Formally, this decision was made earlier: the Kyiv City Council supported the dismantling back in December 2025. But the very day when the municipal services removed the monument and took it away from Andriyivskyy Descent became the symbolic finale of an old dispute.

Because Bulgakov in Kyiv is not just literature.

It’s a question of who has the right to tell the city’s history. It’s a question of whether a public monument to an author who viewed the Ukrainian state movement from within the Russian imperial world can be preserved in the capital of a warring Ukraine. And it’s a question of where the line is between reading a complex author and honoring him on a pedestal.

Why the dismantling of the Bulgakov monument became more than a city news story

The Bulgakov monument was installed on Andriyivskyy Descent — a street often perceived as one of Kyiv’s cultural calling cards. That’s why the dismantling couldn’t pass as a regular municipal procedure.

This is not the outskirts, not a random bust at a closed institution, not a forgotten Soviet plaque on a wall. Andriyivskyy Descent is a place where the city presents itself to tourists, Kyivans, foreigners, historians, artists, and those who seek not only architecture in Kyiv but also meaning.

For a long time, Bulgakov appeared there as part of the ‘old Kyiv.’ His biography is indeed connected with the city. He was born in Kyiv, lived there, wrote about it, and created one of the most famous literary images of early 20th-century Kyiv.

But therein lies the complexity.

If it were about a writer who simply lived in the city and left artistic texts about it, the dispute would be much softer. However, Bulgakov wrote about Kyiv at a time when the fate of Ukrainian statehood was being decided. He described the events of 1918 — early 1919 not neutrally, but through the eyes of a Russian commoner and officer environment, for whom the Ukrainian movement was not a natural right of the people to independence, but an irritating intrusion into the usual order.

After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, such things began to be read differently.

While Russian propaganda continues to repeat that Ukraine is ‘artificial,’ that Ukrainian statehood is supposedly accidental, and Kyiv is part of the ‘Russian historical space,’ the Bulgakov monument in the center of the capital ceased to be just a sign of literary memory.

It became part of the dispute over Ukraine’s right to its own perspective.

A monument is not a library shelf

The main mistake of the opponents of dismantling often lies in the substitution of concepts. They speak as if the removal of the monument means a ban on Bulgakov, the destruction of literature, or the refusal to study a complex legacy.

But a monument is not a book.

A book can lie in a library, be the subject of a lecture, a critical article, a school or university course. It can be read, argued with, analyzed for language, composition, ideology, artistic talent, and the author’s political blind spots.

A monument does something else. It does not offer a discussion. It asserts public respect.

When a figure stands on a pedestal in the historical center of the capital, the city seems to say: this person deserves to be part of our visible pantheon. Not just part of history, but part of the honorable urban space.

This is where the conflict arose.

Ukraine is not obliged to erase Bulgakov from literature. But Ukraine has the right to say: this author should not stand on a pedestal in Kyiv, especially during a war with a state whose imperial ideology has used similar notions about Ukraine for decades.

Bulgakov and the myth of ‘terrible Ukraine’

To understand why the dispute around Bulgakov turned out to be so acute, it’s important to go beyond the simple thesis of ‘Russian writer.’ The problem is not in the language as such and not only in the passport of cultural affiliation.

The problem is in the myth.

In the Ukrainian discussion about Bulgakov, a special place is occupied by the analysis of how he described the Ukrainian movement in ‘The White Guard’ and ‘The Days of the Turbins.’ In Yaroslav Tynchenko’s article in ‘Ukrainian Week,’ this line is formulated particularly precisely: Bulgakov, even in the 1920s, helped create and consolidate in the Russian consciousness the image of ‘terrible Ukraine’ and ‘brutal Petliurites.’ At the same time, the paradox is that his text is not as primitive as later Russian clichés. It is much more complex and therefore much more interesting for analysis.

Bulgakov wrote from the position of a person of the Russian world, who saw the Ukrainian national movement as a threat to the familiar urban, social, and cultural hierarchy. For his characters, Kyiv is not the capital of the Ukrainian project, but ‘their’ city, where the Ukrainian army and the Ukrainian language are perceived as something alien, sharp, coming from outside.

This is what sounds especially painful today.

Because Kremlin propaganda of the 21st century speaks almost the same language, only more crudely. It also denies Ukraine full subjectivity. It also portrays the Ukrainian movement as a dangerous element. It also tries to present Ukrainian statehood not as a historical choice of society, but as a threat to the ‘normal’ order.

Bulgakov did not write modern Kremlin manuals. But his literary perspective turned out to be very convenient for a later imperial myth.

The paradox of ‘The White Guard’: the author against Ukraine, but the text captures Ukrainian strength

The most interesting thing in the dispute about Bulgakov is that he cannot simply be dismissed as a primitive propagandist. In ‘The White Guard,’ there is an imperial perspective, contempt for the Ukrainian language, a painful rejection of Ukrainian statehood. But there is also something that was almost impossible to see openly in the Soviet literary environment: the Ukrainian army is shown as a real force.

Not as mythical ‘bands,’ not as random chaos, not as a caricature from Moscow newspapers, but as a military and popular reality.

An important thought from the analysis of ‘Ukrainian Week’ is that in Soviet times, it was precisely in Bulgakov that one could read not only about ‘Petliurites’ in a crude propagandistic sense, but about a regular Ukrainian army supported by a significant part of the population.

This is a historically important paradox.

The author did not like the Ukrainian project. His characters looked down on Ukrainians. But the artistic material itself turned out to be stronger than the author’s antipathy. The text reveals Ukrainian massiveness: people who returned from the war, who know how to shoot; weapons hidden in villages; Ukrainian teachers, paramedics, seminarians, former military who become cadres of the national movement.

Yes, Bulgakov presents this with anxiety and irony.

But the reader sees the main thing: Ukraine was not an invention. The Ukrainian army did not appear out of nowhere. Behind it stood social strata, military experience, national feeling, weapons, local support, and the desire to talk about the country’s future in the Ukrainian language.

And in this sense, Bulgakov, without wanting to, left a testimony that works against the Russian thesis of an ‘artificial Ukraine.’

Why the image of Petliurites in Bulgakov is more complex than the Kremlin caricature

Another important point: Bulgakov does not always depict Ukrainian warriors only as faceless villains. In certain episodes, his text shows the logic of their actions, the military situation, motives, and circumstances.

For example, when it comes to clashes with officer units or fighting with people whom Ukrainian forces perceived as opponents of the UNR, the text does not always reduce what is happening to ‘national savagery.’ The analysis in ‘Ukrainian Week’ notes: in Bulgakov, Ukrainian warriors do not kill characters just because they are Russian, Jewish, Russian-speaking, or do not share Ukrainian ideas. He shows the military context, documents, intelligence, belonging to the hostile side.

For today’s reader, this is important for two reasons.

First: Bulgakov was indeed a person with an imperial worldview, but his artistic observation sometimes captured reality more accurately than his own political sympathies.

Second: later Russian propaganda often takes only the convenient shell from such texts — ‘chaos,’ ‘Petliurites,’ ‘terrible Ukraine‘ — and discards everything that hinders the myth. And much hinders: the organization of Ukrainian units, popular support, military discipline, the complexity of events, the responsibility of different sides.

That’s why modern Ukrainian reading of Bulgakov should not be lazy.

It cannot simply be replaced with a slogan. It needs to be analyzed — but not celebrated.

What dismantling says to Kyiv, Israel, and everyone who understands the value of memory

For the Israeli audience, this story is understood more deeply than it might seem from the outside. In Israel, it is well known that the struggle for memory is not an embellishment of politics, but one of its main nerves.

A street, a monument, a museum, a memorial plaque, a square name — all these answer the question: who is considered one of us, who remains a complex part of history, and who is turned into a symbol of foreign power.

In Kyiv, such a revision is happening right now.

NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers the dismantling of the Bulgakov monument not as a ‘war on literature,’ but as the Ukrainian capital’s refusal of the imperial framework, in which Kyiv was for decades tried to be presented not as the center of Ukrainian statehood, but as a convenient backdrop for the Russian cultural myth.

For repatriates from Ukraine, the Ukrainian community in Israel, and Jews closely following Russia’s war against Ukraine, there is an obvious connection with the Israeli experience. A people who know that memory cannot be given to foreign editing better understand why monuments in the city matter.

It’s not bronze.

It’s power over the narrative.

Bulgakov, the Jewish context, and the danger of simplifications

In this topic, there is another layer important for the reader in Israel. Bulgakov’s Kyiv is a multinational city where Russians, Ukrainians, Jews, Poles, officers, shopkeepers, doctors, gymnasium students, officials, refugees, military, and people trying to survive another change of power coexist.

That’s why any simple schemes are dangerous here.

If we present Bulgakov only as a ‘bad Russian author,’ we will lose the complexity of the Kyiv material. If we present him only as a ‘great writer of old Kyiv,’ we will lose the Ukrainian pain and the imperial perspective embedded in his texts.

It’s more correct to see both layers at once.

He was indeed a talented writer. He indeed created a strong literary image of Kyiv. He indeed captured important historical scenes, sometimes even those that Ukrainian historical memory can read as confirmation of its own strength.

But he also looked at the Ukrainian national movement from within a world to which this movement was alien and unpleasant. He did not see in Ukrainian statehood the natural right of the people. His characters often perceive the Ukrainian language, Ukrainian military, and Ukrainian political will as a violation of the ‘normal’ urban order.

For a country that is defending itself from Russian aggression today, this is enough to remove the monument from the pedestal.

Not a book from the library.

A monument from the street.

The story of the 1936 translation: why Ukrainians read Bulgakov differently

A particularly important detail from the ‘Ukrainian Week’ material is the story of the Ukrainian reading of ‘The White Guard’ back in the 1930s.

Fragments of the novel were known to Ukrainian emigrants, veterans of the UNR Army. In 1937, in the publication of participants in the liberation struggle ‘Calendar-Almanac “Chervona Kalyna”’ translated fragments were published. The translation was done by Fedor Dudko — a person who himself was connected with the Ukrainian press of Kyiv in the early 20th century and could evaluate the text not only as a reader but also as a witness of the era.

This is an important touch.

Ukrainians did not start arguing with Bulgakov only after 2022. They read, translated, discussed, and critically comprehended him much earlier. It was already clear then: in front of them was an author alien to the Ukrainian movement in spirit, but at the same time observant enough to leave powerful scenes of the struggle for Kyiv.

In fact, Ukrainian emigration saw in Bulgakov not ‘their’ author, but a hostile witness whose descriptions can be used as historical material.

This is a very accurate formula for today.

Bulgakov can remain material. But material is not a monument.

Sophia Square, the Ukrainian army, and involuntary recognition

One of the strongest plots noted in the analysis of ‘Ukrainian Week’ is the description of the UNR troops parade on Sophia Square on December 19, 1918.

For Ukrainian memory, this scene is important in itself: Kyiv, Sophia Square, Ukrainian units, yellow-blue flags, military organization, massiveness, a sense of historical moment. Even if Bulgakov wrote with irony, even if he did not share the Ukrainian pathos, the main thing remains in his text: Ukrainian statehood was a reality, not a fantasy.

The Soviet and Russian tradition for decades tried to present the Ukrainian movement of 1917–1921 as a chaotic, secondary, almost accidental force. But the description in Bulgakov, if read carefully, breaks this scheme.

There is an army.

There are commanders.

There are people.

There is a language.

There are symbols.

There is support.

There is Kyiv as a space of struggle, not as an eternal decoration of ‘Russian history.’

That’s why the modern removal of the Bulgakov monument does not cancel his text. On the contrary, it forces us to read it more attentively — not as a nostalgic novel about the ‘old city,’ but as a document of the imperial perspective, within which Ukrainian subjectivity unexpectedly emerges.

Why Kyiv is not obliged to be a museum of the Russian view of itself

For a long time, a significant part of the cultural optics around Kyiv was built as if the city should be grateful for any mention in Russian literature. If a Russian author wrote beautifully about Kyiv, it was considered enough for the city to remain indebted to his memory.

But independent Ukraine is gradually destroying this logic.

Kyiv is not obliged to be a museum of the Russian view of Kyiv.

Kyiv can read Bulgakov, but it is not obliged to see itself through his eyes. It can recognize the author’s literary talent, but it is not obliged to leave him on a pedestal. It can preserve museum memory, but separate it from public honor.

This is a mature position, not an emotional purge.

Moreover, it is this position that allows for a more honest discussion of the past. When a monument stands in the center of the city, it presses on the conversation with its bronze authority. When the monument is removed, there is an opportunity to analyze without obligatory reverence.

Decolonization as defense, not revenge

Russian propaganda habitually presents dismantling as ‘barbarism,’ ‘cancellation of culture,’ and ‘hatred of everything Russian.’ This is predictable.

But such a framework deliberately hides the main thing: Ukraine is not destroying culture, but reassembling public space after centuries of imperial pressure and decades of Soviet Russification.

Decolonization is not revenge on dead writers.

It is the right of a living society to decide which signs should stand on its streets.

Especially during a war.

When Russia daily tries to prove that Ukraine ‘does not exist,’ Ukrainian cities respond not only with the army, diplomacy, and laws. They respond with the map of streets, the language of signs, school programs, museum accents, monuments, and what disappears from pedestals.

In this sense, Andriyivskyy Descent has become another line of defense.

What remains after the dismantling

After June 4, 2026, Bulgakov did not disappear from Kyiv. And he will not disappear.

He will remain in archives, museums, books, articles, university courses, and debates. He will be read — perhaps even more attentively than before. Because without automatic reverence, it is easier to see both the literary power and the political blindness, and the imperial nerve of the text.

But now Kyiv has made an important clarification: being part of the city’s history and standing on a pedestal in the city are not the same thing.

This is perhaps the main meaning of the dismantling.

Ukraine is not obliged to keep in the center of its capital symbols that help Russia tell the old tale of ‘Russian Kyiv.’ Ukraine is not obliged to substitute its own memory with someone else’s nostalgia. Ukraine is not obliged to explain its statehood through the irritation of those who did not accept it.

Bulgakov once helped to cement in the Russian imagination the image of a ‘terrible Ukraine.’ But history turned in such a way that it was this very ‘terrible Ukraine’ that stood firm, armed itself, became self-aware, defended Kyiv in 2022, and now decides for itself who stands on Andriyivskyy Descent.

The monument was removed.

The books remain.

The debate has become more honest.

And Kyiv once again reminded: urban memory is not a warehouse of old symbols, but a living territory of a state that defends itself from the empire not only on the front but also in its own historical center.

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For the Israeli audience, this news is important not only as a diplomatic gesture. Kyiv publicly recognized the Israeli ambassador not for protocol statements, but for concrete assistance to the city during the Russian war against Ukraine: medical equipment, food for military needs, support for children with disabilities, and the launch of a psychological resilience system.

Klitschko awarded Brodsky at the Kyiv City Hall

The meeting took place at the city hall. Vitali Klitschko thanked Michael Brodsky for the efforts he made to support Kyiv and its residents “in this difficult time for Ukraine.” The wording of the award in Ukrainian is the badge “For Assistance in the Defense of Kyiv.” In essence, it is “for assistance in the defense of Kyiv,” not just abstract gratitude for humanitarian aid.

Brodsky himself noted in his publication that five years ago, when he arrived in Ukraine, he could not imagine that one day he would receive an award for the defense of Kyiv. For him, the very combination of these words seemed like something that remained in the history of World War II.

“Honestly, five years ago, when I arrived in Ukraine, I could not even imagine that one day I would receive an award for the defense of Kyiv. The very combination of these words seemed like something that had forever remained in the history of World War II.

During this time, we managed to implement many important projects together — the supply of medical equipment to children’s hospitals, the provision of water and generators to the city, the creation of the Resilience Center, through which thousands of Ukrainian psychologists have been trained.

Thank you to Vitali Klitschko and Kyiv for the many years of support for Israel, especially after October 7, when the Israeli flag appeared on billboards throughout the city“, – said Michael Brodsky.

But after February 24, 2022, the defense of Kyiv became not a historical term, but a reality again.

And that is why this award has a double meaning: it speaks both of the role of Israeli diplomacy in Ukraine and of how Russia’s war against Ukraine has changed the very nature of international support.

What exactly did Brodsky do for Kyiv

Klitschko listed several specific areas of assistance.

In 2022, Michael Brodsky transferred modern medical equipment worth over 40 million UAH to one of Kyiv’s children’s hospitals. This is an important detail: it was not a symbolic gesture, but assistance for city medicine at a time when Kyiv was living under the threat of new Russian strikes and preparing for a long war.

