Sunday Wire Radio Show Archives

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This week on the SUNDAY WIRE, host Patrick Henningsen returns this week with a shorter than usual show program, but with a very important message to deliver this week to our viewers and listeners at 21st Century Wire. The ‘elite’ and bureaucratic classes and their media minions to telling us the a world war is now inevitable and the prepare accordingly. This includes the threat of a nuclear war. Hence, we reject this premise, and are now calling on people to engage with this issue more seriously than ever. All this and more…

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This month’s featured music artists: The Real Anthem Band, Joseph Arthur, Peyoti for President, Peter Conway & Red Rumble, and Phil Zimmerman

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Sunday Wire Radio Show Archives

Neturei Karta’s ultra-Orthodox Jews march under the Palestinian flag, rejecting Zionism and the State of Israel while supporting Palestinians resisting occupation. This new documentary follows the movement from early Jewish opposition to Zionism to protests in Jerusalem and New York. Through its members and critical historians, the film explores the Balfour Declaration, the assassination of Jacob Israel de Haan, the movement’s Holocaust-era origins and its defiant stance after Israel’s creation in 1948. Despite police crackdowns, death threats and isolation from mainstream Jewry, Neturei Karta has forged ties with Palestinians, from Yasser Arafat’s inner circle to solidarity with Gaza, challenging assumptions about Judaism, Zionism and resistance. Watch:

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Run time: 46 minutes
Produced by: Media Town
Production: Media Town for Al Jazeera World Documentary

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Freddie Ponton
21st Century Wire

In May 2024, Ghent University decided to end institutional collaborations with Israeli universities and research bodies that its human rights review identified as closely connected to the Israeli government or security services.

Both participated in WHEATWATCHER, an EU-funded agricultural research project coordinated by Ghent. When the Belgian university approached European officials about excluding them or leaving the consortium, the two Israeli institutions instructed Kesher, a Brussels law firm, to intervene on their behalf.

The response came in a 14-page letter sent to the European Research Executive Agency (REA) on November 12, 2024, in which Kesher accused Ghent of discrimination, restricting academic freedom, misusing ethical reviews and violating European financial and competition rules.

The firm asked the European Commission to remind Ghent of a rule allowing organisations responsible for serious failures in publicly funded commitments to be excluded from future EU award procedures. It also argued that the university should be prevented from applying the same policy when forming new research consortiums.

Kesher said its clients would pursue every available remedy “systematically.” If Ghent continued, they would file multiple complaints and begin whatever proceedings they considered necessary. The letter showed how the consequences could extend from the immediate costs of leaving one agricultural project to litigation and possible exclusion from future EU funding.

The Ghent dispute formed part of a wider campaign reconstructed by a six-month investigation from Investigate Europe and Reporters United, using internal records, confidential minutes, freedom of information requests and European research data.

A confidential Kesher interim report from January 2025 called for legal, political and media action to “shape the environment” in which boycott decisions were made. Under the heading “Imposing Costs,” it proposed “targeting funding to impose a disproportionate cost on boycotting bodies.”

At its centre was VERA, the Association of University Heads, which represents Israel’s nine research universities. A spreadsheet found through a link on VERA’s website and examined by Investigate Europe and Reporters United recorded interventions involving 27 universities across nine countries.

The records traced a campaign that moved through law offices, diplomatic missions and university administrations. Legal challenges accompanied political outreach and the monitoring of boycott initiatives. Separate campus disputes became fronts in a much wider European effort.

VERA told the Israeli parliament that it had spent $800,000, around €687,000, on legal services over two years, giving the campaign substantial resources before it acquired a more formal state structure. Minutes from an Israeli government meeting revealed plans for a six-million-shekel office, approximately €1.7 million, to fight academic boycotts in 2026. Rather than merely responding to individual disputes, officials called for “offensive and proactive conduct” focused particularly on Western Europe

Students and academics were demanding an end to institutional cooperation with Israel while universities in Gaza were being destroyed or severely damaged. As those demands moved beyond declarations of solidarity towards ending contracts and research partnerships, the campaign sought to preserve the funding arrangements connecting European institutions to Israeli academia.

Ghent had adopted an ethical policy, but putting it into practice risked existing agreements and future grants. The European research system that funded its Israeli partnerships also made them legally and financially difficult to end.

A companion investigation into Horizon Europe showed how firmly the ties remained in place. Thirty-four universities in Spain, Italy, Belgium and the Netherlands entered 38 new projects with Israeli entities possessing defence links or capabilities after announcing restrictions or suspensions. Those European universities received €15 million through the projects.

Yet announcing a boycott did not stop projects already moving through the Horizon system. Once approved, withdrawal could bring substantial costs, legal disputes and reputational damage within the consortium network. Universities could therefore maintain their public policies while collaborations with Israeli institutions continued in practice.

What began as a political and ethical demand on campus entered a funding system in which leaving an approved project could carry serious consequences. Israeli universities faced that pressure with organised representation, specialist lawyers and access to state power, while Palestinian universities were being destroyed.

Investigate Europe and Reporters United revealed with great accuracy what happened when European academics tried to turn that contradiction into institutional policy. Ghent sought to transform solidarity into material action. The response was intended to show Ghent and every university considering the same course how much that decision could cost.

Read the full Investigate Europe and Reporters United investigation here.

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Host Danny Haiphong discusses these latest developments 21st Century Wire editor Patrick Henningsen. Watch:

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Dialogue Works host Nima Alkhorshid talks with 21st Century Wire’s Patrick Henningsen. Watch:

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Freddie Ponton
21st Century Wire

The International Fellowship of Christians and Jews (IFCJ), an American nonprofit charity, transferred $73 million to its Israeli affiliate and reported providing assistance to 93,000 IDF personnel and members of their families. IFCJ’s wartime security operation also supplied thousands of flak jackets, hundreds of first-response kits, armoured vehicles, mobile bomb shelters, medical equipment and hospital fortification. It also spent tens of millions of dollars building a US fundraising and media machine aimed at evangelical donors, pastors, churchgoers, conservative audiences and campus students, cultivating their financial and political support for Israel.

