Gordon at an anniversary of Motown Records, the recording company that incubated and nurtured many black singers of an era. ‘It is not those who went away that matters. It is those who came back’. And on August 19, 2026, quite a few of the Vanguard alumni came back to honor Uncle Sam. Deservedly.

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By Dickson Omobola

Akwa Ibom State-owned airline, Ibom Air, has expanded its fleet with another brand-new Airbus A220-300, marking the third ultra-modern jet delivered directly from the Airbus assembly facility in Mirabel, Canada.

This came as the state government dismissed claims that it was monopolising Victor Attah International Airport, saying the airport remains open to all commercial operators.

With the addition, Ibom Air now has an active fleet of 10 aircraft, comprising seven Bombardier CRJ-900s and three Airbus A220-300s, as the airline approaches the five million cumulative passenger mark by the end of September 2026.

Addressing guests at the tarmac reception in Uyo, Governor Umo Eno of Akwa Ibom State outlined the operational metrics underpinning the state-owned carrier’s expansion strategy.

Eno said: “With 4,953,512 passengers safely carried across 65,152 scheduled flights to date, Ibom Air is on track to cross the five million passenger landmark before the end of this month. Out of our current 10 aircraft, five were acquired under this administration to ensure our route network keeps pace with regional demand.”

The governor disclosed that the airline, which currently serves seven domestic destinations and one regional route, Accra, Ghana, is preparing to expand its network to 12 destinations and 15 routes by 2027. This roadmap includes a new domestic connection, alongside regional services to Douala, Cameroon; Libreville, Gabon; and Malabo, Equatorial Guinea.

Eno highlighted that technical human capital remains central to the state’s long-term aviation vision, tying the aircraft’s delivery to celebrations marking Akwa Ibom’s 39th anniversary.

He said: “Infrastructure is only as effective as the professionals who manage it.” Eno acknowledged Aviation Minister Festus Keyamo and the Federal Government for granting the terminal international airport status, adding: “Out of the 30 pilots currently flying with Ibom Air, 14 are Akwa Ibom indigenes. Furthermore, 16 of our 40 aircraft engineers are local talent. We currently have 10 additional pilots in simulator training in Addis Ababa and 10 aviation specialists at NCAT, Zaria.”

Also speaking, Ibom Air Chairman, Mfon Udom, explained that the addition of the A220-300 would enable the carrier to restore its full domestic flight schedule while building out its intra-African network.
Udom said: “The arrival of this aircraft allows us to immediately return to our core domestic frequencies, restoring three daily flights on the Uyo–Lagos and Uyo–Abuja routes, and ramping Lagos–Abuja back up to seven daily frequencies.

Phase one of our regional expansion will connect Uyo directly to Douala, Libreville and Malabo. As we receive the remaining aircraft from our 10-unit order via direct purchases and lease-purchase arrangements, our reach will extend across the continent.”

Meanwhile, Special Adviser on Aviation and Airport Development to the governor, Uwem Ekanem, said the airline operates as part of a three-part ecosystem alongside the state’s commercial Maintenance, Repair and Overhaul, MRO, facility and the upgraded international terminal.
“We are building an aerotropolis: a city within a city designed to generate foreign exchange, drive tourism, expand air cargo operations and develop high-skilled technical personnel,” Ekanem said.While also addressing market access at the airport, Ekanem clarified that Victor Attah International Airport remains open to all commercial operators. Ekanem said: “Allegations of a monopoly are completely unfounded. As an airport authority, our goal is to maximise service options for travellers. Air Peace is scheduled to commence operations here in September, and discussions are ongoing with ValuJet.”

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By Kenneth Ofoma

Enugu State is rich in historical, political and geographical landmarks. But beyond its identity as Nigeria’s Coal City State lies a story of transformation—a story that has unfolded over decades and appears to be entering another defining chapter.

The state, as it is known today, was created on August 27, 1991, when the military administration of General Ibrahim Babangida carved it out of the old Anambra State. The old Anambra State itself emerged in 1976 following the division of the former East Central State.

Yet, Enugu as a cultural and geographical entity predates its emergence as a state.

The name Enugu is derived from the Igbo expression “Énú Ụ́gwụ́”, meaning “top of the hill” or “hilltop”, a reference to the area’s distinctive geography. Its modern history was profoundly shaped by the discovery of coal at the Udi Hills in 1909.

The discovery transformed the settlement into an important industrial centre and earned it the enduring sobriquet, “Coal City”. The completion of the Eastern Railway line to Port Harcourt in 1916 further accelerated its economic importance by linking the coal-producing hinterland to the coast.

Enugu subsequently became the capital of the former Eastern Region and, in the turbulent events of 1967, the capital of the short-lived Republic of Biafra.

The city and state have therefore been at the centre of some of the most important political and economic developments in Nigeria’s history.

From One Administration to Another

Since its creation in 1991, Enugu State has witnessed successive military and civilian administrations, each contributing in varying degrees to its development.