Also, from the Embassy of Israel in Ukraine, Kyiv received 50,000 ready-to-eat meal packages with heating elements. The city transferred these packages for the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

In 2023, Kyiv received 30 active wheelchairs for children with disabilities. For a warring country, such supplies often remain outside the headlines, but they show that support is measured not only by weapons or political statements.

Resilience Center: Israeli experience for the Ukrainian capital

A special place in Klitschko’s message was occupied by the Kyiv Resilience Center. According to the mayor, the first such center in Ukraine was opened in April 2023 with the personal support of the Israeli ambassador.

Here, Israeli experience proved particularly important. Israel has lived for decades under conditions of rocket threats, terrorist attacks, evacuations, mobilizations, and constant pressure on civilian infrastructure. Ukraine, after Russia’s full-scale invasion, faced a similar challenge, but on a different scale: hundreds of cities, millions of people, constant strikes on energy, hospitals, schools, and residential areas.

According to Klitschko, thanks to the Israeli Trauma Coalition, about 12,000 specialists have undergone psychological resilience training over three years. Among them are representatives of critical infrastructure, security and defense, social policy, education, healthcare, municipal security, as well as heads of homeowners’ associations.

This is no longer just a humanitarian project.

This is the transfer of practical Israeli knowledge into the Ukrainian reality: how to help people after shelling, how to work with trauma, how to support those who must support others.

Why this is important for Israel

For Israel, the story of Brodsky’s award sounds particularly strong after October 7. The ambassador himself thanked Kyiv and Vitali Klitschko for the many years of support for Israel, separately recalling that after the Hamas attack on Israel, the Israeli flag appeared on billboards throughout Kyiv.

There is an important political and human line in this.

Ukraine, which itself lives under Russian missiles and drones, publicly supported Israel at a time of heavy blow. The Israeli ambassador, in turn, was recognized by Kyiv for helping the city, which has become one of the symbols of resistance to Russian aggression.

NANews Israel News Nikk.Agency considers this story not as an ordinary diplomatic ceremony, but as an episode of a broader connection between Israel and Ukraine. Here stand side by side two traumas, two wars, two experiences of civil resilience — Ukrainian and Israeli.

Moshe Asman previously received a similar award

There is another important context in this story. Previously, for actions during the defense of Kyiv, the chief rabbi of Ukraine Moshe Asman was also recognized.

On July 20, 2023, NANews Israel News Nikk.Agency wrote that in Kyiv, Asman was awarded a special medal for “heroism in the defense of Kyiv.” The publication stated that the award was given for his activities and heroism during the defense of Kyiv and the Kyiv region during the Russian siege. The medal was presented by Lieutenant Colonel Sergey Kopashinsky, who commanded the defense of the capital in the first months of the war.

However, it is important not to confuse these awards.

Michael Brodsky has a city award from Kyiv by Vitali Klitschko: the badge “For Assistance in the Defense of Kyiv.” Moshe Asman had a similar in meaning, but different award — for heroism in the defense of Kyiv and the region.

The commonality here is not the name of the award, but the symbolic series.

Kyiv separately recognized people from the Jewish-Israeli space who, at different periods of the Russian war, helped the capital, its residents, hospitals, military, refugees, and those who were under attack.

Award as the result of a diplomatic mission

Michael Brodsky is completing his diplomatic mission in Ukraine at a time when relations between Israel and Ukraine remain complex but filled with real connections. Kyiv’s political expectations from Israel did not always align with the cautious line of Israeli governments, especially on military aid issues.

But at the level of cities, communities, hospitals, volunteers, psychological assistance, and human contacts, the connection turned out to be much deeper than the dry formulations of foreign policy.

This is what makes Brodsky’s award noticeable.

Kyiv recognized not only the ambassador as an official figure. Kyiv recognized the person under whom specific projects were implemented: equipment for a children’s hospital, food for the needs of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, assistance to children with disabilities, the Resilience Center, and the training of thousands of specialists.

For Israel this is a reminder: the Ukrainian war is not a distant story “somewhere in Eastern Europe.” It constantly intersects with the Israeli agenda — through diplomacy, Jewish communities, repatriates from Ukraine, the memory of World War II, the experience of civil defense, and support after October 7.

For Ukraine, this is also a signal.

Even if there are complex issues between the states, the concrete assistance of Israel and Israeli representatives in Kyiv has become part of the history of the capital’s defense.

Odesa’s Memorial to the Righteous: How Henrikh Ostashevskyi Saved Jewish Families and Earned Eternal Remembrance

Date and Time: July 9, 2025, 11:00

Location: opposite the Odesa Academic Ukrainian Theatre named after V. Vasylko (Italian Street, Odesa) (Pushkinska Street in Odesa no longer exists. As part of decommunization and derussification, it was renamed Italian Street in July 2024).

Organizers

• Odesa Regional Association of Jews — former ghetto and concentration camp prisoners
• Theatre named after V. Vasylko
• Odesa Holocaust Museum

Biography of Henrikh Romanovych Ostashevskyi

Henrikh Romanovych Ostashevskyi (June 1, 1921, Odesa — February 3, 2004, Odesa) was a Ukrainian theatre and film actor, People’s Artist of the Ukrainian SSR.

From his life path:

• Studied at the Odesa Theatre School (1938–1941).
• After Odesa was liberated from Romanian occupation in 1944, he became an actor at the Odesa Young Spectator’s Theatre and worked there for 14 years.
• Since 1958, he performed at the Odesa Ukrainian Music and Drama Theatre named after the October Revolution.

Awards:

• Order of the Badge of Honor
• Title of People’s Artist of the Ukrainian SSR (1976)

Recognition and Commemoration

• For rescuing the Jewish population during World War II, he was recognized as a Righteous Among the Nations.
• His name is inscribed on the Wall of Honor in the Garden of the Righteous Among the Nations at the Yad Vashem memorial complex (Jerusalem, Israel).
• In 2001, the Alley of the Righteous Among the Nations was opened in Prokhorivsky Square in Odesa, where a birch tree was planted in his honor.
• His name is featured in the exhibition of the Odesa Holocaust Museum.

Timeline of Key Events

Filmography (15 Works)

“My Daughter” (1957), “A Tale of First Love” (1957), “The Blue Arrow” (1958), “Storm over the Fields” (1958), “If Stones Could Speak…” (1958), “The Return” (1960), “Human Blood Is Not Water” (1960), “Dmytro Horytsvit” (1961), “Keys to Heaven” (1964), “People Do Not Know Everything” (1964), “They Knew Them Only by Sight” (1966), “Rainbow Formula” (1966), “Dr. Absta’s Experiment” (1968), “Between the Tall Grains” (1970), “Fiery Roads” (1977–1984)

Organization and Preparation for the Ceremony

1. Historical Segment:
   • Outdoor photo gallery of rescued families
   • Exhibition of archival documents and photographs at the Odesa Holocaust Museum
2. Artistic Accompaniment:
   • Musical-poetic prologue by the Theatre named after V. Vasylko
   • Reading of letters and recollections from contemporaries
3. Official Part:
   • Speeches by the mayor, the rabbi, and organizers on the significance of July 9, 1944
   • Flower laying at the memorial and the birch tree
4. Final Screening:
   • Excerpt from the documentary film about Ostashevskyi
   • Chamber concert by young Odesa musicians

Righteous Among the Nations from Ukraine

To date, 2,707 citizens of Ukraine have been awarded the title of Righteous Among the Nations for their selfless rescue of Jews during the Holocaust — providing shelter, food assistance, and organizing safe passage under mortal threat.

The Importance of Preserving Memory

The installation of the memorial plaque to Henrikh Ostashevskyi is a token of eternal gratitude for humanity and heroism. The editorial board of NAnews – News of Israel calls to preserve the memory of the Righteous as a guarantee of peaceful relations between peoples.

#NAseo

His death is not just a tragedy — it is a symbol of unity between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples in the struggle against Putin’s aggression.

A man of light, strength, and contradictions

Tzvi Hirsh was born in Odesa, studied at the Jewish school “Or Avner – Chabad”, and was raised in an atmosphere of tradition and communal life. He began working at the age of 15 and never tolerated laziness in himself or others. His dream was to open a restaurant and earn a Michelin star, but life led him to the battlefield.

“He rarely spoke about emotions, but proved his love through actions — care, presence, loyalty,” his friends recall.

Family and children

Grigory left this world too soon. But he left behind the memory of a strong, radiant person whose will to live never faded. He became the father of two children — Lev (5 years old) and Alisa (4 years old) — parts of himself that nothing can destroy.

He dreamed of being their support, of building a future with them. Instead, he became a hero, sacrificing his life for their safety.

A hero without pathos

According to the Chief Rabbi of Odesa and Southern Ukraine, Avraham Wolff, Hirsh was an integral part of the community:

“Tzvi Hirsh gave his life with true self-sacrifice — as a Ukrainian soldier and a proud Jew. He was with us from childhood and has now departed as a hero.”

The sorrowful news was shared on June 6, 2025, by chaplain Yakov Sinyakov, who also arranged for the body to be returned to Odesa without autopsy, in accordance with Jewish law. The funeral will take place following Halacha.

Rabbi Avraham Wolff and the local Jewish community are organizing the funeral.

The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine offers its sincere condolences to the family, friends, and comrades. We share this unspeakable grief.

How Israel and Ukraine are connected through lives

The story of Tzvi Hirsh is one of many confirming the deep connection between Israel and Ukraine. On the website NAnews – Israel News, we regularly publish materials about Jews defending Ukraine and Israeli aid to the country.

We report not just on facts, but on people who embody resilience, faith, and love. Tzvi Hirsh is a symbol of such people.

Community response

The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine was the first to announce the tragedy and express deep condolences:

“Blessed is the True Judge. Baruch Dayan HaEmet.”

The Jewish community of Odesa is preparing the funeral, and words of support are coming from all over the world — especially from Israel, home to thousands of people with Ukrainian roots.

NAnews — what brings us together

The editorial team of NAnews – Israel News expresses its condolences to Grisha’s family, his children, friends, and fellow soldiers.

His story is a reminder: war is not abstract politics — it is real human lives. And in these lives, we find shared pain and a shared future — for Jews, Ukrainians, and all who refuse to accept darkness.

These are children who were deprived of their morning, home, drawings, school, parents, games in the yard, and the very right to grow up.

According to the state platform Children of War as of June 4, 2026, since February 24, 2022, 707 children have died in Ukraine, 2,548 have been injured, 2,317 are considered missing, and 20,570 children have been deported or forcibly displaced. 2,212 children have been returned home, but thousands remain in the Russian system of pressure, isolation, and ‘re-education.’

June 4: the day when Ukraine names the children

In Ukraine, June 4 is observed as the Day of Remembrance for Children Who Died as a Result of Armed Aggression by the Russian Federation. This date was established by the Verkhovna Rada on June 1, 2021 — even before the full-scale invasion, when the country was already living with the pain of the war that began in 2014. At that time, the resolution mentioned at least 240 children killed since the beginning of Russian aggression.

After February 24, 2022, this date became even heavier. The scale of the crimes has grown so much that behind each new report stands not only the tragedy of a specific family but also a question to the whole world: how much more evidence is needed for children’s deaths to stop being perceived as ‘collateral damage’ of war?

President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky on June 4, 2026, reported that Russia has killed at least 707 Ukrainian children, and emphasized: each such death is a child whose future was taken away. United24 also reminded the stories of the deceased children so that the numbers do not turn into impersonal noise.

Why this topic is important for the Israeli audience

For Israel, the topic of killed and kidnapped children is not distant. Israeli society knows all too well what terror against civilians is, what families waiting for the kidnapped are like, and what life looks like after a strike on a home, street, school, or bus stop.

That is why the conversation about Ukrainian children is not only a Ukrainian agenda. It is a topic for everyone who understands the cost of war against peaceful people.

In the midst of this pain, it is especially important that NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency continues to speak about Ukraine not in the language of indifferent statistics, but in the language of human memory. Because behind the formula ‘707 dead children’ are names, photographs, toys, unfinished drawings, and families that will never be the same.

Stories that cannot be reduced to numbers

United24 reminded several stories of Ukrainian children who died from Russian strikes. Among them is eight-year-old Bohdan from Cherkasy. He was simply playing on the playground when a Russian drone struck nearby.

This is what Russia’s war against Ukraine looks like in its most honest form: not ‘geopolitics,’ not ‘conflict of interests,’ not a ‘complex situation,’ but a drone that arrives where a child should have been laughing, running, and returning home to family.

Four-year-old Khrystynka died at night in her own home. Her father built this house for the family with his own hands, as a place of safety, warmth, and normal life. But the Russian strike came when everyone was asleep.

12-year-old Lyubava and her 17-year-old sister Vera died at home after a Russian missile strike. Their bodies were pulled from the rubble by rescuers. The girls loved art, drawing, beauty — all that is usually associated with the future, development, dreams. Their father, a defender of Ukraine, also died in the war.

There is also the story of three little children — Ivan, Vladislav, and Miroslava, who died along with their veteran father. The family moved from the border area, trying to get away from Russian attacks. It was their first night in a new place.

It became the last.

Why the real number might be higher

Official data almost always lags behind the reality of war. Some territories remain occupied, some crime scenes are inaccessible to Ukrainian investigators, some families are separated, and the fate of many children is still unknown.

That is why the number 707 is not the final line. It is the confirmed minimum.

The state platform Children of War separately notes that the exact number of affected children cannot be established due to active hostilities and the temporary occupation of part of Ukraine’s territory.

For the reader in Israel, this is an important detail. In wars of this scale, the truth often comes later: after the liberation of cities, after exhumations, after the return of documents, after the testimonies of those who survived.

Deportation of children: another side of the same crime

Russia kills Ukrainian children not only with missiles and drones. Thousands of children have been taken to Russia or occupied territories, separated from their families, passed through filtration procedures, placed in foreign environments, and subjected to pressure aimed at erasing Ukrainian identity.

According to Children of War, 20,570 Ukrainian children are considered deported or forcibly displaced, and 2,212 have already been returned.

This is not just a humanitarian issue. It is a legal, political, and moral topic directly related to the question of Russia’s responsibility. The International Criminal Court has previously issued arrest warrants for Putin and Russian official Maria Lvova-Belova in the case of the illegal deportation of Ukrainian children.

What happens to kidnapped children

The Russian system tries to break the child’s connection with Ukraine. This can happen through changing documents, imposing Russian citizenship, transferring to foster families, education under Russian programs, propaganda, and closing access to real information about relatives.

Returning such children is a complex and dangerous process. It involves routes through third countries, negotiations, document verification, psychological assistance, and a long path to recovery after the ordeal.

Ukraine and international partners continue to work on returning children, but each such operation is a separate story of risk. And every child who returns home returns not just from another country. They return from a system built on coercion.

Memory as a form of resistance

The Day of Remembrance for Children Who Died Due to Russian Aggression is needed not only for mourning. It is needed so that the world does not get used to the words ‘children died.’

Getting used to it is a dangerous thing. First, a person stops reading the news to the end. Then the numbers seem repetitive. Then the tragedy turns into a background. This is exactly what aggressors count on: for fatigue to become an ally of impunity.

But Ukraine has no right to forget. Israel, which understands the price of memory well, also has no reason to turn away from such stories.

Russia’s war against Ukraine has long gone beyond the military map. It has become a test of whether the world can protect children not only with declarations but with actions: sanctions, courts, investigations, support for Ukraine, the return of the kidnapped, and the preservation of the names of the deceased.

707 children — this is not just a number on June 4, 2026.

It is an indictment against Russia.

And it is a reminder: the future begins with the world refusing to be silent when children’s lives are taken away.

Aaron David Gordon – Ukrainian Jew, philosopher and ideologist of working Zionism. His ideas inspired the youth in Alia and the creation of kibbutsev in Palestine. The history of the path from the Zhytomyr region to Dgania in our constant column “Jews from Ukraine“.

Childhood and youth in Troyanov

Aaron David Gordon Born on June 9, 1856 in The town of Troyanov (Modern Zhytomyr region, Ukraine) in a wealthy Jewish family. His childhood passed among traditional Jewish values. Due to poor health, a private teacher was engaged in him. Later, Gordon independently learned Russian, German and French, received a wide education and studied for a year in Vilna.

Troyanov of that time was a typical place with the Jewish population, which made up a significant part of the inhabitants. According to the 1897 census, 7224 people lived in Troyanov, of which 1469 Jews. The Jewish community Troyanov owned two synagogues and supported active religious and cultural life.