Lt. Col. Keith Elan Isaacson, an IDF reservist and security chief of Israel’s Eshkol Regional Council, photographed in tactical equipment in an image published by IFCJ. His vest bears the Hebrew abbreviation קב״ט (kabat), meaning “security officer” or “security coordinator.” Another IFCJ photograph shows Isaacson armed and in IDF uniform, wearing the two-leaf shoulder insignia of a סגן־אלוף (Sgan Aluf), equivalent to lieutenant colonel. (Source image: IFCJ)

Protocol 5139, an official Israeli government record, approved a tender exemption for a joint venture between Israel’s Welfare Ministry and HaKeren L’Yedidut (הקרן לידידות), identified in the Hebrew document by Israeli nonprofit registration number 580360238. IFCJ describes HaKeren L’Yedidut as “The Fellowship’s operational arm.”

Document: English translation of Protocol 5139, approving IFCJ’s Israeli arm as the Israeli Governemnt Welfare Ministry’s partner in a tender-exempt joint venture worth up to NIS 210 million. Yellow highlighting added by the author. (Source: official publication 4000601012, Hebrew original and English translation)
Protocol number 5139 Page 1

IFCJ was required to supply at least half the project’s cost from its own resources. The protocol says the ministry had entered a series of such agreements with the foundation since June 2020. It calls IFCJ a “budgetary power multiplier” because the charity contributed one shekel for every shekel provided by the ministry, doubling the total assistance budget.

For Americans donating to IFCJ, the significance is difficult to overstate. Their money did more than finance humanitarian projects from outside the Israeli state. It enabled IFCJ’s Israeli arm to match the Welfare Ministry’s contribution, shekel for shekel, in a jointly financed program approved through a tender exemption. Given IFCJ’s control of HaKeren, their shared governance and senior management, and their consolidated finances, the joint venture effectively made IFCJ a partner of the Israeli government.

A Welfare Ministry circular, issued after Protocol 5139, directed municipal social workers to submit approved requests through an IFCJ portal. IFCJ approved new suppliers, issued vouchers that the circular defined as IFCJ’s commitments to pay, and transferred funds directly into vendors’ bank accounts. English translation | Archived Hebrew copy.

IFCJ then returned to the American Christian constituency that financed its operations. It built extensive relationships across conservative and evangelical media, distributed more than 1.5 million Israeli flags through churches, synagogues and university campuses, and signed a confidential $700,000 agreement purchasing category exclusivity, main-stage appearances, direct promotions and an Israel activism campaign across more than 200 Turning Point USA campuses. This was not conventional humanitarian spending, but the commercial purchase of privileged access to young American Christians for pro-Israel messaging.

The Grayzone first published the confidential TPUSA and IFCJ agreement on September 10, 2026. The contract revealed what IFCJ bought, but the Israeli procurement decisions, ministry instructions, audited accounts and federal tax filings reveal the architecture behind the purchase.

This investigation traces how American Christian donations moved through IFCJ into Israel’s welfare and security infrastructure before IFCJ returned to the United States and purchased access to the churches, broadcasters, pastors and students capable of generating the next generation of support for Israel.

The legal door

Israel’s Mandatory Tenders Law generally requires the state to award contracts through public competition. Regulation 3(30) exempts nonprofit projects in welfare, education, culture, religion, health and related fields, provided the private partner contributes at least half the project’s cost from its own resources.

That condition gave IFCJ’s privately raised funds a second function. They financed aid, but also supplied the matching contribution that allowed its Israeli affiliate to enter the Welfare Ministry partnership without competing in a public tender.

Regulation 3(30) placed the IFCJ arrangement in a statutory framework that also provides tender exemptions for contracts with the Jewish National Fund, the Joint Distribution Committee, the Jewish Agency, the World Zionist Organisation and Keren Hayesod.

IMAGE: Workers wearing IFCJ-branded shirts load emergency supplies during preparations involving the Jaffa Institute in Israel. (Source: IFCJ) 

The ministry has used this mechanism with IFCJ’s affiliate since June 2020. Protocol 5139 cited an earlier arrangement with an initial value of NIS 70 million and an option worth NIS 140 million, likewise financed on a 50–50 basis. The operating model was already visible in a 2023 Welfare Ministry circular, which documented the same joint-venture structure, IFCJ portal, supplier-approval process, payment commitments and vendor transfers. The 2025 agreement did not create this system; it rather renewed and expanded an established operation.

For donors, the practical meaning was that their contributions did more than fund individual acts of charity. They helped qualify IFCJ for a continuing, tender-exempt joint venture inside Israel’s public welfare system.

The organisation that signed

IFCJ’s consolidated financial statements include both the American organisation and its operation in Israel. The accounts state that the Israeli operation is substantially supported by IFCJ, but also affiliated through common board membership and shared senior management, while acting as IFCJ’s “long arm” in Israel.

DOCUMENT. IFCJ’s consolidated financial statements identify the Israeli operation as substantially supported by IFCJ, affiliated through common board membership and shared senior management, and operating as IFCJ’s “long arm” in Israel. Yellow highlighting added by the author. Read the audited consolidated financial statements.

Robin Van Etten, IFCJ’s United States CEO and global chief operating officer, signed the TPUSA agreement on 18 May 2025. IFCJ describes itself as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit operating for charitable, educational and religious purposes. Its audited accounts show that its American and Israeli operations share board membership and senior management, and describe the Israeli operation as IFCJ’s “long arm” in Israel.

