ASSOCIATED PRESS
The government’s annual accounting of hunger in America reported no hunger in its last outing. Instead, it found “food insecurity.”
Likewise, no one is even considering retreating from Iraq. “Redeploying” out of there is, however, an option.
In Washington, words are a moving target that conceal at least as much as they reveal. Doublespeak runs through the discourse on Iraq, terrorism and domestic matters to a point where it’s hard to tell what is going on.
The libertarian Cato Institute recently took on the rising tide of fuzzy words in the fight against terrorism, arguing that whatever people think of what the government is doing, it would help to understand what the government is doing.
That is no easy task when the administration offers tortured definitions of torture, describes suicide by captives as “self-injurious behavior incidents” and labeled at least one suspect an “imperative security internee” when it became constitutionally questionable to hold him as an “enemy combatant.”
Interrogations are debriefings.
Propaganda is a struggle “for hearts and minds.”
The estate tax is the death tax.
The right to an abortion is the right to “choose.”
And can anyone oppose the Patriot Act and still be a patriot?
“By corrupting the language, the people who wield power are able to fool the others about their activities and evade responsibility and accountability,” Cato’s Timothy Lynch argues in his polemic against doublespeak — an outgrowth of the doublethink and newspeak of George Orwell’s novel “1984.”
But nefarious “War is Peace” Orwellianisms are not the only impulse at work, by a long shot.
Some of Washington’s bland euphemisms are calculated mainly not to offend, just as “Dead End” signs have been replaced in some communities by “No Outlet.” Congressional oversight investigators tend these days to find “challenges” in the behavior of agencies, as they politely put it, and not quite so many “problems.”
Marketing sensibilities long ago infiltrated, if not took over, the debate in Washington, a progression most vividly seen in catchy titles given to legislation.
Republicans came to power in the 1990s offering the American Dream Restoration Act and the Common Sense Legal Reforms Act. President Clinton pitched his Middle Class Bill of Rights. President Bush this decade defied anyone to stand against something named No Child Left Behind.
The wish to be technically accurate was behind the decision of the Agriculture Department this year to squeeze “hunger” out of the equation when considering how many people go hungry.
Hunger, in the words of advisers whose recommendations were accepted by the department, is “an individual-level physiological condition that may result from food insecurity.”
The word “should refer to a potential consequence of food insecurity that, because of prolonged, involuntary lack of food, results in discomfort, illness, weakness, or pain that goes beyond the usual uneasy sensation.”
The department reasoned it cannot truly measure hunger because it surveys households, and households do not get hungry — people do.
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