The story of Troyanov

Troyanov is mentioned as a place with a rich history. In the XVIII century, a significant Jewish community already existed here. There was a synagogue in the village, a Jewish prayer house, a church and two Orthodox churches. In the XIX century in Troyanovo there were:

• Brovarnya (brewer)
• Garbarny (leather production)
• 136 artisans
• 28 stores

The total population in 1897 was 7224 people, of which 4957 were Orthodox, and 1469 – Jews.

Jewish cemetery Troyanov

The Jewish cemetery of Troyanov is an important historical monument. About 250 tombstones have been preserved on its territory. The oldest tombstone dates from 1858, and the last – 1991.

Main data on the cemetery:

• Location: Northeast outskirts of the village of Troyanov
• Perimeter length: 314 meters
• State: non -coniferous, partially overgrown with vegetation
• Coordinates: 50.11655, 28.54232

Problems of saving the cemetery

There is no fence on the territory of the cemetery. Many tombstones need restoration, and the site requires cleaning from seasonal vegetation. Despite this, the cemetery remains an important witness to the history of the Jewish community of Troyanov.

Periods of tragedies and recovery

During the revolution of 1905-1907, the Jewish community of Troyanov was attacked. More than a dozen Jews were killed, and property was looted. In 1941, after the Nazis arrived, Jews who did not manage to evacuate were shot.

Today, the Jewish cemetery of Troyanov is a reminder of the rich past of the community, its tragedies and a contribution to the history of the region.

Life before resettlement to Palestine

After Gordon was released from service in the army for health reasons, he married and 23 years old worked as a clerk for his relative, Baron G. O. Ginzburg, in the village of Mogilna. However, the death of parents in 1904 changed his fate. Gordon decided to move to Palestine.

Despite the lack of experience of physical labor, he chose agricultural work on vineyards and orange plantations of Petes-Tikva and the Vinnoye Plant of Rishon-Leo-Sta. This hard work affected his health, and soon his family had to take care of him.

The beginning of literary activity

Since 1909, Aaron David Gordon began writing articles for the Ha-Poel Ha-Tsair magazine. In them, he promoted the ideas of labor as the foundations of the Jewish national revival. He believed that only through work Jews can conquer the right to land of Israel.

Gordon Quote:

“Labor is not only a means of survival, but also the path to spiritual revival and freedom.”

Relocation in Galilee and participation in the Zionist Congresses

In 1912, Gordon moved to Galileo, where he continued to work as an agricultural worker. In 1913, he participated in the XI Zionist Congress in Vienna, and in 1920-in the conference of the Ha-Poel Ha-Tsair movement in Prague.

After the outbreak of World War I, he was persecuted by the Turkish authorities. Despite the difficulties, he continued his literary and public works.

“Gordonia” – the legacy of Aaron David Gordon

Gordon’s ideas inspired the youth of Eastern Europe, where Jewish communities faced anti -Semitism, economic difficulties and lack of prospects. In 1923, groups of young Jews began to form in Galicia, striving for spiritual and national revival. These groups were looking for an alternative to radical ideologies that dominated in other movements.

In 1925, Gordonia officially took shape in Krakow, and its central department was in Lviv. The movement promoted Aliya in the dandective Palestine and prepared young people for agricultural work. The main tasks of Gordonia were:

• Preparation of youth for Alia.
• The development of agricultural skills.
• The study of Hebrew.

The participants in the movement, mostly immigrants from poor families, sought to build the future with their own hands. By 1928, Gordonia totaled more than 4,000 participants. Young people were preparing to relocate to Eretz Israel, where they could put their ideals in practice. In 1929, the mass Aliyah of the members of Gordonia began, which became an important milestone in the history of movement. Participants actively created agricultural kibbuts in Eretz Israel.

The main kibbuts founded by the Participants of Gordonia:

Where Aaron David Gordon died and was buried and buried

Aaron David Gordon died on February 22, 1922 in Kibbutz Dgania-Alef from cancer. He was buried there, in Dgania-Alef, one of the first kibbutsev, who became a symbol of the Zionist labor movement.

Memory of Aaron David Gordon in Israel

• Museum in the kibbutz Dgania-Alef: The museum is dedicated to the life and works of Gordon, where his personal belongings, manuscripts and documents are presented.
• Streets and squares: In several cities of Israel, including Tel Aviv and Haifa, the streets have his name.
• Educational programs: His ideas are studied in schools and universities in the context of the history of Zionism and the labor movement.
• Movement “Gordonia”: Although the movement has united with other organizations, the memory of Gordon lives through cultural events and history lessons.

“House of Gordon” (בית גורוון) – history, exposition and significance

Here is a museum on the map – https://maps.app.goo.gl/tsqbzk6wkzgw2gb77

“Gordon’s House” is one of the first museums in Israel dedicated to nature and life history in the Kineret region. It was founded in 1941 in Kibulu Dgania-ALEFIn order to perpetuate the memory of Aaron David Gordon – a philosopher, a labor Zionist and the first defender of nature in Palestine.

The museum combines Natural exposition, Archaeological finds and materials on the history of the first settlers in the region.

The main sections of the museum:

1. Natural studies of the Kineret region
   The exposition covers the variety of flora and fauna of Galilee and the environs of Lake Kineret. The museum’s halls represent a stuffed of rare birds and animals, collections of minerals, herbarium of local plants and fossils.

2. Multimedia installation
   The new interactive hall allows visitors to plunge into the history of the development of the region through animation. It shows how the environment of Kineret has changed from the beginning of the Zionist settlement to the present day.

3. Archaeological finds
   The exhibition contains household items and instruments of the first Jewish settlers used in agricultural work. Archaeological artifacts talk about the ancient history of Galilee.

4. History of Kibutz Dgania-Alef
   This section is dedicated to the history of the creation of the first kibbutz in Palestine and the roles of Aaron David Gordon in the formation of labor Zionism. Visitors can see Gordon’s personal belongings, his manuscripts and documents reflecting his life and activity.

Educational programs and excursions

The museum offers Educational programs for schoolchildren and studentsorganizes excursions across the territory of Kibbutz and the surroundings. Particular attention is paid to the history of the early Zionist movement and the ecology of the region.

Recognition by national heritage

In 2010, the Israeli government recognized the “Gordon House” by a national monument. This is not only a cultural and historical center, but also an important place for those who want to understand how nature and man coexist in Galilee.

NAnews : Aaron David Gordon’s heritage today

The history of Gordon is not only a part of Jewish history, but also an important link in the relationship between Israel and Ukraine. Today, his name reminds us of the strength of the spirit and the meaning of labor. Persons such as Aaron David Gordon became a bridge between two cultures.

Website Nanovo He continues to cover the events and stories that connect Ukraine and Israel, talking about the Jewish roots and the paths that our ancestors passed.

Conclusion

Aaron David Gordon is an example of a person who, despite difficulties, managed to become a symbol of the whole movement. His life and ideas continue to inspire many, and the history of Gordonia remains an important part of Zionist history.

Today, when we are talking about Jews from Ukraine, such as Gordon, we are again convinced of the deep connection of our peoples. On NAnews  The news of Israel and Ukraine, we continue to tell such stories that the memory of them lives and inspire new generations.

In the heading “Jews from Ukraine”: Aaron David Gordon – Ukrainian roots of the ideologist of Zionism and the story of “Gordonia”

As it became known on June 4, 2026, the prosecutor’s office filed charges against three suspects — residents of Haifa, Kiryat Yam, and Kiryat Bialik aged 30, 31, and 34. They are accused of robbery with aggravating circumstances. According to the police, the criminals deliberately chose Oleksandr as a target because they knew he was a refugee from Ukraine, lived modestly, saved money for his family, and, as they hoped, might not dare to contact Israeli law enforcement.

Attack on a Ukrainian in Nof HaGalil: what is known

Oleksandr Koval came to Israel from Kharkiv — a city that has been regularly subjected to missile strikes, shelling, and destruction since the first days of the full-scale Russian aggression. In Israel, he got a job in Nof HaGalil, near Nazareth, and every month he set aside part of his earnings to send money to his relatives who remained in Ukraine.

According to the investigation, this was one of the reasons for the attack. One of the suspects previously worked with Oleksandr at the same factory and knew that he might have cash.

According to the victim, an acquaintance offered him a job in the Krayot area and said he would come to his home. But instead of one person, three came.

Oleksandr opened the door — and immediately received a strong blow to the head. Then the attackers beat him, put handcuffs on him, tied him up, strangled him, and continued to beat him until he lost consciousness. He regained consciousness only the next day — covered in blood, shackled, and with injuries all over his body.

“They stole everything I was saving for my family”

According to Oleksandr, the criminals took about 3,000 shekels — money he was saving for his family in Ukraine. In addition to cash, documents and several mobile phones were stolen. In the apartment, the police later found traces of blood, signs of a struggle, handcuffs, and adhesive tape.

This was not a spontaneous fight or a domestic conflict.

According to the investigation, the suspects had been on duty near the victim’s house for several hours. When the light came on in the apartment window, they realized that Oleksandr was home. In the correspondence found by the investigators, there were messages like: “He’s home, the light is on” and “Don’t leave, I’m at the door.” These details show that the attack was planned in advance.

After Oleksandr regained consciousness, he managed to get out of the apartment and reach the police station. In the hospital, he was diagnosed with several broken ribs and multiple injuries.

Why this case became more than just a regular crime chronicle

In this story, not only the brutality of the attack is terrifying. The calculation is terrifying.

According to the police, the suspects assumed that a Ukrainian refugee might be more vulnerable than an ordinary citizen: he is not fully confident in his rights, fears bureaucracy, does not want extra attention, thinks about his family in Ukraine, and is simply trying to survive in a new country.

It is this logic that makes the case especially painful for Russian-speaking Israel.

Thousands of people live in the country who came from Ukraine after February 24, 2022. Some lost their homes in Kharkiv, Mariupol, Dnipro, Mykolaiv, or Zaporizhzhia. Some left parents, children, spouses in Ukraine. Many work in hard and low-paid jobs because they need to pay for housing in Israel and at the same time help those who remained under the blows of the Russian army.

Oleksandr was just such a person. He did not seek conflict, was not part of the criminal environment, did not keep large sums. He simply worked and sent money to his family.

Police position: “In my long service, I don’t remember such brutality”

The head of the Nof HaGalil police department, Kobi Biton, stated that Oleksandr came to the station on May 11. According to the officer, the man was covered in bruises and showed signs of severe violence. Biton emphasized that in his long service, he does not remember such brutality during a robbery, especially considering the small amount of money stolen.

The police quickly identified the suspects. All three were detained, and then charges were brought against them.

For Israeli society, this is an important moment. The state must show that a person who came from a war zone is not easy prey. His status, language, weak knowledge of the system, or fear of bureaucracy should not become an invitation for criminals.

Ukrainian refugees in Israel: safety begins with trust in the law

This story should be heard not only as a crime news from Nof HaGalil. It concerns a broader question: how protected do people who fled the Russian war and are trying to rebuild their lives feel in Israel.

Israel knows well what war trauma is. Here they understand the price of anxiety, losing a home, moving, fear for loved ones, and the need to start from scratch. Therefore, the attack on a Ukrainian refugee should not remain at the level of a short police report.

For Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency, this case is important as an example that vulnerable people need not pity, but effective protection: police, court, public attention, understandable information in Russian and Ukrainian, as well as a clear signal to criminals — refugee status does not make a person defenseless.

Nof HaGalil, Krayot, Haifa: geography of the case and human meaning

The place of this story is also important. Nof HaGalil is a city in northern Israel, near Nazareth, where many Russian-speaking Israelis and new immigrants live. Krayot and Haifa are large northern regions where Ukrainian refugees and immigrants from the former USSR often seek work, housing, and temporary support.

Therefore, Oleksandr Koval’s case quickly became not only a matter of one attack.

It speaks of trust between a person and the state. If a refugee, after torture, beatings, and robbery, finds the strength to reach the police, the system must work quickly and harshly. In this case, it worked: the suspects were found, detained, and the materials reached the court.

But another question remains — how many people in a similar situation may remain silent because they are afraid, do not know the language, or think that no one will help them.

What is important for Ukrainians in Israel to remember

After such a case, it is important for Ukrainians, temporary residents, new immigrants, and everyone who found themselves in Israel because of the war to remember the main thing: you can and should contact the police. If there is a threat, attack, extortion, violence, theft of documents, or pressure from acquaintances, this is not a “personal problem,” but a reason for immediate contact with law enforcement.

Criminals often choose those who seem lonely to them.

But loneliness disappears where a person receives support: from the police, from the community, from neighbors, from journalists, from social services, and from those who are ready not to pass by. Oleksandr Koval’s story is precisely about this. The attackers counted on fear. Instead, the case went to court.

And this is the right signal.

In a country that itself lives under threats and wars, it is not permissible to turn a refugee into prey. Especially a person who fled from Russian aggression, worked in Israel, and tried to help his family remaining in Ukraine.

Formally, this is not the end of the conflict and not an immediate order to stop all operations. But politically, the signal is very loud: even in the Republican House of Representatives, there were voices against the president unilaterally waging war with Iran, bypassing a full congressional decision.

What exactly did the U.S. House of Representatives pass

This is a resolution on war powers. Its meaning is simple: the president must cease the involvement of American armed forces in hostilities against Iran if Congress has not declared war and has not given special permission to use force.

The document was introduced by Representative Gregory Meeks of New York, the leading Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee. Various American media publications also mention a broader bipartisan context around war powers initiatives, including the role of lawmakers who have long criticized the expansion of presidential power in matters of war and peace.

The 215 to 208 vote marked the first successful passage of such a measure through the House of Representatives on a final vote since the beginning of the current U.S.-Iran conflict. Previous similar attempts had failed or did not reach a result.

Which Republicans went against Trump’s line

According to American publications, four Republicans voted with the Democrats: Thomas Massie, Brian Fitzpatrick, Tom Barrett, and Warren Davidson. This is not a mass rebellion within the party, but a noticeable crack in the wall that Trump usually tries to keep monolithic.

It is especially important that this happened not in an abstract procedural dispute, but against the backdrop of the war with Iran — a state that is a direct strategic threat to Israel and has long been part of a hostile axis for Ukraine through drones, technology, and political cover from Russia.

That is why for the Israeli audience, this news does not seem like distant Washington bureaucracy. The decision of Congress concerns not only American constitutional theory but the real balance of power around Iran, Israel, the Middle East, and the entire security architecture.

Why this became a vote of no confidence in Trump’s military policy

The White House is trying to present its actions as necessary pressure on Tehran. The Trump administration claims that the military campaign is needed to deter Iran and its nuclear program. But Congress responds with another question: who exactly gave the president the right to wage this war without a full mandate from lawmakers?

This is where the main conflict begins.

In the U.S., the right to declare war belongs to Congress.

The president is the commander-in-chief, but this does not mean an automatic right to endlessly expand a military campaign without political control. The War Powers Act of 1973 was created after the trauma of Vietnam to ensure that the White House could not drag the country into long wars without the participation of lawmakers.

Trump and his administration, according to American media reports, question the applicability and constitutionality of the restrictions associated with the War Powers Resolution. Meanwhile, House Speaker Mike Johnson opposed the vote, arguing that it would weaken the president’s position in negotiations and confrontation with Iran.

Symbolic resolution or real blow?

Legally, the resolution does not yet mean an automatic stop to the war. The question now moves to the Senate, where the fate of the document remains uncertain. Even if both houses of Congress can pass the measure, Trump is almost certain to veto it, and overcoming the veto would require a qualified majority, which the opponents of the war likely do not have.

But in politics, symbols sometimes work stronger than formal mechanisms.

The House of Representatives effectively said: the presidential war against Iran is no longer perceived as indisputable. Within American power, there is growing fatigue from the conflict, from unclear goals, from economic consequences, and from the risk of dragging the U.S. into an even wider Middle Eastern fire.

For Israel, this moment is especially delicate. On one hand, Iran is an enemy that has been building a network of threats against Israel for years through the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, and other proxy structures. On the other hand, chaotic American policy, where military decisions are made impulsively and without a stable strategy, can also become a danger.

This balance is important for readers of NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency: fighting Iran is necessary, but a weak strategy by allies can turn even the right direction into a political trap.

Iran, Trump, and the trust trap: what might be behind this move

In the initial assessment, there is an important thought: such a step by Congress can be seen not only as a blow to Trump but also as a possible element of a more complex American game. For part of Iranian society and elites, this may look like a signal: there are forces in Washington that do not want endless war and are ready to talk about legal frameworks.