IMAGE: IFCJ US CEO and global chief operating officer Robin Van Etten with conservative broadcaster Sean Hannity. Van Etten signed IFCJ’s $700,000 agreement with Turning Point USA on May 18, 2025. IFCJ published the photograph while thanking Hannity for supporting its work for Israel and the Jewish people.(Source:: International Fellowship of Christians and Jews/Facebook)

Robin Van Etten signed the $700,000 agreement, but IFCJ’s United States board was chaired by Rev. Johnnie Moore, founder and CEO of The KAIROS Company. Moore had built his influence across evangelical politics, Hollywood faith media and pro-Israel advocacy, serving as president of the Congress of Christian Leaders and on the Anti-Defamation League’s task force for Middle East minorities. IFCJ therefore entered the TPUSA agreement under a chairman whose profession was building communications strategies and expanding circles of influence.

IMAGE: Rev. Johnnie Moore outside the former Trump International Hotel in Washington, D.C. Moore, an evangelical public-relations executive and IFCJ board member, was appointed chairman of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation in June 2025. Photo: Bill O’Leary/The Washington Post via Getty Images. (Source: Christianity Today)

KAIROS already provided a direct bridge into Charlie Kirk’s organisation. An archived staff page identifies Andrew Kolvet as its “Marketing Project Lead | Publicity,” with experience in advertising, messaging, media tours and live-event activations. Kolvet entered Kirk’s orbit while still at KAIROS; Charlie Kirk and Turning Point USA became clients of the firm, and Kolvet later became The Charlie Kirk Show’s executive producer and one of TPUSA’s leading spokesmen. Years before IFCJ purchased stages and campus distribution from TPUSA, a future TPUSA powerbroker had worked inside the communications company run by IFCJ’s US chairman.

DOCUMENT: An archived KAIROS Company page identifies Johnnie Moore as founder and CEO and Andrew Kolvet as “Marketing Project Lead | Publicity,” documenting their professional connection before Kolvet joined TPUSA. (Source: The Kairos Company)
Who We Are – The KAIROS Company

Moore later became executive chairman of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, the American- and Israeli-backed operation whose founding director resigned over its inability to comply with humanitarian principles and which became engulfed in controversy over opaque financing, militarized aid sites and Palestinians killed while seeking food. The sequence placed Moore at the center of IFCJ, KAIROS and GHF while Kolvet moved from KAIROS into TPUSA. Van Etten supplied the signature, but the agreement activated a network already connected at its highest levels

Rev. Johnnie Moore’s role extended beyond welfare NGOs to Israel’s highest political office. Benjamin Netanyahu’s official diary records a private thirty-minute meeting with Moore at Blair House in Washington on July 7, 2025, placing an IFCJ board member and evangelical communications strategist in direct contact with Israel’s prime minister—65 days before Kirk’s assassination on September 10, 2025.

IMAGE: Rev. Johnnie Moore, IFCJ’s US board chairman, receives the Simon Wiesenthal Centre’s Medal of Valour. (Source: The KAIROS Company)

DOCUMENT: Page 7 of Benjamin Netanyahu’s official July 2025 diary records a private thirty-minute meeting with IFCJ board member Johnnie Moore at Blair House in Washington on July 7, 2025—65 days before Charlie Kirk’s assassination. (Hebrew original | English translation)
netanyahu-diary-english

The IFCJ that signed the TPUSA contract was the Israeli government’s continuing Welfare Ministry partner. The contract showed what IFCJ bought. Israel’s records show what IFCJ was: a continuing partner of the Israeli government.

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Freddie Ponton
21st Century Wire

B’Tselem’s new investigation documents how coordinated pressure is making Palestinian communities unlivable across the West Bank. At Khirbet Zanuta, a publicly supported settler farm remained while court-backed efforts failed to restore the village beside it.

B’Tselem’s new investigation, The Elimination Project, documents how settler violence, movement restrictions, economic pressure, attacks on collective institutions and territorial seizure work together to dismantle Palestinian life across the occupied West Bank. Drawing on approximately 2,000 testimonies, the Israeli human-rights organisation records that pattern at scale.

In Khirbet Zanuta, the pattern converged around an Israeli settler farm established with regional council support. Residents of the Palestinian herding community in the South Hebron Hills reported violence that drove about 250 people to flee, while repeated court interventions failed to secure their lasting return. As one settler farm expanded its hold on the surrounding land, an entire Palestinian village was emptied—a recurring pattern documented across the occupied West Bank.

REPORT: B’Tselem’s The Elimination Project documents how violence, movement restrictions, economic pressure, attacks on collective institutions and territorial seizure are working together to dismantle Palestinian life across the occupied West Bank. (Source: B’Tselem)
The Elimination ProJEct

US Representative Ro Khanna entered Zanuta on 8 July 2026. As he walked through the remains of the village school, he saw an armed settler watching through a broken window, prompting his delegation to hurry back into its van. Settlers carrying what appeared to be M4 rifles then blocked the dirt road, kicked the tyres and filmed the people inside. Khanna said the confrontation lasted between 75 and 90 minutes.

Khanna said Israeli soldiers arrived but did not clear the road for his delegation. The military disputed his account, saying troops dispersed the Israeli civilians and reopened the road. Police arrived after the delegation contacted the United States Embassy. The delegation stood amid the ruins of a village whose residents had already asked Israel’s highest court for protection. Their case led back to a paper trail that began years before the village was emptied.