The return to democratic rule in 1999 ushered in a new political era. Chimaroke Nnamani became the first elected governor of the state in the Fourth Republic, serving from 1999 to 2007. He was succeeded by Sullivan Chime, who governed from 2007 to 2015, followed by Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi, who served from 2015 to 2023.

In 2023, the baton passed to Dr Peter Ndubuisi Mbah.

By conventional assessment, Enugu could be counted among the fortunate states to have enjoyed a measure of continuity in governance, with successive administrations making contributions to its development trajectory.

But the arrival of Governor Mbah has introduced a distinctly different dimension to the state’s development conversation.

His administration’s philosophy is encapsulated in the declaration: “Tomorrow Is Here!”

Initially, it may have sounded like familiar political rhetoric. But the scale, spread and ambition of the administration’s projects have begun to give the slogan a more concrete meaning.

The $30 Billion Ambition

At the heart of the Mbah administration’s development strategy is an economic ambition: to grow Enugu State’s economy from an estimated $4.4 billion to $30 billion. Achieving such a target requires more than roads and public buildings. It demands a fundamental restructuring of the relationship between government, citizens, businesses, investors and the wider economy.

That appears to be the thinking behind a programme cutting across education, healthcare, roads, urban renewal, transportation, security, water, electricity, agriculture, industry and technology.

Reimagining Education

One of the most ambitious interventions is the Smart Green Schools programme.

The administration is constructing about 268 modern, technology-driven schools—one in each of the state’s 260 political wards, with additional schools in special locations.

The concept goes beyond conventional classrooms. The schools are designed to incorporate digital learning, robotics, artificial intelligence and other modern educational technologies.

The government is also developing three technical and vocational colleges, one in each senatorial district, to strengthen skills acquisition and prepare young people for an economy increasingly driven by technology, innovation and enterprise.

The underlying idea is that education infrastructure must evolve with the demands of the 21st-century economy.

Taking Healthcare to the Grassroots

Healthcare is another major pillar of the development agenda.

The government is building 260 Type-2 Primary Healthcare Centres across the state’s wards, taking modern healthcare closer to rural communities. The facilities are conceived as an upgrade of conventional primary healthcare delivery, with doctors, nurses and midwives, drug dispensaries, labour rooms and bed spaces.

At the higher end of the healthcare system is the Enugu International Hospital, a specialist facility designed to offer advanced medical services and reduce the need for residents to travel outside the country for specialised treatment (medical tourism).

The facility incorporates nuclear and molecular medicine, including advanced approaches to cancer management, alongside cardiovascular, cardio-renal, maternal and child healthcare services.

Its positioning as a referral centre underscores the ambition to make Enugu a regional healthcare destination.

A New Urban Future

Perhaps the most audacious component of the administration’s physical development programme is the proposed New Enugu City. Spread across about 10,000 hectares along the Enugu-Abakaliki Expressway, the project is conceived as a modern smart city and a new commercial and residential hub.

Its importance lies not merely in expanding the geographical footprint of the capital but in creating a planned urban environment capable of accommodating population growth, businesses, investment and modern infrastructure.

Alongside the new city is an extensive road construction and rehabilitation programme. Roads such as the Penoks-Abakpa-Opi Nsukka route, as well as numerous rural and urban roads across Nsukka, Igbo-Etiti, Udi and other parts of the state, are intended to improve mobility and open economic corridors.

Restoring Enugu’s Landmarks

The administration has also turned its attention to iconic assets that once defined Enugu’s prominence. The revitalisation of the Hotel Presidential, Nigergas and the International Conference Centre reflects an attempt to reconnect the state with historic symbols while repositioning them for contemporary economic use.

The transformation is complemented by a new five-star international hotel beside the International Conference Centre, creating the potential for a major hospitality and conference destination.
The ambition is clear: to position Enugu not merely as a state capital but as an investment hub and conference city.

A New Transport Culture

The transport sector is equally undergoing a major rethink. The introduction of Compressed Natural Gas buses and electric taxis is expected to contribute to a cleaner and more efficient public transportation system.

Modern transport interchanges and terminals at locations including Holy Ghost, Abakpa and Gariki are part of the effort to reorganise the city’s transportation architecture.

The Enugu Air initiative represents another dimension, with plans for fleet expansion and cargo facilities at Akanu Ibiam International Airport. Together, these interventions seek to build a transport system that supports both the movement of people and the growth of commerce.

Technology Meets Security

One of the administration’s notable departures from conventional governance is its emphasis on technology-driven security. The planned AI-powered security architecture includes surveillance infrastructure, command hubs and specialised security vehicles. The objective is to strengthen the capacity of security agencies to detect threats, respond rapidly and coordinate operations using technology and real-time intelligence. The initiative represents an attempt to move Enugu from reactive governance towards a more proactive and intelligence-led model.

Water, Power and the Economy

For decades, reliable public water supply has remained one of Enugu’s persistent development challenges. The Mbah administration has embarked on a major expansion of water infrastructure, with the objective of increasing daily urban water production from roughly two million litres to tens of millions of litres.

Power is another frontier.