But here one cannot be naive.

The Iranian regime does not become less dangerous because there is a procedural dispute in the U.S. Congress. Tehran remains the center of anti-Western and anti-Israeli policy, supports armed networks in the Middle East, and is embedded in the line of pressure against Ukraine through an alliance with Moscow. Therefore, any American signal of “restraint” can be read in Tehran in two ways: as an invitation to negotiations or as a weakness.

That is why the resolution simultaneously looks like a democratic attempt to bring the war under the control of the law and as a risky diplomatic gesture.

The world of laws versus the world of the jungle

Today, international politics increasingly resembles not a system of rules but a struggle of predators. The UN is weakening. International courts work slowly. Aggressors test the boundaries of the permissible — Russia in Ukraine, Iran in the Middle East, its proxies against Israel, dictatorships against weak neighbors.

But if democratic countries themselves abandon procedures, they lose the main distinction from those they fight against.

This is the paradox of the American situation. To confront Iran, the U.S. needs strength, allies, and a willingness to make tough decisions. But if the president turns the war into a personal tool without congressional control, he destroys trust within his own country and gives opponents a chance to play on the American divide.

What will happen next

The next stage is the Senate. There, similar initiatives have already been procedurally advanced, but the final passage remains in question. Republicans may block the document, the White House will press for party discipline, and Trump is likely to continue to claim that Congress is hindering the president from defending America.

For Israel, the main thing is not who wins the next procedural round in Washington. The main thing is to understand what the American line against Iran will be: consistent, strategic, and coordinated with allies or nervous, personal, and dependent on the political mood of one person.

So far, the answer is troubling.

The June 3 vote showed that distrust is growing in the U.S. regarding how Trump is handling the Iranian direction. This does not mean sympathy for Tehran. It means fear that a war with a dangerous enemy may be waged without a clear plan, without a stable coalition, and without full democratic control.

And in such a war, even a strong power begins to look vulnerable.

According to official data, after the night attack in Dnipro, 16 people died, and another 42 were injured. Among the dead were two small children. The rescue operation was completed on the evening of June 2, and June 3 was declared a day of mourning in the city.

A night that became a mass grave for an ordinary house

A Russian missile struck a residential area of Dnipro when people had almost no chance to escape. In such attacks, not only the power of the explosion is terrifying, but the very logic of terror: the strike is delivered at night, on homes, on families, on those who do not hold weapons and cannot defend themselves.

In the destroyed entrance, there are now flowers, children’s toys, and candles. People come there silently because sometimes there are no words left.

Among the dead is eight-year-old Ilya. He had just finished second grade. The boy died under the rubble along with his mother and grandmother. According to local residents, only the older brother survived, who managed to escape at the last second. These details are provided in the material by TSN Olga Pavlovskaya, where testimonies of neighbors and eyewitnesses are collected.

Another child’s death — little Oleg. In the fall, he was supposed to turn three years old. He died with his mother in their own bed. This is precisely the detail after which any Russian statements about ‘precise strikes’ turn to ashes.

Not a ‘hit’. Not an ‘incident’. Not ‘consequences of the conflict’.

This is the murder of children in their home.

Why this story should be heard in Israel

For the Israeli audience, such news sounds especially close. In Israel, people well understand what a night alarm is, running to shelter, trembling windows, fear for children, and waiting for a message from relatives. But in Dnipro, many simply did not even have time to get out of bed.

That is why the Ukrainian tragedy should not be perceived in Israel as a distant war somewhere ‘in Eastern Europe’. Missiles, drones, strikes on residential buildings, terror against peaceful neighborhoods — this is the language spoken by both the Kremlin and Iranian proxies, Hamas, and other enemies of civilized life.

When Russia strikes Dnipro, it is not only Ukrainian pain. It is part of the same great war against the right of people to live at home, raise children, and wake up in the morning, not under rubble.

Repeat strike: when rescue also becomes a target

A separate horror of this attack is reports of repeat strikes that occurred when people were already trying to escape, and police, medics, and volunteers were working at the scene of the tragedy. In Ukrainian materials, this scenario is called ‘double-tap’ — when after the first strike, a second is delivered to hit those who ran out of houses or came to help the victims.

According to Ukrainian sources, after the first explosions, patrol officers were the first to arrive at the destroyed houses. They extinguished the fire with improvised means, made their way through the smoke, lifted structures with their hands, and shouted into the darkness, trying to understand if there were any survivors under the rubble.

And it was at this moment that Russia delivered a new strike.

This is how Pavel, his wife, and their 22-year-old grandson were injured. After the first explosion, the family tried to reach shelter, but the second wave caught them on the street. Pavel and his wife received severe injuries that led to the amputation of limbs. Their grandson ended up in intensive care in critical condition — with a severe traumatic brain injury, liver damage, and mutilated limbs.

This is not just statistics. This is the story of a family that did everything ‘right’: left the apartment, went to shelter, tried to survive.

But the Russian tactic of terror is built so that even the path to salvation becomes deadly.

Cluster munitions and a block that ceased to be a block

In the area of the strike, characteristic craters and damage were recorded, which Ukrainian sources associate with the use of cluster munitions. Such strikes on residential areas are especially dangerous because the damage is not only at one point but over an area — in yards, entrances, streets, people who ran out of houses.

Not one house was affected. According to the original material, dozens of buildings in Dnipro were damaged, and more than a hundred families were effectively left without a roof over their heads. In some apartments, instead of a ceiling, there is now open sky. In others, people were trapped inside because the blast wave skewed the metal doors.

One resident said that her father, after the first strike, ran with a neighbor to shut off the gas to prevent an even bigger explosion. They managed to shut off the gas. The neighbor died. The woman’s father survived but ended up in the hospital with broken ribs and a shoulder injury.

Such episodes show the true fabric of Ukrainian resistance. Not only the army at the front but also ordinary people who, in a moment of catastrophe, run not to hide themselves but to save neighbors.

Dnipro, Kyiv, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia: Russia strikes cities when it cannot win honestly

The strike on Dnipro became part of a large-scale Russian attack on Ukraine on the night of June 2, 2026. International agencies reported that Russia used dozens of missiles and hundreds of drones on various Ukrainian cities, including Kyiv, Dnipro, Kharkiv, and Zaporizhzhia. Associated Press wrote about 73 missiles and 656 drones, as well as 22 deaths across the country, with the highest number of casualties in Dnipro.

This is an important context. Dnipro was not a random point on the map. The Russian attack was part of a general strategy of pressure on Ukrainian cities, energy, residential infrastructure, and the psychological resilience of society.

But each such strike has the opposite effect.

Russia tries to break Ukraine with fear, but receives yet another proof of its own military and moral degradation. An army that cannot achieve a decisive result on the battlefield returns again and again to what it does best: killing sleeping people, destroying apartments, maiming children, striking rescuers, and calling it war.

Why this is important

For NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency this story is important not only as a Ukrainian tragedy but also as a warning for Israeli society. A world where an aggressor is allowed to strike residential areas with impunity quickly becomes more dangerous for Israel as well.

Russia has long ceased to be a ‘neutral player’ in the Middle Eastern and Ukrainian agenda. Its alliances, its rhetoric, its ties with Iran, and its willingness to justify terror make it part of a common hostile field where the lives of peaceful people are worth nothing.

Dnipro after the night strike is not just a city of destroyed entrances.

It is a mirror in which you can see what happens when a state turns a missile into a political argument, and the death of a child into a side effect of an imperial war.

Memory instead of indifference

The names of the dead children must be heard. Ilya. Oleg.

One had just finished second grade. The other was not yet three years old. They did not choose war, did not make decisions, did not threaten Russia, did not stand at a military facility. They were just sleeping at home next to their mothers.

They were killed by a Russian missile.

After such stories, it is especially important not to hide behind dry formulations. Not to write ‘both sides’. Not to say ‘tragedy of war’ as if the missile itself decided to fly into a residential building.

There is an aggressor.

There are victims.

There is the city of Dnipro, where on June 2, 2026, people once again buried children, and rescuers and volunteers retrieved bodies from under concrete, glass, and debris of foreign imperial hatred.

This is not an ordinary creative evening and not a standard meeting with an artist.

In the program, Filippenko combines literature, theater, personal memories, and a conversation about time — the very time that for many people was divided into “before” and “after” after February 24, 2022.

For the Israeli audience, this visit is important not only as a cultural event. Filippenko is an artist with a significant Soviet and Russian biography, but recent years have added another context to his name: a public anti-war stance, departure from Russia, support for Ukraine, and continued performances beyond the official Russian stage.

Where and when will Alexander Filippenko’s performances take place in Israel

The tour schedule covers four cities in Israel. All performances will start at 19:00.

Netanya

October 7, 2026, Wednesday
Hechal HaTarbut – Auditorium
4 Raziel St.

Ashdod

October 9, 2026, Friday
Matnas Duna-Yud
90 Keren Kayemet LeIsrael St.

Haifa

October 11, 2026, Sunday
Rappoport Hall
138 HaNasi Ave.

Tel Aviv

October 13, 2026, Tuesday
Tel Aviv Museum – Recanati Hall
27 Shaul HaMelech Ave.

Tickets

Tickets – are already available for purchase via the link

For Netanya, Ashdod, Haifa, and Tel Aviv, such evenings usually become not just part of the program but a meeting point for different audiences: people who remember Filippenko from cinema and theater, repatriates from Ukraine, the Ukrainian community in Israel, viewers for whom the topic of culture after the war is no longer neutral.

What is ‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’

The program ‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’ is structured as a monologue and personal conversation with the audience. Alexander Filippenko takes the stage not only as a performer of texts but as a person who lives these texts together with the audience.

The evening will be composed of prose, poetry, theatrical memories, and life stories. The program includes excerpts from Nikolai Gogol’s ‘Dead Souls’, Mikhail Zoshchenko’s works ‘The Steamboat’ and ‘Product Quality’, Sergey Dovlatov’s ‘The Reserve’, Boris Pasternak’s ‘Christmas Star’, as well as poems by Semyon Kirsanov, Yuri Levitansky, and Zhenya Berkovich.

The intonation itself is important here. Filippenko has long been known as an actor who can work on the edge of grotesque, irony, and tragic depth. His manner is not limited to beautiful reading of the text: he turns literary material into a living scene, where behind every word lies experience, memory, and inner freedom.

A special place in the program will be occupied by the artist’s personal stories — about filming in two versions of ‘The Master and Margarita’, working with Sergey Yursky, Alexei German, Sergey Loznitsa, and other directors. For the audience, this is a chance to hear not only famous texts but also the backstage story of an era, told by a person who was its direct participant.

Filippenko: why this evening sounds different

Alexander Filippenko was born on September 2, 1944, in Moscow. He graduated from MIPT, then the Shchukin Theater School, worked at the Taganka Theater, the Vakhtangov Theater, the Mossovet Theater. His filmography includes more than a hundred works, including ‘Visit to the Minotaur’, ‘Hard to Be a God’, ‘The Master and Margarita’, ‘Our Armored Train’, ‘Throw’, ‘Steps of the Emperor’, and other films.

At the same time, the Ukrainian trace in his biography is also noticeable.

Filippenko acted in films and TV projects related to Ukrainian cinema and Ukrainian studios: ‘Bumbarash’, ‘Born by the Revolution’, ‘The Last Resort of Kings’, ‘The Black Arrow’, ‘The Bridge Through Life’, ‘The Pit’, ‘A Woman for All’, ‘I Am Alone’.

For many viewers, he is remembered as one of the most striking performers of ‘dark side’ roles in Soviet and post-Soviet cinema. Filippenko played characters with sharp, almost grotesque energy: Koschei the Immortal, Death, Koroviev, and Azazello in versions of ‘The Master and Margarita’. Later, the wide audience also remembered him for the role of Andrey Zabaluev in the series ‘Poor Nastya’.

But today, Filippenko’s biography is read not only through the list of roles.

Back in March 2014, after the Russian intervention in Ukraine and the occupation of Crimea, he, along with a number of well-known Russian figures in science and culture, expressed disagreement with the Russian government’s policy in Crimea. This position was outlined in an open letter.

In 2018, Filippenko also supported Ukrainian director Oleg Sentsov, who was in Russian custody.

After the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the artist openly spoke out against the war. Ukrainian and emigrant media reported that his departure from Russia was related to his political position. The Mossovet Theater did not renew his contract in 2022, and concerts in Russia began to be canceled.

In his interview with DW, Alexander Filippenko stated that for him, February 24, 2022, when Russia attacked Ukraine, is one of the most shameful days in his life. He left his native country without hesitation and settled with his family in Lithuania.

The actor stated that he is ashamed of Russia and does not want to return to a country where dictatorial times have returned, against which he spoke out even during the USSR.

Moreover, Alexander performed a concert in Vilnius, where all proceeds from ticket sales were directed to help the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The actor also criticizes Russian propaganda and disinformation about the war.

A special symbol was his photograph in an embroidered shirt, published on Ukrainian Embroidery Day. In the caption, the artist recalled Kyiv, the Dovzhenko studio, chestnuts, friends, coziness, and warmth. For many, this gesture was important precisely because it came from a person whose professional life had been associated with the Russian stage for decades, but who did not hide behind it after the start of the war.

Together with his family, he lives in Vilnius (Lithuania) and is engaged in volunteer activities, participating in fundraising to help Ukrainians.

After moving to Europe, the artist did not stand aside and actively helps to raise funds for Ukrainians affected by the war.

The artist speaks sharply about dictatorial regimes and has repeatedly stated that he does not intend to return to Russia.

In a number of publications, it was also reported that Filippenko performed literary concerts in Europe, and the proceeds from certain events were directed to help Ukraine and the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In addition, the actor criticized Russian propaganda and disinformation about the war.

For NAnovosti — Israel News – Nikk.Agency, Alexander Filippenko’s visit to Israel looks not only as a point on the cultural program. This event is at the intersection of theater, memory, war, and personal choice. In Israel, where a large Ukrainian community lives and many people are connected with the culture of the former USSR, this context is especially acute.

The name of the program ‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’ in this sense sounds almost biographical. It is a question not only literary but also human. Where is the exit for an artist when the familiar country becomes a source of war? Where is the road if the old stage closes and silence becomes a form of consent?

Filippenko answers this not with a slogan, but with a stage. Literature. Voice. Memory.

That is why the Israeli performances in October 2026 may become more than just a tour of a famous actor. For some viewers, it will be a meeting with a master of theater and cinema. For others, an evening about the price of personal position. For others, an opportunity to hear how classical literature suddenly begins to speak about today without direct political declarations.

‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’ — a question that each viewer may hear in their own way. But in Alexander Filippenko’s story, it has already received a specific continuation: not to be silent, not to return to a convenient role, and to go where the word can still sound free.

Tickets are already available

The tour schedule covers four cities in Israel. All performances will start at 19:00.

Netanya

October 7, 2026, Wednesday
Hechal HaTarbut – Auditorium
4 Raziel St.

Ashdod

October 9, 2026, Friday
Matnas Duna-Yud
90 Keren Kayemet LeIsrael St.

Haifa

October 11, 2026, Sunday
Rappoport Hall
138 HaNasi Ave.

Tel Aviv

October 13, 2026, Tuesday
Tel Aviv Museum – Recanati Hall
27 Shaul HaMelech Ave.

Tickets

Tickets – are already available for purchase via the link

This is a place for exhibitions, meetings, lectures, and community events, where not only Ukrainians come, but also Israelis who find it important to understand neighbors and partners not through headlines, but through people and meanings.

What is this center and why is it needed in Israel

The center is associated with the Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Israel and operates as a cultural point of presence for Ukraine in the city.

To put it simply: it’s a space where you can see, hear, and “touch” Ukraine through culture — without unnecessary ideology and without the officialdom that often repels.

The Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv started on October 13, 2021 — in reports about the opening, this was called the beginning of work in test mode.

Separately, on the page of the Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Israel, it is noted that the center has been operating “since October 2021” and that it was previously in Bat Yam.

Where is it located

The address used in announcements and reference information:

22 Yirmeyahu Street, Tel Aviv, Israel.

How to get there – https://maps.app.goo.gl/YdLnoL4dH34XU7cP6

For the Israeli audience, it’s convenient to explain it like this: it’s a regular city address, not “somewhere in the suburbs,” and you can get there just like to any venue in Tel Aviv — the main thing is to check the time of the specific event.

What events are held there

Exhibitions and project presentations.

Public talks and lectures — from history and culture to contemporary topics.

Community evenings: intimate meetings, readings, music, conversational formats.

Sometimes practical classes appear — for families, teenagers, new immigrants, volunteer groups.