IMAGE: US Representative Ro Khanna visits the ruins of Khirbet Zanuta in the occupied West Bank, 8 July 2026. (Source: The New York Times)

In March 2021, the Meitarim Industrial Zone Directorate, part of the Har Hebron Development Company Ltd., signed an agreement with settler Yinon Levi to establish Meitarim Farm near Zanuta. The company is controlled by the Har Hebron Regional Council, which administers Israeli settlements in the area. Contract extracts published by Peace Now and reporting by The Times of Israel show that the farm was expected to maintain a presence and protect what the agreement called state lands and the surrounding area. The deal provided for residential and agricultural facilities, while water and electricity were subsidised during the first year. Levi confirmed that he signed it.

Although the agreement did not order Zanuta’s residents to leave, it showed that the farm was not simply a rogue encampment later tolerated by the authorities. A company controlled by the regional council had helped establish it and assigned it a role in holding the surrounding land.

For Zanuta’s families, who raised sheep and goats in the dry hills south of Hebron, survival depended on pasture, water and safe passage between their homes and land. Residents later reported that armed settlers entered houses, assaulted people, damaged solar panels, emptied water tanks and pumped sewage onto farmland. They said the attacks intensified after 7 October 2023, and every family left between 27 October and 1 November 2023.

The displaced residents turned to Israel’s High Court to secure their return and protection. In May 2024, the Court required the state to set out how it would protect them, their property and their livestock. It also demanded answers over the lack of an emergency contact and the repeated failure of police to respond to complaints and collect evidence

In its 29 July decision, the Court relied on the state’s promise to coordinate their return and affirmed that military and police forces must protect Palestinian residents from violence. A police representative acknowledged suspected soldier involvement in some incidents and said police sometimes held back when troops were already present. The Court also recorded that no indictments had been filed in the relevant police-handled cases. The judges called the picture “disturbing, to say the least” and acknowledged that the measures before them did not provide a complete solution.

When families returned in August, they found damaged homes and a damaged school. Some slept outside because rebuilding remained restricted. Renewed harassment followed, and the return collapsed. Their lawyers later sought contempt proceedings against the army, police and Civil Administration.

IMAGE: The remains of Khirbet Zanuta after the Palestinian herding community was displaced and its structures destroyed. (Source: Amnesty International)

The Court intervened again in February 2025, directing the authorities to facilitate another return, remove intruders and permit repairs. But access was no longer the only obstacle. When village head Faez Tel returned with four other men the following month, they found no habitable building in which they could spend the night

Amnesty International later said satellite imagery dated 30 March 2025 showed no structures remaining in Zanuta. Its investigation concluded that the community had been fully depopulated and extensively destroyed. In July 2026, Amnesty reported that all 250 residents, including 100 children, remained displaced.

A month after the satellite image was taken, Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and Settlements Minister Orit Strock attended a ceremony at Meitarim Farm. Nineteen state-financed vehicles were distributed to agricultural outposts across the South Hebron Hills. The Times of Israel reported that the all-terrain vehicles came from a NIS 75 million security programme coordinated with the Defence Ministry and the army’s Central Command. Smotrich praised the farms for controlling large areas, while Strock described the government as their “combat support.”

IMAGE: Settlements Minister Orit Strock and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich at an ATV handover at Meitarim Farm, 3 April 2025. Photo: Freddy Barmi. (Source: The Times of Israel)

Zanuta’s residents had secured court backing for their return but had nowhere to sleep, while Ministers gathered at the neighbouring farm to celebrate the wider outpost movement for extending control over the land. Levi, who denies involvement in violence, remains under British sanctions, while the European Union says he participated in violent acts against neighbouring villages from Meitarim Farm. The United States also sanctioned him before lifting the designation in January 2025 after President Donald Trump revoked the programme.

No single order emptied Zanuta. Instead, the village illustrates what B’Tselem describes as an “integrated system” in which institutional support for settlement, violence, restrictions and impunity reinforce one another.

A company controlled by an Israeli regional council helped establish the neighbouring farm, while residents reported violence and threats that drove them away. Yet court-backed efforts to secure their return failed amid destroyed homes, restrictions on rebuilding and inadequate enforcement. It is a pattern B’Tselem’s investigation traces across Palestinian communities in the West Bank.

By July 2026, Zanuta’s residents remained displaced while the Israeli government continued supporting agricultural outposts. Across the road from the ruined school, the farm remained

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“Owning the weather” is a deadly serious attempt to take natural life-supporting climatic cycles out of the hands of nature and into the hands of a small clique of insentient and obsessive psychopathic monsters.

Fundamental to responsible governance is the need to ensure that the country one leads has a solid food security foundation.

But by 2026, decades of neoliberal globalisation and the ‘free market’ have ruthlessly undercut the fundamental responsibility of ensuring a nation state can feed itself from its own produce – and has instead ensured the increasing vulnerability of countries to reliance on outside sources of staple foods.

The UK, being an island, is particularly vulnerable to this position.  It was nearly cut off in World War Two, as Nazi submarines targeted Transatlantic shipping routes and the English Channel.

Now, a Summer of drought and heat have meant that indigenous food is once again becoming a genuine concern for the country. This comes after years of ignoring a regular shortfall of at least 40 percent in self-sustaining capabilities.

So now a long overdue wake-up call is being initiated by concerned parties, and government is being forced to recognise its duty to guarantee the population access to fresh quality food.

But look more carefully at how this works, and you will see that supermarkets, not government, lead the policy-making. The vast buying power of supermarket and hypermarket chains controls the commercial workings of the food chain.

This August UK supermarkets clubbed together to press government to introduce legally binding targets on British home-grown foods. They have an eye on their profit margins, and keeping control over closest to home production ensures their continued dominance of the national marketplace.