The establishment of the Enugu State Electricity Regulatory Commission marks a significant step towards creating a consumer-focused electricity market within the state. Reliable power is fundamental to industrialisation, investment and the survival of small and medium-sized businesses.

In agriculture and industry, the administration is pursuing public-private partnerships, including a ₦100 billion investment aimed at reviving United Palm Products Limited.

There is also a plan to create 100,000 hectares of land-banked farmland in each senatorial district, potentially opening opportunities for commercial agriculture, agro-processing and rural economic development.

From Government to Investment Ecosystem

Perhaps the most consequential aspect of the transformation underway in Enugu is that the interventions are not isolated projects. They are increasingly being presented as components of a broader economic ecosystem.

Roads are intended to connect communities and markets. Schools are expected to produce technologically equipped young people. Healthcare facilities are designed to retain medical spending within the state. Transport reforms should improve mobility, while water and electricity serve as economic enablers. Urban renewal and hospitality infrastructure are intended to attract investors, businesses, tourists and conferences.

Even the digitisation of the land registry speaks to this wider objective. For investors, certainty over land ownership, faster transactions and a more transparent system can make the difference between committing capital and taking it elsewhere. This emphasis on ease of doing business is becoming one of the defining features of the state’s emerging development model.

A State in Transition

The significance of what is happening in Enugu may ultimately extend beyond physical projects. Development is not measured only by the number of roads constructed, schools built or hospitals commissioned. It is also measured by the capacity of government to create an environment in which citizens, businesses and institutions can generate sustainable prosperity. That is the larger test facing the Mbah administration.

The transformation remains a work in progress. Ambitious projects require sustained financing, effective maintenance, institutional discipline and continuity beyond political cycles. The ultimate measure will be how many of the current interventions mature into functioning institutions and productive assets that endure.

For now, however, the scale of the programme has already altered the conversation about Enugu. A state once defined primarily by its coal-mining heritage, political history and relatively modest economic footprint is attempting to redefine itself as a modern investment destination, technology-enabled economy, healthcare hub, conference city and regional commercial centre.

For those familiar with Enugu’s history, the contrast is striking.

From the discovery of coal at Udi in 1909 to the railway connection of 1916; from its days as the capital of the Eastern Region and the Republic of Biafra to the democratic administrations that followed; and now to an era of smart schools, modern hospitals, new cities, digital governance, transport reforms, power-sector innovation and large-scale infrastructure—the state has repeatedly reinvented itself.

The question now is not whether Enugu has changed. It is how far the change can go.

And for those who can imagine what another four years of sustained implementation could mean, the era of Peter Mbah may increasingly be remembered not merely as another chapter in the state’s political history, but as a time Enugu changed.

Kenneth Ofoma, Senior Special Assistant (SSA), Policy & Communication to Gov. Peter Mbah of Enugu State, writes from Enugu.

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Accord Party presidential aspirant, Gbenga Olawepo-Hashim, has challenged the Federal Government’s justification for the high price of petrol, saying the fuel subsidy debate is essentially “accounting magic” and that petrol could sell for about N605 per litre.

Olawepo-Hashim made the assertion on Channels Television’s Politics Today, arguing that the cost of petrol in Nigeria has been inflated by the way the government prices crude oil supplied to the domestic market.

He said Nigerians had been made to believe that cheaper petrol was no longer possible, insisting that a review of the domestic crude pricing structure could significantly reduce the pump price.

“The truth of it is that the price is currently inflated. By who? By the government,” he said.

Olawepo-Hashim said data from the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) put the cost of producing a barrel of crude in Nigeria at about $30.

He said that with a $15 margin added to the production cost, alongside about $5 for refining and $7 for transportation and insurance, the total would amount to roughly $57 per barrel.

Based on his calculation, he said the figure could translate to a petrol price of about 34 cents per litre, which he estimated at approximately N501 per litre at an exchange rate of N1,400 to the dollar.

He proposed N605 per litre as a possible pump price, saying the figure would include an additional energy tax of about N100 to fund the development of alternative energy sources.

The Accord chieftain also disputed the description of the previous arrangement as a fuel subsidy, arguing that the issue was largely a consequence of the government’s accounting and domestic crude pricing system.

“What you have had really has never been any subsidy, even when we had lower pump petrol prices. The subsidy issue is more of an accounting magic,” he said.

He argued that crude supplied to Nigerian refineries should not necessarily be priced at the same rate as crude sold on the international market.

According to him, the international price represents the opportunity cost of crude and should not automatically become the price charged for crude consumed domestically.

“You cannot price your local products at international price,” he said.

Olawepo-Hashim cited Saudi Arabia and Kuwait as examples of oil-producing countries that, according to him, do not apply international crude prices to their domestic markets in the same manner as Nigeria.

He also called for greater transparency over Nigeria’s crude production costs, questioning why domestic crude was being priced at its current level.

The presidential aspirant alleged that there could be “a lot of over-invoicing” in the system and challenged stakeholders to make the underlying figures public.

“If anyone has a different idea, they should bring their books. Let’s see what it is, how much it costs to produce a barrel of crude in Nigeria,” he said.

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