What makes this convenient for an Israeli: you can come “for one evening” and leave with an understanding of the context, which then significantly changes the perception of news and conversations on social networks.

Why this is important for Israel

Israel lives in a reality where cultural diplomacy is not an abstraction, but a part of everyday security, social resilience, and relations with neighbors and allies.

That is why NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency regularly pays attention to such platforms: sometimes one calm cultural conversation gives more than dozens of emotional discussions “in the comments.”

In the Israeli environment, this is also a way to maintain bridges between communities — without pressure, without slogans, but with real contacts and human normalcy.

If you want to propose your event or partnership

The most effective way is not a “post to nowhere,” but a short letter: who you are, what you want to do, for which audience, in what language, what format, and how many people you expect.

Organizers usually critically need to understand two things: whether it will be safe and understandable for the local audience, and whether the cultural platform is turning into a political rally.

What you can do right now

If you are Israeli and just want to understand — start with one event and see if it’s “yours” or not.

If you are from the Ukrainian community — use the center as a place where you can not only miss home but also gather around real activities: art, language, support, and communication.

And if you are media or a city activist — such points help explain the complex regional agenda in normal human language, without overheating and without cheap labels.

How to contact if you want to come or clarify details

Provided contact details:

Phone: 054-352-4326

Email: zoryan.kis@mfa.gov.ua

Follow announcements about events held at the “Ukrainian Cultural Center”:

https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=61561521344927

Here is an important nuance: such centers often live by the logic “from event to event,” so it’s better to clarify the language of the event, the format of entry, and the need for registration, even if you think “well, it’s just an exhibition.”

Haifa: Histadrut, 44 (Check-Post)

Winter 2025/2026

✨ First visit – only 268 shekels.
✨ Bring a friend, and you both get a gift!

In Haifa, there are clinics that sell the “effect,” and there are clinics that sell a plan. Sol Clinics is closer to the latter: the center has been operating since 2016, located in the Check-Post area, and emphasizes understanding the skin condition first before choosing procedures. Not “the trendiest,” but what won’t break the barrier and won’t add problems on top.

This is especially important in Israel. Here, even in winter, the skin lives in contrasts: sun and wind, dry indoor air, stress, lack of sleep. Therefore, the complaint “dull color” often goes along with “inflammations,” and “wrinkles” with “dehydration” and sensitivity. In such conditions, cosmetology becomes not a showcase but a tool: to bring the skin to a working state and maintain the result.

Details about the clinic and appointments:
https://cosmetology.nikk.co.il/

Where the clinic is located and why the location really affects the result

Sol Clinics is located at the entrance to Haifa, near Check-Post, at שד׳ ההסתדרות 44 (Histadrut 44), landmark — opposite מרכזית המפרץ. For the city, this is practical: it’s convenient to get here not only from Haifa but also from Krayot, Nesher, part of Carmel.

A separate plus — not “beautiful,” but useful: the clinic has free parking, and the entrance is organized so that you can enter without stairs, directly from the parking lot. This sounds trivial until a person realizes that the course is several visits, and each time they choose whether to go at all.

The working hours of clinics of this type usually extend into the evening. Here, work is declared until 19:00, and the last “after-work” slot is often set around 17:30–17:45. Appointments are available through the website and usually duplicated by quick communication channels (phone/WhatsApp) because it’s easier for people.

What skin and body problems are most often addressed here

Sol Clinics formulates tasks broadly, but essentially they fall into several groups. The center works with aesthetic and skin conditions where not one procedure is important, but the correct sequence.

Age-related changes and skin quality

Loss of elasticity, “soft” oval, flabbiness, fine wrinkles, tired tone. This is the category where people often say: “I don’t need a different face, I need mine to look more alive.”

Pigmentation and uneven tone

Spots after sun exposure, “mottling,” consequences of inflammations (post-inflammatory pigmentation), age-related tone changes.

Acne and post-acne

Inflammations, comedones, enlarged pores, traces after breakouts, sometimes scars. In Israel, adult acne is not uncommon, especially against the background of stress and climate.

Sensitive skin and “complex” conditions

Rosacea, seborrhea, atopic dermatitis, couperose, irritated skin. In such cases, any aggression can cause a setback, and that’s why diagnosis and a gentle pace are important.

Body: cellulite, tone, lymphatic drainage

Skin unevenness, cellulite, swelling, a request for a more even texture and a feeling of “lightness,” especially for those who sit a lot or are often on the road.

Why they start with diagnostics here, not with “choose a procedure from the menu”

This is the point that distinguishes normal practice from “just a salon.” In the clinic’s materials, it is emphasized: without diagnostics, the skin is not touched.

The diagnostic device in their description evaluates two indicators that really determine the fate of the protocol:

Phototype and melanin level

This affects how the skin can react to methods related to energy/light and helps reduce the risk of unwanted spots after procedures.

Inflammation level (including hidden)

If inflammation is high, the clinic does not rush with what can further irritate the skin: active peels, microneedling, fractional methods. First — recovery and stabilization, then — renewal.

From the outside, it looks like “they don’t sell us everything at once.” For the client, this is usually a good sign.

What procedures are available and how to logically choose them

On the clinic’s website, three of the most popular procedures of the season are highlighted: peeling, cryolifting, RF-lifting. These names are most often asked about. But more importantly — to understand what task they are suitable for.

Peeling

It is usually chosen when the skin has become dull, uneven, “rough,” and post-acne marks and pigmentation are more pronounced. Peeling is not about “scraping off the skin,” but about controlled surface renewal. That’s why clear diagnostics before peeling is not a whim: one skin tolerates it easily, another reacts with irritation.

Cryolifting

The procedure is usually taken under the request “I want to look more collected.” Cold protocols are often perceived as a gentle way to get a fresher look, reduce puffiness, and return a “clear” contour to the face without the feeling of aggression.

RF-lifting

RF is most often chosen when it comes to skin tone and density: oval, lower third of the face, overall firmness. In the clinic’s materials, this method is described as comfortable in sensations (the working area is heated to a controlled temperature) and suitable for those who want to “tighten” without surgery.

But the list doesn’t end there

The clinic’s description also includes other directions:

• Combined cleanings and care protocols when the skin needs to be “cleaned and normalized” without trauma.
• Mesostrip and multi-stage care aimed at skin quality, tone, recovery.
• Microneedling — as a tool for texture and renewal, considering that the skin after the procedure can be sensitive and needs proper support.
• Fractional directions (including fractional RF) — they are usually used when the goal is not “quick refresh,” but to work deeper with density, relief, and traces. At the same time, the clinic does not hide: some fractional methods may feel stronger than standard care procedures.
• IPL directions for acne/post-acne and pigmentation tasks — where it is important to work with redness, spots, and the overall skin background.

It is separately noted that the clinic uses a range of equipment (15 devices are mentioned), and preparations are selected according to the technique — without attempts to “replace with something cheaper,” so as not to break the protocol.

How the course is built and what is promised in terms of results

The clinic quite directly formulates expectations: a noticeable effect is possible after the first visit, but a stable result often requires a course — usually a range of 6–10 procedures (depending on the task).

There is another point that is usually important to people but rarely voiced: course adjustment along the way. In Sol Clinics’ materials, it is stated that in the middle of the program, the result is evaluated together with the client, and if the dynamics are weaker than expected, the protocol can be changed or strengthened without additional payment. This is not a “guarantee of a miracle,” but it is the logic of medical support: to look at the reaction, not to sell a standard package as unchangeable.

The clinic also talks about home care as part of the result: the description mentions the selection of care from professional lines (sets from several leading brands are mentioned), because without home support, the effect of the procedures often lives less.

Can face and body be done in one day

The clinic’s materials specifically state that if time allows and according to the schedule, face and body procedures can be combined in one day. For people who do not live in the center of Haifa or come from Krayot, this is really convenient: fewer trips, a higher chance to complete the course.

Details about the clinic and appointments:
https://cosmetology.nikk.co.il/

Sol Clinics in Haifa looks like an example of practical urban cosmetology: a convenient location at Check-Post, emphasis on diagnostics, course, and support, rather than loud promises. For readers of NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency, this is a case where “where it is located” and “how the course is conducted” are more important than the names of procedures on the showcase.

On July 9, 2025, the second episode of the “Balachky” podcast was released on the UDM Israel channel, in which Hanna Andriienko, owner of the “SHO?” restaurant, spoke about her journey from economist to the hostess of one of the most heartfelt Ukrainian establishments in Tel Aviv.

Below we will reveal the main topics of the conversation and recommend watching the full video to hear all the details firsthand:

Main Topics of the Conversation

• The story of turning a karaoke club into the “SHO?” restaurant
• Adapting “SHO?” to wartime restrictions and switching to takeout and delivery
• Cultural mission: gastronomic evenings, “Territory Show” and “Odessa Courtyard”
• The role of “SHO?” in the life of the Ukrainian community in Israel: support, gatherings, and traditions
• Challenges and achievements of Ukrainians in Tel Aviv: how the community unites and develops

The “SHO?” Restaurant – A Home for the Ukrainian Soul in Israel

• Origin story: a sudden call from the former owner of a karaoke club and Hanna’s bold decision to create a “place of strength.”
• Atmosphere and menu: interior with Ukrainian rushnyky, family recipes for borscht, varenyky, deruny, and six types of signature nalivky.
• Supporting guests: the switch to takeout and delivery during the crisis when it was important to keep warmth in the community.

Subscribe to the “SHO?” Restaurant on Facebook: facebook.com/shoukrainianfood

3 Karlibach Street, Tel Aviv, Israel

The Ukrainian Community in Israel: Challenges and Achievements

Community Challenges

Emotional burnout after intense months, lack of coordination among initiatives, adaptation of new arrivals, and the need to preserve traditions.

Main Achievements

Regular “Zdybanka” gatherings with hundreds of participants, cultural projects “Territory Show” and “Odessa Courtyard,” volunteer campaigns, and the growth of the UDM Israel channel, confirming keen interest in the topic.

UDM Israel and the “Balachky” Podcast

UDM Israel https://www.youtube.com/@udmIsrael is the first Ukrainian-language channel from Israel where activists and entrepreneurs share stories of resilience and support in the “Balachky” format.

The high production quality and live format make this project a true bridge between cultures.

On the NAnews — Israel News website, we continue to tell stories of resilience and mutual aid. The stories of “SHO?” and UDM Israel inspire and show: together we are stronger.

The Role of the Monument and Its Symbolism

The monument is designed as broken sacrificial millstones with a raised hand, symbolizing the suffering and resistance of the victims of the Holodomor. This symbolism also reflects the fact that many Ukrainians who survived this genocide were subjected to hunger and brutal repression, and their memory remains a vital part of Ukrainian history today.

The Author of the Monument: Lyudmyla Temertiy

The monument was created by Canadian artist of Ukrainian descent Lyudmyla Temertiy, who is the author of the first Holodomor monument installed in 1983 in Edmonton (Canada).

“The first-ever Holodomor memorial to the victims of 1932-1933 in Ukraine was opened on October 23, 1983, in Edmonton (Alberta, Canada). The monument was built in 1983 at the initiative of the Edmonton branch of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress. The author is Lyudmyla Temertiy from Montreal, whose mother survived the Holodomor.

The monument is made in the form of a broken circle, symbolizing the intentionally broken life cycle (its resemblance to millstones is striking). Tired hands are raised in resistance, pleading for an end to the torture. The inscription on the monument is in English and French: “In eternal memory of the millions who died during the man-made famine-genocide caused by the Soviet regime in Moscow in 1932-1933. We stand guard against tyranny, violence, and inhumanity.”

Even before the monument was installed, the Soviet Embassy in Canada expressed its protest.”

Lyudmyla Temertiy, along with David Robinson, created the monument in Jerusalem, which features broken millstones with a raised hand, symbolizing the suffering and resistance of the victims of hunger and political repression.

Quote from Lesya Hasidzhak

Lesya Hasidzhak, director of the National Holodomor Genocide Museum (Ukraine), commented on the installation of the monument as follows:

“We as an institution are still clarifying the official details (when it was installed, whether there will be an official opening), but it seems that in Jerusalem, at the Wohl Rose Garden, between the Knesset and the Supreme Court, the first Holodomor monument has appeared in Israel.

This is the result of the cooperation of the city of Jerusalem, the Temerty Foundation, the Embassy of Ukraine, HREC, and the Jerusalem Development Authority.”

The author is Canadian artist of Ukrainian descent, Lyudmyla Temertiy (along with David Robinson, as indicated on the plaque), another monument by her, almost identical to the Jerusalem one, was installed 41 years ago in Edmonton, Canada.

I fully understand the organizational silence, as there are many Russians and vandals in Israel. But the significance of this event is immense, and gratitude to all involved is boundless.”

Unofficial Opening and Ceremony

The monument was installed (according to information from reliable sources) not in April, but earlier. However, according to the original plans, the official opening of the monument was supposed to coincide with a visit from high-ranking officials from Ukraine to Israel, including the potential visit of the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky.

However, the visit of the President of Ukraine has not yet taken place for known and unknown reasons, and the information about the monument has not been officially disseminated, despite its significance and importance for both countries.

On April 17, 2025, the first person to report on the monument was volunteer Martin Danichev, who lives in Petah Tikva. He published photos of the monument on Facebook and wrote:

“I am pleasantly shocked. A monument to the victims of the Holodomor of 1932-1933 has been opened in Jerusalem.”

Danichev also noted that the monument was recently installed, in 2025, and added that “it’s hard to explain how important this is.”

This news became significant for the Ukrainian community and was quickly picked up by the media.

The official opening of the monument at the Wohl Rose Garden has not yet occurred, as the park itself is under reconstruction. The Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv reported that the official opening of the monument will take place after the park work is completed. The date and time of the ceremony will be published on the pages of The Embassy of Ukraine in Israel and The Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv. This important moment for the Ukrainian community in Israel and around the world is expected to be widely covered.

Symbolism of the Monument and Its Significance

The monument in Jerusalem is designed in the form of broken sacrificial millstones with a raised hand, on which there are five ears of wheat, symbolizing the suffering of millions of Ukrainians who became victims of the Holodomor. This monument symbolizes not only a historical tragedy but also the struggle for human rights, and the memory of victims of violence and cruelty.

Project of the Monument and Support

The project of the monument was supported by a number of organizations, including James Konstantin Temerty, a Canadian businessman and philanthropist. He actively supports cultural and educational projects related to Ukraine. Other important participants in the project included HREC and The Jerusalem Development Authority, which played a key role in the organization and installation of the monument.

James Konstantin Temerty: Businessman and Philanthropist

James Konstantin Temerty is a Canadian businessman and philanthropist, founder of the company “Northland Power”. He actively supports projects in the fields of culture and history, including the installation of Holodomor monuments in different countries, such as Israel and Canada. James and Lyudmyla Temerty are siblings, and both actively support cultural initiatives aimed at preserving the memory of the tragedies of the Ukrainian people. James Temerty is also the founder of the project Ukrainian Jewish Encounter (UJE), which aims to promote understanding and cooperation between the Ukrainian and Jewish peoples.

Lyudmyla Temerty: Artist and Activist

Lyudmyla Temerty, born in 1944 in Slovakia, is a renowned artist and activist of Ukrainian descent. She is the author of the first Holodomor monument, installed in 1983 in Edmonton, Canada. Her works are dedicated to preserving the memory of the Holodomor and other tragedies of the Ukrainian people. Lyudmyla is actively involved in public life, supporting Ukrainian culture and education.

Ukrainian Jewish Encounter Project

Ukrainian Jewish Encounter (UJE) is a project supported by James Temerty, aimed at fostering understanding between the Ukrainian and Jewish peoples. The project includes educational initiatives, publications, and events dedicated to the shared historical heritage, including the Holocaust and the Holodomor. This project continues Temerty’s efforts to preserve historical memory and strengthen ties between the two peoples.

Israel’s Recognition of the Holodomor

Israel has not officially recognized the Holodomor of 1932–1933 in Ukraine as an act of genocide.

In 2008, the Israeli Ambassador to Ukraine, Zina Kalai-Klaytman, stated that Israel acknowledges the Holodomor as a great tragedy of the Ukrainian people but cannot recognize it as genocide because “the famine affected not only Ukrainians but also other nations.”

In 2016, a bill was presented in the Knesset to recognize the Holodomor as genocide, but it was not passed due to political difficulties and the delicacy of the issue in the context of relations with Russia.

In 2018, Member of Knesset Akran Khasson proposed a bill which also failed to gain support in parliament.