That also involves maintaining contractual agreements with the largest agrichemical, mass production and ‘factory farming’ units that churn out what misleadingly passes as ‘quality’ produce on supermarket shelves.

Shockingly, 78 percent of fresh produce is now imported, with a falling proportion coming from Europe and a 55 percent increase coming from Africa.

To cap this woeful story of loss of indigenous production, some 70 percent of England’s water infrastructure is now owned by foreign enterprises.

In a recent article written for The Independent newspaper, organic farmer manager Roger Saul warns of an emerging imminent threat in a parched and overheated Britain. During July and August, three quarters of England came under official drought designation, with forty-five million people affected and July being the driest month on record, with rainfall at only 10 per cent of average.

A leaked national-security assessment obtained by The Independent reportedly warns that intensifying heat and increasingly volatile weather could undermine Britain’s food security, economy and geopolitical stability. Its message is stark, and unless the government prepares for climate-driven disruption, the country will become more vulnerable and less secure.

DOCUMENT: A leaked national-security assessment warns that climate disruption poses a growing threat to Britain’s food supply, economy and geopolitical stability. Source: HM Government)
Global biodiversity loss, ecosystem collapse and national security

Like much of Europe, it’s been hot too, with frequent days where temperatures have reached into the lower and mid 30’s centigrade.

Grain harvests are down between 15 and 20 percent and vegetable harvests are equally hard hit with some up to 50 percent down on previous years. Roger Saul estimates that British arable farmers are suffering £390 million in lost revenue and vegetable farmers’ crops only surviving via access to irrigation. This constitutes an emerging pattern in recent years.

UK water companies are in critical focus for their seeming inability to manage leaks and river pollution incidences from industry and agriculture.

Government, under pressure from farmers, has failed to make funds available for the construction of on-farm reservoirs to capture excess water in winter, nor is it willing to help farmers provide other features that would support improved water retention of soils.

The reticence of the British government to help farmers sort out this mess is not new. It reveals, increasingly starkly, what I have been writing about for years: the dire political position of the country results from the fact that London is the centre of an undiminished and historically driven determination to control and profit from global trade. Working in tandem with the World Economic Forum, the United Nations, the World Trade Organisation, the World Health Organisation, The Bank of International Settlements, Black Rock, Tavistock, MI5/6, Mosad and of course US secret service outfits and leading bankers – to name just a few lead accomplices.

An already long-since corrupted Westminster is at the heart of the City of London global manipulation cabal. The devious undercurrent that colours Westminster political life is underscored by the existence of two parliament-based Masonic Lodges to which MP’s have daily access.

The program adopted – if not invented – by the City of London is at the heart of the top-down power play whose origins can be traced, since the 1950’s, from the Club of Rome through the Bilderbergers, Tavistock and further cult think-tanks and global manipulators.

Most readers will know by now that it is this program that drives the World Economic Forum’s Green New Deal and Fourth Industrial Revolution, which includes the United Nations Agenda 2030 ‘Sustainable Development’ goals. – of which Net Zero CO2 by 2045 is the ultimate imperative.

Into this odious agenda one can now add AI’s rapid replacement of a human labour force and vast water sucking government backed data centres designed specifically for full surveillance and control of the electorate (us).

Under this regime, agriculture/food production is high on the list for steady eradication and subordination to laboratory-created synthetic foods, insects, further DNA cellular manipulations and ‘novel’ genetic engineering.

Independent farmers represent a threat to the centralised and increasing digital control system promised by leaders of the World Economic Forum – and by proxy – all governments that signed up to its Great Reset agenda.

“He who controls the food controls the people” Henry Kissinger.

The great majority of global corporations are signed up to this process of dehumanisation, denaturing and ecocide. As already stated, the UK government is a leading player in this process of fundamental life support annihilation. Its ties to the obsessive financial profiteering of the City of London ‘Square Mile’ appear unbreakable.

An as yet not so visible war has thus been set in motion between the increasingly oppressed population of the British Isles and the cult human and natural environment eradication agenda which includes (and has always included) a major depopulation program aiming to cut global population down to less that one billion.

Since the 1960’s US military operatives have been working on a program called “Owning the Weather by 2025”. Today, this program is being actioned by weather-bending ionospheric heaters, like HAARP in Alaska, strategically placed all over the world. These, and many other related weather-distorting technologies, are under the control of governments and the military.

DOCUMENT: Weather as a Force Multiplier – Owning the Weather in 2025 – Strategy for the use of a future weather-modification system to achieve military objectives (Source: National Technical Reports Library| NTRL)Owning the Weather by 2025

“Owning the weather” is a deadly serious attempt to take natural life-supporting climatic cycles out of the hands of nature and into the hands of a small clique of insentient and obsessive psychopathic monsters.

The ‘Red Alert’ UK food sovereignty warning reflects a state of affairs introduced ‘by design’. Weather cannot be fully controlled by man, but attempts to do so and to use it as a weapon against those it seeks to control has provoked serious climatic disruption in all corners of the world.

In a previous article I likened this to a planetary state of fever.

Cyclic events like the Pacific Ocean El Niño reversal of currents, shifting solar activity, a weakening magnetosphere and thinning ozone layer further accentuate these disruptions. As well as the continuing horizontal progression of the Poles, particularly the North Pole.

No one will be able to pin down any one single cause for the drought conditions that have covered most of Europe throughout the Summer, or of any other single causative agent behind what is being termed ‘climate change’.

Very few will recognise that the effect on the food chain conveniently ties-in with scarcity caused by the closure of the Gulf of Hormuz, and how that event links to the hegemonic determination of Israel and the USA to eradicate the Iranian regime and fully dominate the Middle East. Yet they do all link up.

So who will refute the inconvenient truth that our weather is being manipulated and transformed into a weapon to speed up the nullification of the natural resilience of nature and her ability, when properly nurtured, to provide adequate food for all mankind?

Why would the US military cult, under the direction of the hidden architects of control, decide, some sixty years ago, that they wanted to “own the weather” by 2025?

This plot stares us in the face, but the powers that be disguise it with their usual deception and order media to repeat the bogus mantra “it’s man-made global warming”, and the culprit—wait for the second mantra— “is CO2”. Our most vital atmospheric elementary survival gas which plant life converts to oxygen and without which there would be no life on Earth.

So the impending warning now hanging over Britain calls for an immediate solution to avoid a dangerous stagnation of the food chain. And we have that solution, and its more than rain.

Come together and set in motion a people’s resistance movement to finally dismantle the platforms of power that breed lies, deception and a psychopathic obsession with aggression that turns every vein of life into a poisoned chalice for the convenient imbibing of that large majority of brain fogged mankind who choose to turn their backs on reality.

Such a coalescence of the ‘still human’, sentient and empathetic family of man will happen because it is a primary survive and thrive instinct, still sufficiently strong in those who have not lost their sympathy for the miracle that is Life.

It is happening already, but will soon become increasingly visible as the linear, brittle, riveted governance that holds the failing status quo together starts popping and disintegrating at ever increasing speeds.

Be open to a great shift of direction. Keep your heart warm and your eyes clear and look out for others who sense the current of the times – and who recognise that the bonds that hold are those founded on a mutual respect for the unseen source that brought us into this world and the love which raises us up and keeps us forever forward-looking and brave.

Julian Rose is an early pioneer of UK organic farming, a writer, geopolitical analyst, international activist and broadcaster. See website www.julianrose.info for information about Julian’s acclaimed book Overcoming the Robotic Mind and other works. Books can be purchased by contacting Julian direct: see ‘contact author’ under ‘reviews’. 

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This week on the SUNDAY WIRE, host Patrick Henningsen returns this week with another action-packed episode—as we look back at the 25 year anniversary of the Attacks of September 11, 2001. Also, Yemen’s Ansar Allah aka “The Houthis” continue to roll over the Saudi/US-backed proxy forces, as Iran’s allies move even closer towards the strategically important Bab al-Mandab Strait. When Saudi’s MBS called Trump to help with airstrikes, Trump refused, instead telling the Crown Prince not to worry, “Everything will be fine and dandy.” Famous last words? We also look back  Later in the Overdrive hour, we’re joined by teammates Bryan “Hesher”McClain, and Adam “Ruckus” Clark for deeper at this week’s earth-shaking geopolitical developments. All this and more…

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Freddie Ponton
21st Century Wire

For years Yemen’s war appeared trapped in a bloody stalemate, its front lines barely moving, while the world’s attention stayed on Iran and the Strait of Hormuz. Then the war moved on to the Red Sea. Saudi-backed forces withdrew from Mocha as Ansar Allah entered the port. The group, known outside Yemen as the Houthis, swept south along Yemen’s western Red Sea coast as government-aligned positions that had held for years rapidly gave way. By the time government troops left Mayyun, a volcanic outcrop at the southern mouth of the Red Sea, their fighters were arriving by boat without meeting resistance.

IMAGE: Small boats move through the waters off Mayyun in Bab al-Mandeb, the narrow southern entrance to the Red Sea. (Source: Euronews)

Mayyun is barely thirteen square kilometres, but it sits in Bab al-Mandeb, where the water narrows between Yemen and the Horn of Africa. Tankers and cargo ships coming from the Indian Ocean divide around the island before running north to the Suez Canal and Europe with Gulf oil and the trade that links Asia to European markets. Iran holds the Strait of Hormuz, so Saudi crude has to move west toward Red Sea terminals and that same channel. With Mayyun taken and Yemen’s west coast behind them, Ansar Allah now stands on the passage Riyadh had used as an escape route.

For more than a decade the Kingdom had paid Yemeni units along the eastern side of the strait to prevent exactly that—a shifting collection of local commanders, brigades and armed groups that Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates armed separately, paid separately and presented as Yemen’s legitimate military. When the coast began to fall, the men those patrons had financed offered very little resistance; dozens of Giants Brigades personnel were captured, and Saudi military equipment was seized. In the rout, Saudi- and Emirati-backed forces lost Al-Omari camp, Jabal Dhubab and the commanding heights above Bab al-Mandab. Soon after, Zuqar Island fell, and large quantities of weapons passed into Houthi hands.

In the days that followed, Ansar Allah moved to turn the military collapse into permanent control, reopening roads and sending security, health, fuel and civil-service officials into Hays, Al-Khawkhah and Mokha. It offered amnesty and safe passage to fighters who surrendered their weapons, seeking to absorb the coast before its displaced rivals could regroup.

Five months earlier, Saudi Arabia had told soldiers in its allied Yemeni units to report in person before collecting their salaries. Each was asked for a fingerprint and an iris scan. More than 33,000 names reportedly failed to appear. The missing men had ranks, units and monthly wages, and their commanders had been paid to keep them armed. When Riyadh called them forward, nobody came. Five months later, as Ansar Allah came down the coast, they were still missing—the latest absence in a system that began decades earlier, when Yemeni sheikhs crossed the Saudi border, met the Kingdom’s rulers and left with money after a handshake.

The Handshake

Saudi Arabia had been paying Yemenis who never needed to show up long before the Kingdom asked 33,000 of them to put an eye to a scanner. The older method was a handshake in a royal reception, where a Yemeni sheikh offered the greeting required of a guest and left with 1.5 million Saudi riyals after a committee created by royal order had reviewed “allocations and aids” to tribal leaders. Interior, General Intelligence, Foreign Affairs, Defence and the Special Committee of the Council of Ministers all sat on that committee.