In 2019, during the visit of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky urged Israel to recognize the Holodomor as an act of genocide. However, Netanyahu did not publicly respond to this request, and Israel did not change its stance.

In 2021, Israeli President Isaac Herzog visited Ukraine and laid a wreath at the Holodomor memorial in Kyiv, but Israel still refrains from officially recognizing the tragedy as genocide.

In 2022, Israeli Ambassador to Kyiv Michael Brodsky stated that this was due to the fact that “there is no practice in Israel of recognizing or not recognizing national tragedies.”

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Since its founding, NAnews – News of Israel has actively covered topics related to Ukrainian-Israeli relations, significant cultural and historical events for the Ukrainian and Jewish communities. The issue of preserving historical memory, especially about tragedies such as the Holodomor, holds special significance for both communities. The installation of the monument in Jerusalem becomes not only an important moment in the history of Ukraine but also a key step in strengthening cultural ties between the two peoples.

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“Bright memory to Maksym Bulygin.
We remember. We respect. We will not forget.
Baruch Dayan HaEmet – Blessed is the True Judge“, – from the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine.

On January 20, 2026, in Zhytomyr, a commemorative event was held dedicated to the unveiling of a memorial plaque for Maksym Bulygin — a graduate of the private lyceum “Or Avner!, who died on June 10, 2024, defending Ukraine. The ceremony was attended by parents, relatives, students, teachers, and representatives of the city’s Jewish community.

Maksym Bulygin was a serviceman of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, a volunteer who decided to defend the country from the first months of the full-scale war. The memorial plaque, installed on the walls of the lyceum where he studied, became a sign of respect and gratitude from the community and the educational institution, as well as a reminder of the price Ukraine pays for freedom and independence.

Memorial ceremony at the school where he studied

The unveiling of the memorial plaque took place in a restrained and focused atmosphere. For the Or Avner lyceum, this event holds special significance: Maksym was not an abstract hero but a student of this school, a graduate who was well remembered here.

During the event, words were spoken about his life path, character, choices, and courage. Those present honored Maksym’s memory with a minute of silence. For the school’s students, the ceremony became an important moment of realizing that the war is not a distant news story but a reality that affects their environment, their city, and their school.

Official position of the community

The event was also reported by representatives of the Jewish community of Ukraine. In the published message it says:

Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine:

«🕯 Honoring the memory of the Hero — Maksym Bulygin.

On January 20, a solemn event was held at the private lyceum “Or Avner” in the city of Zhytomyr, dedicated to the unveiling of a memorial plaque for Maksym Bulygin — a graduate of the lyceum who died on June 10, 2024, defending Ukraine.

The event was attended by parents, students, teachers, and guests. Those present honored the memory of the Hero, recalled his life path, courage, self-sacrifice, and the road he traveled for the freedom of his country. This day became a reminder of the price of freedom and of those who gave the most valuable thing for it — their lives.

Bright memory to Maksym Bulygin.

We remember. We honor. We will not forget.

Baruch Dayan HaEmet — Blessed is the True Judge».

Biography and personal history

Maksym Bulygin was born and raised in Zhytomyr. He had Ukrainian citizenship, and by nationality, he was a Ukrainian Jew — this information is indicated in the Ukrainian Wikipedia and is confirmed by his biography and participation in the life of the city’s Jewish community.

He was the only child in the family. He attended a Jewish kindergarten, later, after graduating from the Chabad lyceum “Or Avner” (where his grandmother worked as a teacher for 25 years), he entered Vocational School No. 18, where he obtained the profession of “Cook-Baker”.

He was a diligent student, sang in the choir, found a long-term hobby — chess (backgammon). From childhood, he was an active member of the Jewish community of Zhytomyr. From 2019 to 2021, he served in the Ukrainian army, serving as a rifleman. After demobilization, he worked at “Nova Poshta”, first as a loader, later becoming a scanner.

On February 24, 2022, at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, Maks received a summons and immediately stood up to defend his native Ukraine. He fought in various formations. Shortly before his death, he was in the ranks of the 117th Separate Mechanized Brigade. He served for 2.5 years in the east — Bakhmut, Avdiivka, Zaitseve, and beyond. He almost died several times.

In 2024, Maksym was transferred to another battalion, offered to become a UAV operator, he mastered this specialty, and when he went on his first combat mission, he did not return. UAV operator Maksym-Wolf Bulygin heroically died on June 10, 2024, during a combat mission to defend Ukraine from Russian aggressors in the village of Robotyne, Zaporizhzhia region, when the occupiers dropped explosives on his position.

A year before his death, Maksym found a beloved, they set a wedding date for the end of June, the defender agreed on leave, but two weeks before the desired day, he died.

“Grandma’s boy”

Behind the official formulations and biographical references lies the personal side of Maksym’s life, which his relatives talk about. Maksym’s grandmother, Tatyana Lipinska, recalls:

“He called himself ‘grandma’s boy’.”

This simple phrase sharply contrasts with the image of a soldier and emphasizes the human dimension of his fate. For the family, Maksym was not only a serviceman and hero but also a grandson, a close person, with a warm attachment to his relatives.

Service and death

On June 10, 2024, Maksym Bulygin died while performing a combat mission in the Zaporizhzhia direction. His death was a heavy blow to his family, friends, and community.

On June 25, 2024, after a traditional Jewish farewell ceremony near the synagogue in Zhytomyr, conducted by Rabbi Shlomo Wilhelm, Maksym Bulygin was buried at the Smolyansky City Military Cemetery.

For personal courage shown in the defense of the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, selfless fulfillment of military duty, he was awarded – by Decree of the President of Ukraine dated November 27, 2024, No. 787, the Order of “For Courage” III degree (posthumously).

On June 20, the Chief Rabbi of Kyiv and Ukraine Moshe Asman wrote about Maksym Bulygin’s death on his Facebook page. By the same Presidential Decree No. 787, and the same award, (posthumously) was given to the son of Rabbi Moshe Asman — Samborsky Matityahu.

The significance of the event for the community and the city

The unveiling of the memorial plaque in Zhytomyr is significant not only as a local event. It is part of a broader process of preserving the memory of the fallen defenders of Ukraine — regardless of their origin, religion, or nationality.

Maksym Bulygin’s story refutes propagandist myths about the alleged “detachment” of national minorities from the defense of Ukraine. The country’s Jewish community has been involved in the defense from the first days of the war — on the front lines, in volunteering, in humanitarian aid.

Memory as responsibility

At the Or Avner lyceum, they emphasize that the memorial plaque is not only a sign of mourning but also an element of educational work. It will remind students of the real fates of the school’s graduates, the price of decisions, and that freedom does not exist by itself.

Maksym’s story is the story of a person who made a choice and remained true to it until the end. For his school, city, and community, this choice became part of the collective memory.

“We remember everyone who holds the sky above us”

“We remember everyone who holds the sky above us” — this formula, voiced during the ceremony, became the unofficial conclusion of the event. The memorial plaque on the walls of the lyceum is a reminder of a specific life, a specific fate, and a specific loss.

Maksym Bulygin will forever remain in the memory of his family, teachers, classmates, and the Zhytomyr community. His name is inscribed not only on the school walls but also in the modern history of Ukraine — a history that is being written here and now, at the cost of human lives. It is precisely such stories, behind which stand real people and real losses, NANews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency consider important to preserve and tell, so that the memory of the fallen defenders does not turn into a dry line of the chronicle.

In the interview, she talked about her unique mission in Ukraine, the challenges of war, the promotion of Israeli culture, and personal experiences.

Regina Shafir is the wife of the Israeli ambassador to Ukraine, Michael Brodsky. Their children serve in the Israel Defense Forces, highlighting their connection to both countries.

Despite difficult circumstances, she continues to actively strengthen cultural ties between Israel and Ukraine by organizing lectures, exhibitions, and other events.

Painting Bomb Shelters and Working During the War

One of the most emotional moments of the interview was related to a project implemented by Regina Shafir and her colleague Zoya Sever. In November 2024, the artists transformed the bomb shelter of the children’s hospital “Okhmatdet” in Kyiv, turning it into a bright and cozy space.

We wrote about this – “Israeli Artists Transformed a Bomb Shelter in Kyiv’s Children’s Hospital ‘Okhmatdet’: Art for Children During the War”

“We wanted to give children the opportunity to escape, even in such difficult conditions. Art helps to cope with anxiety and fear,” shared Regina.

Israeli Culture in Ukraine

Despite challenging times, Regina actively works on promoting Israeli culture. In the interview, she detailed the “Month of Israeli Series” held in Ukraine at the end of 2024.

“Israeli culture is unique in its sentimentality. Even military and dramatic plots always touch the depths of the soul,” she noted.

Also discussed were:

• The role of new immigrants in cultural diplomacy.
• The complexities of interaction between Israeli and Ukrainian cultural environments.

Criticism of Israel and Personal Experiences

Regina openly expressed her views on the criticism directed at Israel by Ukrainians, emphasizing the importance of dialogue and mutual understanding.

A particularly touching moment was when Regina talked about her sons serving in the IDF, participating in military actions. “Death has become too close. It makes you appreciate every moment of life,” she shared.

Art and Public Opinion

An important part of the interview was Regina’s reflections on art in wartime conditions and the changing perception of the artist by society. She raised topics such as:

• Confronting public opinion.
• The impact of artificial intelligence on creativity.
• Time management and work on the cartoon “Hatul Tov.”

“An artist remains relevant always because art is a reflection of life and history,” emphasized Shafir.

Regina Shafir’s Cartoons

Regina detailed her cartoons, including works that address important social and cultural themes. Among the mentioned projects are her blog and animations that have already gained popularity in Israel and beyond.

Personal Notes: Life on the Move and the Inner Child

The interview concluded with light and heartfelt topics. Regina talked about the life of diplomats, her children, and how she manages to maintain her inner child despite all the challenges.

“I feel like a citizen of the world. And this helps me understand others and convey my experiences through art,” she shared.

Conclusion

Regina Shafir is a vivid example of a person who builds bridges between cultures through art, even in difficult times. Her creativity, personal example, and cultural mission strengthen ties between Israel and Ukraine.

You can learn more about Regina’s cartoons and her projects on her channel: https://www.youtube.com/@regishafir

Our website NANews — News of Israel continues to cover stories of people uniting our countries and shares unique examples of cultural interaction.

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The story of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky is shared in our section “!! History and Facts” because his life and activities are crucial for understanding the relationships between Ukrainians and Jews, as well as recognizing the role he played in saving Jews during the Holocaust. This story helps uncover significant pages of our shared history, strengthening mutual respect and support between peoples, while also supporting the effort to present the past objectively and honestly, free from distortions and propaganda.

Original – in “Ukrainian Jewish Encounter” (UJE).

Andrey Sheptytsky — one of the spiritual authorities of the Ukrainian nation. A count by birth, one of the wealthy people of Galicia, he dedicated himself to serving the Lord and reached the rank of Metropolitan. The true test of his leadership came during a time when totalitarian regimes — Nazi Germany and the Communist Soviet Union — tried to establish control over Galicia. Sheptytsky had the greatest spiritual influence as head of the Greek-Catholic Church in the region during the time of the Shoah.

Officially adopting the same position as most (except one) Christian churches of Europe, i.e., welcoming the new Nazi government, Metropolitan Sheptytsky unofficially played an active role in saving Jews.

In his inner circle — at least seven Righteous Among the Nations, and Israel does not deny Sheptytsky’s role in saving Jews.

Dozens of Nominations for Righteous Among the Nations

The Ukrainian Jewish Encounter (UJE) has a comment from the Holocaust History Memorial Complex “Yad Vashem” (Jerusalem) regarding the issue of awarding Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky the title of Righteous Among the Nations.

This issue has been a topic of debate in the Ukrainian-Israeli dialogue for many years, and since 1964, when the rabbi David Kagane, saved by the Metropolitan, first submitted an application to “Yad Vashem” for Sheptytsky to be awarded this high honor. This was shared with us by Dr. Yuriy Skira for UJE, Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Ecumenical Studies at the Ukrainian Catholic University.

After Ukraine gained independence in 1991, the restored Jewish community of Ukraine repeatedly submitted requests to “Yad Vashem” to recognize Sheptytsky as Righteous Among the Nations.

This idea was initiated and supported by several representatives and leaders of Jewish organizations in Ukraine since the early 1990s, according to the co-chairman of the Vaad of Ukraine, Yosif Zissels. In particular, collective letters were sent to “Yad Vashem”. It is also known that the Ukrainian-Jewish Relations Society in Israel, led by Alexander Feldman and Yakov Suslensky, had previously, in the early 1980s, submitted an application to “Yad Vashem” to posthumously award Metropolitan Sheptytsky the status of Righteous Among the Nations.

What “Yad Vashem” Says

Recall that, according to the legislation of the state of Israel, the title of Righteous Among the Nations is awarded to non-Jews who saved Jews during the Holocaust, did not gain any material benefit from it, and understood that they were saving Jews, fully aware of the possible grave consequences for themselves. The decision to award this high title is made by the “Yad Vashem” commission, which includes Holocaust survivors, historians, rabbis, etc. The decision is confirmed by the Supreme Court of Israel.

“To date, no documents have been found that would record direct orders from the head of the Greek-Catholic Church regarding providing assistance or sheltering Jews. This is explained by the danger of the time and the consequences for people if such things had fallen into the hands of the German Security Police. According to testimonies, the Metropolitan gave oral requests to his assistants regarding the hiding of Jews,” says Y. Skira.

Despite this, as UJE was told by “Yad Vashem”,

“In 2012, the ‘Yad Vashem’ commission dedicated a whole meeting to reviewing the case of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky, thoroughly studying all documents and testimonies. The commission concluded that Sheptytsky provided shelter to Jews in his residence during the Holocaust.”

As human rights defender Myroslav Marynovych writes in his article “Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky: A Test for Europe”,

“Andrey Sheptytsky, with the Greek-Catholic Church he led, notably with his brother Klyment Sheptytsky, abbot of the Holy Spirit Uniates Monastery, developed a whole network for rescuing Jews condemned to destruction under the Nazi occupation. It is estimated that about 200 Jews were saved by them, risking their own lives and the life of the Church as a whole.”

Nonetheless, “Yad Vashem” believes there are obstacles to recognizing him as Righteous Among the Nations.

As Yuriy Skira recalls, during the first review of Sheptytsky’s case in “Yad Vashem” in the 1960s, the obstacle was the fact that if the head of any church is recognized as Righteous Among the Nations, it would imply that the entire church participated in saving Jews.

However, this cannot be said about any Christian denomination. Only Jehovah’s Witnesses refused to swear an oath to Hitler as a whole community during the Shoah. For this, they were equated with enemies of the regime, arrested, and held in concentration camps where they wore a separate badge: a purple triangle. In other Christian churches, there were both Righteous and those who supported Hitler’s regime, whether sincerely or just for appearances.

Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky also wrote congratulatory letters to Hitler. In response to the inquiry from the “Ukrainian-Jewish Encounter,” “Yad Vashem” responded,

“The commission considered Sheptytsky’s initial support for Nazi Germany and his role in encouraging Ukrainians to join auxiliary forces, which later participated in the killing of Jews. Weighing these complex historical factors, including Sheptytsky’s significant influence as a Ukrainian national leader at the beginning of the war, despite his subsequent change in position, the Commission confirmed its previous decision not to award him the title of Righteous Among the Nations.”

How Metropolitan Sheptytsky Saved Jews During the Shoah

UJE previously reported on the Shoah and the rescue of Jews in Western Ukraine. According to Yuriy Skira,

“Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky involved only his closest associates in the task of sheltering Jews, meaning people he could trust with such a complex and dangerous task.”

This primarily includes the Metropolitan’s secretaries, Fathers Ivan Kotiv and Volodymyr Hrytsay, selected monks and nuns from the Studite Monastic Order, and some nuns from various orders and congregations, such as the Order of Saint Basil the Great.

Anatoliy Podolskyi, historian and head of the Ukrainian Center for Holocaust Studies, states that “when the Nazi occupiers arrived, Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky was in Lviv and made contact with the occupiers. It is important to understand that in 1939, after two years of Soviet crimes in Galicia, few thought the German regime would be as criminal as the Soviet one.”

When the Metropolitan understood the dire situation for Jews, he began participating in their rescue.

“In 1942, he wrote a letter to Himmler, defending the Jews. The Germans wanted to arrest him, but the Metropolitan’s influence in Lviv was immense,” notes A. Podolskyi.

Also, according to newly declassified documents from the Vatican archives in 2020, at the beginning of World War II, Sheptytsky wrote a warning to Pope Pius XII:

“Jews are the first innocent victims.”

This was reported at a seminar for the project Echoes and Reflections, dedicated to the Shoah.

Myroslav Marynovych comments on this issue in a scientific article:

“The history of Sheptytsky’s relationship with OUN and UPA deserves careful and unbiased study, the time for which has only now come, when the ‘crooked mirrors’ of totalitarian ideologies have finally broken. Clearly, there we will also find some tactical miscalculations by Sheptytsky, but, as I firmly believe, we will not find any indulgence of retribution heroism, as sometimes happened even in the case of the clergy of both sides. This is confirmed by numerous cautious messages from the Metropolitan, and, surprisingly, by a lingering suspicion among the Galician Ukrainians of that time that his restrained position was motivated by pro-Polish sympathies.”

Myroslav Marynovych recalls the scientific studies of Dr. Julian Bussgang.

“Dr. Bussgang rightly pointed out that ‘Sheptytsky’s support for the newly formed Ukrainian government was not unconditional. In his addresses at the time, the Metropolitan clearly outlined the conditions under which the Church would support this government’s activities: (1) when its decrees do not contradict God’s laws, (2) when the state will wisely exercise its power, and (3) when the state administration takes into account the needs of all inhabitants of the country, regardless of religion, nationality, or social status.’

Righteous Among the Nations in Sheptytsky’s Circle

According to the research of Yuriy Skira, among the people who received the title of Righteous Among the Nations and worked closely with the Metropolitan to save Jews, the following should be noted:

• Mother Yosifa (Viter) — longtime abbess of the Holy Protection Women’s Monastery of the Studite Order;
• Blessed Priest Martyr Klymentiy (Sheptytsky) — Metropolitan’s brother, abbot of the Holy Spirit Uniate Monastery of the Studite Order;
• Hieromonk Mark (Stek);
• Bishop Nikanor (Deineha) — assistant bishop of the Lviv Archdiocese of the Greek Catholic Church during the underground period, and the only Greek Catholic bishop on the list as of 2024;
• Hieromonk Daniil (Tymchyn);
• Schemonk Luke (Shyian) and Theodosiy (Tsibrivsky).

Also, the godson of Sheptytsky is the Righteous Among the Nations Vasyl Popel from Boryslav, who, with his family, saved the Lipman family. This family is featured in one of the films from the series “The Word of the Righteous.”

“I fully support the idea that Metropolitan Sheptytsky should be recognized as Righteous Among the Nations. He has earned this title many times. This is not only my opinion but also the position of the Jewish community of Ukraine, which awarded Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky the title of Righteous of Ukraine. I believe the new generation of researchers in ‘Yad Vashem’ will come to this conclusion,” says A. Podolskyi.

He believes that the reason Sheptytsky has not been recognized as Righteous Among the Nations is related to the absence of punishment for the crimes of Leninism, Stalinism, and the Gulag, unlike the crimes of Nazi socialism.

“The lack of a unanimous international position regarding the crimes of Stalinism affected the decisions of people in ‘Yad Vashem’. This became the reason that allowed Russia to attack Ukraine today. In my opinion, this war should accelerate the decision-making process in ‘Yad Vashem’ in favor of Metropolitan Sheptytsky as Righteous Among the Nations,” concludes A. Podolskyi.

Author – Margarita Ormoцadze – Original – in “Ukrainian Jewish Encounter” (UJE).

Margarita Ormoцadze is the co-founder/producer of the project “The Word of the Righteous” (Word of the Righteous), which tells the story of Ukrainians who saved Jews across Ukraine during the Holocaust.

NAnews – Israel News‼️: The story of Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky is an important part of the shared historical memory, highlighting his significant role in saving Jews during the Holocaust.

In the section “!! History and Facts” we emphasize how his work contributes to strengthening mutual respect between Ukrainians and Jews, as well as helping to understand the past correctly, without distortions and propaganda. Learn more about the Metropolitan’s contribution to saving the Jewish people and his complex role in history.

Steven Spielberg is one of the most famous directors in human history! Category 🔯 — Jews from Ukraine #jewsukraine

📍 Born: 12/18/1946, Cincinnati 🇺🇸

💙💛 Spielberg's grandparents were Jews from Kamenets-Podolsky and Sudilkov, Khmelnitsky region. Ukraine

🔯 His mother ran a kosher halawi (dairy) restaurant. All of his immediate family were religious Jews. Stephen attended Hebrew school and also celebrated his bar mitzvah. His family was involved in the synagogue and had many Jewish friends.

🤔Spielberg had a hard time accepting his heritage

“I hate to admit it… but as a child, God forgive me, I was ashamed because we were Orthodox Jews. I was ashamed of the external perception.”

At school, anti-Semites broke his nose twice. “It was terrible.”

💍Spielberg met actress Kate Capshaw when he filmed her in the film Indiana Jones. They married in 1991, and the bride converted to Judaism at the time of their marriage.

Stephen said:

“Kate is a Protestant and she insisted on converting to Judaism. She spent a year studying, doing the mikveh, all of this. She decided to convert completely before our marriage. This, more than anything else, brought me back to Judaism. This shiksa (non-Jewish in Yiddish) made me a better Jew than my parents.”

🕯About the Holocaust, he said that his parents “talked about it all the time, and so it was always in my mind.”. His father lost at least 16 relatives in the Holocaust. In 1993, Spielberg directed Schindler's List about a businessman who helped save 1,100 Jews from the Holocaust. The film was included in all major ratings of the best films in history.

🇮🇱 Spielberg's Munich (2005) tells the story of the Israeli government's retaliation against Arab terrorists after 11 Israeli Olympians were kidnapped and killed during the 1972 Olympics.

📝 The Steven Spielberg Jewish Film Archive is dedicated to the preservation and research of Jewish documentaries. The archive is run by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and the World Zionist Organization. The archive contains more than 16,000 pieces of content.

🕎 Together with Victor Pinchuk (Ukraine), he produced the documentary film “Say Your Name”. The film tells about the survivors of Babi Yar, and was filmed based on the testimony of the Holocaust Survivors Foundation. The fund contains 55,000 video testimonies in 43 languages ​​from 65 countries, making it the largest archive of its kind in the world.

🇺🇦In 2006, Spielberg visited Ukraine for the first time in his life at the premiere of this film. The film had a significant impact on Ukrainian-Jewish relations and changed the understanding of the Holocaust in Ukraine.

👾In Spielberg's film “War of the Worlds” the events of the alien attack begin with anomalies in Ukraine.

🤝 In addition to cultural influence, Spielberg has repeatedly supported Israel and Ukraine:
❤️Donated $1 million to help Israel during the 2006 Lebanon War
❤️His sister Nancy is the founder and director of the Children of Chernobyl charity organization. Stephen also supports this company.
❤️In 2022, in connection with the Russian invasion of Ukraine, he and his wife donated $1 million to Ukrainian refugees.
❤️ In 2023, following the Hamas attack on Israel, the Shoah Foundation, founded by Spielberg, collected more than 100 video testimonies from survivors of the October 7 attacks to add to the Holocaust Survivors collection. He said: “I never thought I would see such unspeakable barbarity against the Jews in my lifetime.”

🏆 Spielberg is one of the most awarded cinema figures and officially the most commercially successful director in history. He alone has received a Best Director nomination for six consecutive decades:

• Oscar: 3 awards / 23 nominations
• Emmy: 12 / 27
• Golden Globe: 9/24
• BAFTA: 2 / 14
• And hundreds more.
• He also received a special medal from the President of Israel 🥇

🎬 Featured films:

• Jaws;
• Alien;
• Indiana Jones film series;
• Jurassic Park;
• Schindler's List;
• Saving Private Ryan;
• Catch me if you can;
• Terminal;
• Munich.
  —

This article was prepared specifically for the site NAnews — Israel News, where you will find even more interesting stories about prominent Jews from Ukraine, such as Steven Spielberg.

Veda section @davidkrutonog — Jew from Ukraine and founder of a marketing agency tlv.agency

#jewsukraine

Leave a comment on Telegram – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

Not staff maps.
Not briefings.

People who suddenly began to do more than expected of them.

Here is the entire series – “Bridges of Hope” 9 episodes:

“The large-scale documentary project of Channel 9 «Bridges of Hope». This is not a chronicle of military actions. It is a chronicle of the human spirit. Since October 7, 2023, the life of Israel has changed forever. In this 9-episode series, we will embark on a journey across the country — from the shelled North to the wounded South. We will show the stories of doctors, volunteers, soldiers, and civilians who, in the moment of greatest tragedy, found the strength not just to survive, but to become a support for each other.”

By the finale, in the 9-1 episode titled “This is Why Israel Always Wins” | Bridges of Hope – final episode, the author leads the viewer to those who already had experience in civil mobilization:

“In the final episode, we will tell the stories of people and organizations from different parts of Israeli society. Left and right, residents of the noisy center and distant periphery, who in the country’s difficult hour left all disputes behind and began to help their country, showing its most beautiful sides.

📌 Heroes of the episode:

Professor Albert Penkhasov, rector of Ariel University, directed all efforts to help students and their families. Lecturers conducted Zoom lectures for reservist students who were in Gaza.

Representatives of the movement «Brothers in Arms» turned the protest infrastructure into a large-scale volunteer headquarters engaged in evacuation, logistics, and assistance to the residents of the south.

Elena Mrost and Rabbi Eli Talberg created a support center for the families of the deceased in Karmiel, helping them cope with loss and not be left alone with their pain.

Anna Zharova and the organization «Israeli Friends of Ukraine» coordinated the evacuation of Sderot residents, food delivery, and support for soldiers.

Nine episodes ago, we set out to find the answer to the main question: what holds us together despite all trials and disagreements?

We sincerely hope that through the pain you were able to see the main thing — our resilience, our love, and hope”.

Thus, in the frame appear Israeli Friends of Ukraine and their co-founder Anna Zharova.

Experience brought from another catastrophe

Before the Israeli war, this team worked for many years with the Ukrainian direction. Initially, helping those affected after 2014. Then — large-scale support programs after 2022: humanitarian cargo, escorting the wounded, finding housing, coordination between donors and volunteers.

This was not a spontaneous initiative.

This was a well-established system.

On October 7, it became clear that such systems were needed within the country.

Phones, lists, drivers, understanding how to act when official structures are overloaded. Not theory. Practice.

In the film, this is stated calmly, without pathos: people already had the skill of working in chaos. Therefore, they could start immediately.

Where the finale is filmed and why there

Haifa as a working point, not a decoration

The interview was recorded at a volunteer center for helping Ukrainian refugees in Haifa. The logic of the choice is clear. It was here that a network accustomed to round-the-clock workload was formed over the years.

There was no need to invent a structure.

It existed.

Later, Zharova will formulate the meaning of the filming as follows:

«For us, this is more than an interview. It is a conversation about choice, responsibility, and humanity».

The phrase is short. But in it — the entire explanation of why this line became part of the final episode.

Those who are off-screen

Television is limited by time. However, Zharova emphasizes the names of those who worked nearby: Ella Storm, Vyacheslav Feldman, Sashenka Zhuravel.

Her position is straightforward:

«These are the people without whom this story would not have been heard».

For documentarians, this is an important emphasis. The project is built on the recognition of invisible work — logistics, phones, distribution, family support.

Without this, nothing works.

What the organization did in the first weeks of the war

Cars, routes, families

From the first hours, it became clear: a huge number of people needed to be evacuated, accommodated, fed. Often it was about the elderly, new immigrants, those who were not oriented in the system.

«Israeli Friends of Ukraine» already had databases of drivers and volunteers.

The mechanism started automatically.

Flights to the south were formed. Apartments and houses were sought in the north and center. Temporary shelters appeared. People were distributed literally by hand, through acquaintances, social networks, personal calls.

Zharova emphasizes:

«Our main task was to help those who were not visible and not heard».

This is the key characteristic of all work — the focus on those who are easily lost between reports and numbers.

Food for soldiers and human contact

When restaurants began cooking for army units, delivery was needed. Volunteers took on the routing. Cars went to bases daily.

The work looked routine.

But it was in this routine that resilience lay.

The story about ice cream

One of the episodes that came into discussion after the release of the series was Ukrainian ice cream. It was brought along with other products. Soldiers waited for it.

If the boxes arrived without it, they asked.

This is not a joke. This is an indicator of how important simple signs of normal life are to people. Sweet, familiar, human.

This is how morale works.

It is such details that the director leaves in the finale — they speak louder than analytics.

Why this line is important for understanding the whole picture

By the time the viewer reaches the last episode, they have already seen doctors, reservists, rabbis, volunteers in different parts of the country. The question arises: what do they have in common?

The answer gradually forms — the willingness to take responsibility without waiting for orders.

Zharova’s story fits perfectly into this formula. A community accustomed to helping outside of Israel, in a critical moment, turns its efforts inward.

Humanitarian competence has no national borders. It simply changes the direction of application.

And at this point in the narrative, the conclusion naturally sounds, which was previously formulated by the editorial office of NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency: society survives thanks to horizontal connections faster than any bureaucracy.

Gratitude and memory fixation

Zharova separately thanks KAMANDA Productions Ltd for the opportunity to tell this story. For the participants, it is important not only to do the work but also to preserve it in public memory.

Otherwise, in a few years, only dry formulations will remain.

And the main thing will disappear — the feeling of a shoulder nearby.

What remains after the credits

The finale does not offer simple recipes for the future. It records the fact: in the most difficult weeks, thousands of people in Israel acted as if there was no other way.

Someone opened their home.
Someone got behind the wheel.
Someone took on someone else’s pain as their task.

The line of «Israeli Friends of Ukraine» shows that solidarity can be a learned skill. It can be developed. It can be activated.

And when it is activated, the country has a chance to go through a catastrophe without losing itself.

That is why this story stands at the end.

It is not about the past. It is about the mechanism of survival.

…

…

…

SPIEF opened with a ‘bang’: what happened in St. Petersburg on June 3

On the night of June 3 and early morning, Russian authorities reported a large-scale UAV attack on the Leningrad region and St. Petersburg. According to various reports, the number of downed drones was in the dozens: Leningrad region governor Alexander Drozdenko initially spoke of 30, then 50 drones, and later Russian and international reports mentioned the figure of 59 UAVs.

Against this backdrop, the operation of Pulkovo Airport was temporarily restricted, flights were delayed, and some planes were diverted to alternate airfields. For the city, which on this day was supposed to showcase the ‘showcase of Putin’s economy’ to foreign guests, the picture turned out to be quite different: a closed sky, smoke over the port, and people learning about the events not from the alert system, but from the bangs outside their windows.

Under attack — oil terminal, Kronstadt, and military infrastructure

The General Staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine reported that the Ukrainian Defense Forces struck the St. Petersburg oil terminal, as well as ships and infrastructure facilities in the port of Kronstadt. According to Ukrainian sources, a fire broke out on the territory of the oil terminal, and the extent of damage to military facilities is being clarified.

Separately, Ukrainian and international media reported on the damage to the Russian corvette ‘Boykiy’ in Kronstadt. The commander of the UAV Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Robert Brovdi, known as ‘Madyar,’ announced the strike on the ship, and Radio Liberty clarified that it was a corvette undergoing repairs and associated with escorting ships of the Russian ‘shadow fleet.’

The symbolism of the moment was too vivid to be hidden behind protocol press releases. While guests were heading to SPIEF to talk about a ‘stable future,’ smoke was rising over the St. Petersburg oil terminal, and Kronstadt — one of the bases of the Baltic Fleet — appeared in the news not as a naval pride of Russia, but as another vulnerable point.

‘Where are the sirens?’ — St. Petersburg residents broke the official silence

The main problem for the Russian authorities was not just the strike itself. What frightened them was how quickly the urban reality diverged from the official picture. St. Petersburg residents wrote that drones flew over houses, windows shook from explosions, and clear warnings were not received in time.

On social media, there was anger, fear, and dark humor:

‘It was one of the scariest nights. They flew right over the balcony, around the house, explosions all night. Naturally, there was no notification.’

‘WHERE ARE THE SIRENS?’

‘No air defense, but another circus with the forum.’

‘Why wasn’t the forum coordinated with Zelensky?’

‘This is probably the smoke of the inexorably approaching victory that Putin talked about.’

‘They sure have barbecues at SPIEF!’

These reactions are as important as official reports. They show: even residents of Russia’s second most important city no longer feel inside a protected imperial decoration. When drones reach St. Petersburg, and infrastructure burns near the main economic forum venue, the usual Kremlin formula ‘everything is under control’ begins to sound like mockery.