IMAGE: Mohammed bin Salman receives Yemeni tribal leaders in Saudi Arabia in 2017. The meeting reflects the personal audiences through which Riyadh cultivated influence among Yemeni power brokers. (Source: Al Arabiya)

These tribal leaders collecting the money could move families, villages and armed followers, open a road, protect a convoy or pull a community toward the side Riyadh favoured. It was this very service the Kingdom had been buying for generations.

The transfer was not entered as a bribe, a political retainer or a military subsidy. Officials called it “annual assistance” for sheikhs who visited the Kingdom, a new label introduced after the regular stipends to senior sheikhs had supposedly been stopped. The audiences did not stop, and neither did the payments.

The committee issuing the payments, the Special Committee of the Saudi Council of Ministers, had been running since 1962. It was created after republican officers backed by Egypt’s Gamal Abdel Nasser overthrew northern Yemen’s Zaydi imamate, decades before the Houthi movement emerged. Riyadh initially used the system to support the royalist camp and protect Saudi influence along its southern border.

Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz institutionalised Saudi Arabia’s system for cultivating influence in Yemen. As the Kingdom’s long-serving defence minister, Sultan founded and directed the Special Office for Yemen Affairs, which maintained relationships with tribal sheikhs, religious leaders, politicians and military officers through regular financial support. US diplomatic records described these discreet subsidies as a “shadowy framework of influence.”

IMAGE: Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz receives a delegation of Yemeni tribal sheikhs and dignitaries at Al-Aziziyah Palace in Riyadh on 21 February 2010. The delegation was headed by Sheikh Naji Abdulaziz Al-Shaif, who later appears in a Saudi Special Committee cable recording approval of 1.5 million Saudi riyals in “annual assistance.” (Source: Saudi Press Agency)

Influence was graded, requests were logged, and monthly payments were used to keep powerful figures close to Riyadh. The Saudi ambassador in Sana’a reported directly to the Saudi Prime Minister’s Office and sat on the Special Committee of the Saudi Council of Ministers, whose name never appeared in official media in either country. The archive contains its classified cables from 2010 to 2012.

The confession

In January 2012, Prince Salman bin Abdulaziz, then Saudi Arabia’s defence minister and later King Salman, used that established machinery against Ansar Allah. A cable marked “Extremely Secret, Very Urgent” instructed officials to deepen divisions around the movement, prevent the conflict from being presented publicly as a war between Sunni and Shia Muslims, and conceal Saudi Arabia’s role. The order did not invent the religious tension already present in northern Yemen, but sought to sharpen that fracture while keeping Riyadh’s involvement out of sight.

IMAGE: Prince Salman bin Abdulaziz, then Saudi crown prince and defence minister, inspects Saudi forces in 2014. Two years earlier, a classified cable carried instructions to intensify divisions around Ansar Allah while concealing Saudi Arabia’s role. (Source: Alamy)

The committee paying the sheikhs had already written down the limit of what the money could buy. Yemeni tribal custom condemned a man who helped an outside power attack another tribe, which meant a sheikh could take a Saudi payment and still refuse to be seen fighting the Kingdom’s enemies. Paid figures, the files observed, might support one side against another, but only “in an undeclared manner.” Riyadh had bought an allegiance that could not be shown in public. The money bought quiet dependence, but did not buy a man who would stand in the open and fight for the donor who paid him.

Yet, that dependence was still useful. The payroll held rival leaders in place, spread favour through their networks and made Saudi money a condition of political survival. Two years after the cable, fighting around the northern town of Dammaj forced roughly 10,000 people onto about 300 buses and out of their homes. The rift written in Riyadh left columns of families on Yemen’s roads.

The army on paper

A commander’s budget rose with the number of men he claimed to lead, so each extra name brought salaries plus fuel, weapons and vehicles drawn in the unit’s name and collected by him. A soldier invented on the roster still produced cash in that collection, and the cash could leave the camp entirely. Researchers following Yemen’s war economy found tribal leaders paid for security forces through the same device, which meant money raised on nonexistent troops could reach sheikhs who held no military post.

In Marib, Saudi Arabia reportedly financed about 50,000 fighters, a figure researchers treated as almost certainly inflated and read part of it as tribal support bought through an army wage. The older system paid influential men directly, while the new one paid commanders, who passed the surplus through fighters, families, tribes and political clients. Money from a soldier who never entered a camp could now buy the loyalty of one who did.

IMAGE: Yemeni tribal fighters trained with Saudi backing during the war against Ansar Allah. The forces Riyadh financed often depended on local patronage networks as much as on a formal military chain of command. (Source: Reuters)

The incentive grew when the Emirates paid alongside the Kingdom. Two patrons produced overlapping payrolls and competing formations, which turned the same loyalty into more than one market.

Transparency International estimated that more than a third of roughly 100,000 Yemeni soldiers were fictional, a proportion that made a biometric programme launched in 2006 look almost futile. By 2010, it had removed only 3,792 duplicate names from an estimated 60,000.

Three paymasters

In January, the Emirates abandoned the units they had been paying and left Saudi Arabia to take them over. Riyadh put billions of dollars into pulling those forces under its own hand and committed $346.6 million toward government salaries and operations, then required the roster of every major formation before the money moved. One soldier on those lists could reportedly draw three salaries, one from the government, another from the southern separatists and a third from a commander running his own force, while thousands of other wages belonged to nobody at all.

A soldier now had to arrive in person, give a fingerprint and submit to an eye scan before he could collect. Eleven years into a war it had financed, Riyadh was building that database to learn whether the men on its books were real. The national audit reportedly rejected more than 33,000 names after nobody came to verify them. On the western coast, military sources estimated that roughly 6,000 people had remained on payrolls for six years, though they were dead, dismissed or absent.

IMAGE: Yemeni troops in formation on the Red Sea coast. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates funded overlapping armed formations, but their payrolls did not always correspond to men available to serve. (Source: The New York Times)

Their allowances still moved, carrying millions of riyals each month. The commander responsible for that coast reportedly told sources the Emirates had paid him about one billion Saudi riyals a year. Each name on his roster carried a wage, a share of supplies and a piece of the authority that would vanish with the name.

Riyadh’s next move was to stop paying the commander for the list and send each salary to the soldier who could prove he existed.

Taking away the payroll

In August Yemen’s defence ministry announced that salaries would no longer pass through unit commanders or their representatives. The new system was to wipe ghost names off the books, stop men holding more than one military job and, in the ministry’s own words, “determine the true size of the armed forces.” After more than a decade of war and billions of dollars, the coalition’s principal sponsor still did not know the size of the army it claimed to command.

IMAGE: A Yemeni military officer takes part in an online administrative meeting. The 2026 payroll reform required personnel to verify their identities before salaries could be sent directly to them. (Source: Al Estiklal)

The reform made theft harder and gave actual soldiers a better chance of receiving their wages, while stripping commanders of the surplus attached to those lists. Direct payment cut the false names out of the transfer and took the discretionary money with them. The names erased from the roster may never have belonged to real soldiers, but the authority their wages created did.

Plans for a central database had stalled for years because politicians and unit leaders benefited from the disorder. When biometric registration became unavoidable, their opposition moved into the open. Control of the wage was control of whether an armed group still obeyed.

Six weeks before Mocha fell, a Yemeni research centre warned that unpaid salaries and uncertain loyalties could “short-circuit” the restructuring process. The Emirates had secured those loyalties with regular and competitive payments. Saudi Arabia was trying to fuse forces built by different sponsors, paid at different rates and run through personal relationships. The database promised one army, and the men waiting for their salaries knew there were several.

The men who existed

In the spring, a soldier stationed outside Marib spent his free hours calling anyone who might lend him money. An officer said his troops had gone five months without pay and still reported for duty while the government promised arrears it could not reliably deliver. A regular Yemeni soldier earned between roughly $38 and $116 a month when the wage arrived. Fighters in better-funded coalition formations could take as much as $320, and men left poorer units for whichever commander still held foreign money.

A brigade representative in Taiz said soldiers abandoned their positions for formations that paid enough to survive. His men earned a fraction of those salaries, and even that fraction was five months late. Commanders began levying a local tax to issue partial payments, rebuilding an informal purse under the army Riyadh was trying to place on one ledger.

Men had already followed that purse to Mocha. The port had been a fishing town before it became headquarters for the forces holding Yemen’s western coast, and recruits travelled from areas controlled by Ansar Allah to enlist because the salaries came in Saudi riyals. Three weeks before the city fell, a fisherman said some of his colleagues had left the sea for military work paying four times their former income. Missile strikes and security restrictions kept the remaining boats ashore while armed units filled the town, and the water that had fed their families was already a battlefield.

IMAGE: Armed Yemeni men patrol in a small boat off Yemen’s Red Sea coast. In Mocha, fishing livelihoods gave way to military work as local recruits followed wages paid in Saudi riyals. (Source: CNN)

One fighter had left Houthi territory and enlisted seven months earlier. He moved his wife and three children inland because he did not trust the war to separate a military post from a family house. By mid-August, attacks had stopped work at the port and cost more than 1,500 workers their livelihoods. Riyadh then audited the names, centralised salary payments and required each soldier to prove he existed before collecting his wage, as Ansar Allah pushed south.

The road to Mayyun

Ansar Allah entered Mocha on 10 September after government forces withdrew, opening the coastal road toward Bab al-Mandeb. The remaining units abandoned Dhubab, the last major position facing the island inside the strait, then left Mayyun. Houthi fighters reached the island once those units were gone. Mayyun splits Bab al-Mandeb into two shipping channels on the route between the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. In roughly a week, Ansar Allah held Yemen’s entire Red Sea coast and the island above the passage.

IMAGE: Houthi fighters enter Mocha after Saudi-backed government forces withdrew, 10 September 2026. The capture of the Red Sea port opened the coastal route toward Dhubab and Mayyun. (Source: International Business Times Japan)

Commercial shipping still moved, and Ansar Allah was quick to confirm that navigation remained safe for vessels not linked to Saudi Arabia. The force Riyadh had spent eleven years trying to defeat now stood at the maritime gateway between the Indian Ocean and Suez.

The commander responsible for that coast issued an official statement describing a planned repositioning agreed with Saudi-led coalition officials and Yemen’s presidential authorities, after which his forces would regroup at a safer command centre. In an audio message to his fighters, he spoke of betrayal from within and abandonment by “the brothers.” No safer command centre appeared, and nothing clear followed about where he was or what remained of his units. The presidential authorities, the defence ministry and the joint command offered no account that matched the claim of an orderly manoeuvre with the camps being stripped behind him.

Headquarters were looted as armed groups fought over abandoned equipment. Saudi military hardware was left in place. Allied formations reportedly obstructed one another during the retreat, and Houthi broadcasts offered amnesty to anyone who surrendered. Within hours, the coastal commander sent his remaining troops into a coalition-run operations room and gave up direct command. The repositioning he had announced was a collapse.

At the beginning of the year, thirty brigades had been folded into five divisions under direct Saudi supervision. Five months of that reform found no coherent army under the lists. When the personal control and informal payments holding that arrangement together were removed, much of the force those lists had described ended up leaving the coast with them.

What the audit revealed