Alerts, bots, and attempts to quell panic

Russian city media wrote that on the morning of June 3, an air raid alert was announced in St. Petersburg, and the RSChS system recommended people leave open spaces, take shelter indoors, and move away from windows. But from the residents’ reactions, it’s clear: many felt the anxiety before receiving a clear explanation from the authorities.

On the page of Governor Alexander Beglov, according to users’ observations, calming comments began to appear: ‘protect loved ones,’ ‘the city will stand,’ ‘stay calm.’ But such rhetoric works poorly when people see smoke, hear explosions, and read reports of damaged facilities.

Beglov later announced the elimination of the attack’s consequences and reported four injured, whose condition was assessed as stable. There was also talk of an attack on infrastructure facilities in Kronstadt, Kirovsky, and Krasnoselsky districts of St. Petersburg.

For the Israeli audience, there is an understandable nerve in this story. Israelis know well what sirens, alarms, night explosions, and citizens’ dependence on an honest warning system are. The difference is that in Israel, society demands protection and accountability from the state, while in Russia, people are often offered to remain silent, endure, and believe in television.

That is why for Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency this story is important not as ‘Russian everyday panic,’ but as an indicator of how the war unleashed by Moscow against Ukraine returns to Russian military, port, and political infrastructure.

Why the strike on St. Petersburg became a political signal

The St. Petersburg International Economic Forum for the Kremlin is not just a conference. It is a showcase where the Putin system tries every year to show that sanctions do not work, there is no isolation, partners come, money circulates, and Russia supposedly lives a normal life.

On June 3, 2026, this showcase cracked right on the opening day.

While the official SPIEF program was supposed to sell the image of ‘pragmatic dialogue’ and ‘stable future,’ the real city received a different message: Ukrainian long-range strikes are capable of reaching the Baltic, military facilities, oil logistics, and symbolic sites of the Putin regime.

Air defense is enough not for an empire, but for separate islands of power

One of the main conclusions of this attack is the problem of Russian air defense. If even during SPIEF days, when the Kremlin’s attention is focused on St. Petersburg, the city does not appear reliably covered, then talks of an ‘impenetrable shield’ again turn out to be propaganda masquerade.

Russian and Ukrainian sources wrote that drones flew low, and in some places, they were attempted to be shot down with small arms. Z-bloggers also acknowledged the problem: low-altitude UAVs remain a difficult target for traditional air defense, especially when the attack is massive and from multiple directions.

This is no longer a single episode, but a new military reality. Ukraine systematically shifts pressure onto Russian infrastructure that works for the war: oil transshipment, military bases, fleet repair facilities, factories, airfields. Such logic is understandable to Israelis: if the enemy launches missiles, drones, and terror against civilians, then its military machine should not feel safe deep in the rear.

Smoke over the port instead of a picture of success

After the fire in St. Petersburg, air quality services recorded a deterioration in indicators. AccuWeather indicated air pollution in the city, and local media wrote about high pollution levels after the attack and smoke over infrastructure facilities.

And here appears an almost cinematic scene: forum guests go to talk about ‘development,’ ‘investments,’ and ‘future,’ while smoke from the war that Russia itself brought to Ukraine hangs over the city. This is not a ‘bang,’ not ‘smoke,’ and not an ‘incident.’ This is the flip side of aggression.

For the Kremlin, not only the physical loss of an object or ship is painful. The very fact that the regime’s main forum was inscribed in the news feed not as an economic celebration, but as a backdrop for a drone attack is painful.

What this changes for Ukraine, Israel, and war observers

Ukraine shows that its long-range capabilities are becoming a factor of strategic pressure. Two years ago, Kyiv critically lacked such tools. Now the Russian European part, including the Baltic and St. Petersburg, no longer seems unreachable.

For Israel, this plot is also not foreign. Iran, Russia, Hamas, Hezbollah, and other participants in the hostile anti-Western and anti-Israeli axis closely watch the effectiveness of drones, air defense, intelligence, and strikes on infrastructure. Therefore, the attack on St. Petersburg is not only a Ukrainian-Russian episode. It is part of a large war of technologies, nerves, and political signals.

The main conclusion is simple: Russia tried to show the world a forum of strength, but showed vulnerability. SPIEF opened in ‘ExpoForum,’ but the real agenda was formed not in halls with business panels, but over the port, in Kronstadt, at closed Pulkovo, and in the comments of St. Petersburg residents who suddenly realized that the war is no longer far away.

In the Righteous Among the Nations Garden in Haifa, where 20 memorial stones bear the names of those who saved Jews and once lived in the city, Yaroslava Levytska remains the only one honored with a memorial plaque during her lifetime.

At the Latin Cemetery in Haifa, 11 Righteous Among the Nations are buried. In their honor, the Haifa municipality created a unique memorial garden in the Ramat Alon district.

On May 18, 2008, a solemn opening ceremony was held in Haifa’s Ramat Alon neighborhood for the “Haifa Residents’ Garden of the Righteous Among the Nations” (גן חסידי אומות העולם).

The garden features several paths with stone plaques engraved with names and brief descriptions of their heroic deeds. At the time of its opening, 19 Righteous Among the Nations were known to have lived in Haifa: 9 from Poland, 6 from Ukraine, and one each from Hungary, the Czech Republic, Romania, and Sweden. Later, a 20th plaque was added.

Only five of them were still alive at the time of the park’s opening.

Four were honored for their acts of bravery committed as children.

Yaroslava Levytska is the youngest person ever awarded this title for rescuing Jews.

At the park’s entrance, on an uneven stone, three symbols are engraved: the emblem of the Righteous, the Yad Vashem logo, and the emblem of the City of Haifa. Below them is a quote from the Talmud: “Whoever saves one Jewish life is as if they have saved the entire world.”

Memorial Stones of the Righteous Among the Nations in Haifa

The Righteous Garden in Haifa features plaques honoring those who saved Jews during the Holocaust. Here are brief summaries of their stories:

• Halina Lugovska (Poland): Hid a Jewish woman in her home for 32 weeks and later helped her find refuge with her family.
• Anna Hornung-Tomachak (Ukraine): Pretended to be the mother of a Jewish family to save them in the Ternopil region.
• Victoria Tsukrovych-Aichberger (Poland): Together with her sister, hid a Jew who was fleeing the Nazis.
• Pelagia Guchak-Springer (Poland): Saved 20 Jewish women and the family of a Jewish workshop owner.
• Yaroslava Levytska (Ukraine): As a teenager, brought food to the ghetto and hid Jewish children with her family.
• Jerzy Shelaga (Poland): Delivered food and letters to the Warsaw Ghetto, risking his life.
• Julia Kaldi-Ralbovska (Czechoslovakia): Hid a Jew and buried his mother to keep the hiding place secret.
• Elisabeta Nikopoi-Strul (Romania): Warned of a pogrom, sheltered and fed more than 15 Jews despite arrest and beatings.
• Tamara Maksymeniuk-Bromberg (Ukraine): Delivered food to the ghetto with her mother, rescued families, and organized shelters.
• Bela (Valya) Lipper (Ukraine): Hid her Jewish husband and six others for 19 months.
• Victor Melnyk (Ukraine): Hid Jews with his family, provided forged documents, and helped them escape.
• Zofia-Marta Avni (Poland): Hid six Jews in an attic in Warsaw with her family for a year and a half.
• Irena Yakira-Ziental (Poland): Hid 13 Jews with her mother in a specially prepared hiding place.
• Raoul Wallenberg (Sweden): Diplomat who saved thousands of Jews in Hungary; disappeared after being arrested by Soviet forces in 1945.
• Anna Dobrucka-Ezerska (Poland): Saved a family during the liquidation of the Tarnow Ghetto and later married one of those she rescued.
• Franya Dedek-Belska (Ukraine): Born in Nadvirna, rescued two Jewish boys and survived a displaced persons camp, the “Exodus” ship attempt, and eventually immigrated to Israel, where she converted to Judaism and became Fruma Belska.

Each name is a reminder of courage, humanity, and sacrifice. The Haifa memorial preserves the memory of those who risked everything to save others.

On February 12, 2025, students from the Bosmat School visited the “Beit Gil Zahav” nursing home in Kiryat Eliahu to congratulate Yaroslava Levytska on her 90th birthday and express their gratitude for her heroism. The event was part of the activities of Haifa’s Municipal Institute for Holocaust Studies, which works to preserve the memory of the Righteous Among the Nations and pass on Holocaust remembrance to future generations.

According to Yad Vashem, as reported by journalist Shimon Briman, Ukrainian native Yaroslava Levytska is the only Righteous Among the Nations currently living in Israel. She has lived in Haifa since the early 1990s and receives full support from the State of Israel.

Biography of Yaroslava Levytska: The Journey of a Righteous Among the Nations from Zolochiv to Haifa

Yaroslava Levytska, according to journalist Shimon Briman, was born in 1935 in the town of Zolochiv, which was then part of Poland and today is in Lviv Oblast, Ukraine. In July 1941, the German army occupied the region and began the systematic extermination of the Jewish population. A ghetto was established in Zolochiv, and Jews were stripped of their rights, food, and any chance of survival. It was during this time that the Levytsky family’s courageous acts became part of history.

The Heroism of the Levytsky Family: 29 Lives Saved

Yaroslava’s grandfather, Oleksandr Levytsky, began supplying food and medicine to his Jewish friends from the start of the occupation. In December 1942, when the Zolochiv Ghetto was officially created, he started sending supplies through his seven-year-old granddaughter Yaroslava. She walked two kilometers from their home to the ghetto each week for ten months. The risk was immense — German guards could have executed them. But Yaroslava carried out her task calmly and bravely.

Thanks to her actions, many Jewish families and children survived.

Yorek Shenker and Richards Feiring: Stories of the Rescued

One of the children saved was Yorek Shenker, only six years old, now known as Yoram Miron. To avoid suspicion, Yaroslava would play with him outside while he was in hiding. The family also sheltered Richards Feiring. Both boys survived the Holocaust thanks to the courage of Yaroslava and her family.

Additionally, for ten months, the Levytsky family provided food to a group of 25 Jews hiding in the basement of a destroyed building. Despite fear and fatigue, Yaroslava kept delivering food. This entire group survived until the Red Army liberated the area in July 1944.

Life After the War

After liberation, Yaroslava graduated from School No. 2 in Zolochiv in 1952 and went on to attend medical college. She worked as a feldsher and later as head of the infectious disease prevention department. She lived modestly and never sought any personal gain for her family’s heroism. Her father Petro Levytsky also played a key role in rescuing Jews but was not officially recognized by Yad Vashem — a fact that remains painful to this day.

Recognition and Immigration to Israel

On August 20, 1989, two of the people she rescued — Avraham Shapiro and Israel Fenster — submitted a petition to Yad Vashem to recognize Oleksandr, Kateryna, and Yaroslava Levytska as Righteous Among the Nations. On September 21, 1989, Yad Vashem officially awarded them the title. Yaroslava herself planted a tree in honor of her family in the Garden of the Righteous in Jerusalem.

In 1995, she permanently moved to Israel, where she was granted citizenship, a government pension, and an apartment. Later, she settled in the Beit Gil Zahav senior care facility in Haifa.

90 Years of Heroism and Humanity

On her 90th birthday, Yaroslava Levytska was honored by the Haifa Holocaust Education Municipal Institute, the Moriah-Haifa Rotary Club, and students of the “Basmat” school. She shared:

“I am happy to live here, in Israel. At 90, I want for nothing. This is a special country.”

Words of Gratitude from Israel

“Israel and the Jewish people will never forget the vital role played by the Righteous Among the Nations during World War II, when they took great risks to save the lives of thousands of Jews.”

Some of these heroes, like Yaroslava, chose Israel as their new home — and became part of its living history.

NAnews – Israel News continues to tell these stories to ensure the memory of Jewish-Ukrainian solidarity lives on and inspires future generations.

The Lessons of History and the Power of Memory

Today, Yaroslava Levytska’s name is engraved on a memorial stone in Haifa’s Righteous Garden — while she is still alive, a unique distinction. She is recognized, respected, and cared for.

Her story is a profound example of selfless humanity in the face of ultimate evil. It reminds us that children, adults, and the elderly alike can act with courage and conscience.

NAnews – Israel News believes that telling these stories is essential to preserving the bond between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples. In an age of war and terrorism, when hatred rises again, these stories help us to see the human being in one another.

On June 2, 2026, the UN General Assembly elected the president of its 81st session. The position went to Bangladesh’s Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman, who received 99 votes against 91 votes for the candidate from Cyprus, Andreas S. Kakouris. The voting took place at the UN headquarters in New York, and the 81st session of the General Assembly will begin in September 2026.

Formally, this is a routine procedure within the UN.

But for Israel, this news has an unpleasant political undertone. Bangladesh does not have diplomatic relations with Israel and does not recognize the Jewish state. In 2021, Bangladesh removed the phrase “valid for all countries of the world except Israel” from its passports, but the then Foreign Minister of the country emphasized that Dhaka’s position on Israel had not changed, and there was no recognition.

And in April 2025, the authorities of Bangladesh decided to return the previous wording “except Israel” to passports after street pressure and mass pro-Palestinian actions. Arab News reported that the immigration department received a directive to print this clause again, effectively closing travel to Israel for Bangladeshi citizens.

This is why the appointment of Khalilur Rahman does not look like a neutral personnel news.

For the Israeli audience, this is another signal: even where powers seem procedural, the international stage remains filled with countries for which Israel is not a partner, not a neighbor, and not a state with the right to a normal place in the UN system, but a political irritant.

What the President of the General Assembly can do

The President of the UN General Assembly is not the Secretary-General and not the head of the Security Council. He does not command peacekeepers, does not impose sanctions, and cannot unilaterally force states to vote one way or another.

But saying that this position means nothing at all is also incorrect.

The President conducts meetings, influences the organization of the agenda, coordinates major discussions, appoints informal consultations, participates in negotiations with states, and helps shape the political atmosphere of the session. In the UN, where resolutions often become a tool of pressure on Israel, even procedural control matters.

Sometimes it’s not just the text of the resolution that matters.

It’s important who gets the microphone first. Who gets the platform. How quickly a discussion is convened. Which topic is presented as a “global priority,” and which one fades into the background under diplomatic formulas.

Palestinians quickly noted the victory, Russia immediately joined the game

The Palestinian agency WAFA reported on June 2, 2026, about the election of Bangladesh’s Foreign Minister as the president of the 81st session of the UN General Assembly. The publication specifically noted that Rahman spoke about the crisis of trust in the international system and the challenges associated with wars and conflicts.

This seemed expected.

Bangladesh traditionally supports the Palestinian agenda, and Palestinian diplomacy is adept at quickly working with symbols within the UN. A new president from a country that does not recognize Israel and returns the anti-Israel clause to passports is a convenient political sign for Ramallah.

Russia also quickly manifested itself.

The Russian Foreign Ministry, through the director of the department of international organizations Kirill Logvinov, congratulated Rahman and expressed readiness for close constructive cooperation. The Russian side also announced that it expects the new president of the General Assembly to visit Moscow to discuss UN agenda issues; according to TASS, the visit is scheduled for June 7-9, 2026.

The formula is familiar: “constructive cooperation,” “central role of the UN,” “world affairs,” “Global South and East.”

But in 2026, such words from Moscow can no longer be read as ordinary diplomatic protocol. Russia is waging war against Ukraine, blocking fair decisions in the Security Council, using the UN as an arena for propaganda, and simultaneously getting closer to Iran — an enemy of Israel and a partner of terrorist structures in the Middle East.

Why Moscow is in a hurry

For Russia, the UN General Assembly is not just a platform. It is a space where responsibility can be diluted, where votes from the Global South can be sought, where the conversation about “multipolarity” can be promoted, and where attention can be diverted from Russian aggression to any other crises.

This is why the invitation of Rahman to Moscow seems logical.

The Kremlin benefits from working with those who speak the language of “UN reform,” “sovereign equality,” and “interests of the Global South,” but at the same time may be less sensitive to Israeli security, Ukrainian pain, and the real nature of the Russian war. Moscow always seeks not only allies but also convenient platforms where its rhetoric sounds louder than facts.

For Israel, this is a familiar story.

When the UN discusses Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran, or the war in Gaza, the Israeli position often drowns in an automatic majority ready to condemn Israel faster than terrorists. If Russian diplomatic activity is added to this, the picture becomes even more unpleasant.

For Israel, this is not the end of the world, but a bad sign

It is not worth exaggerating the power of the President of the General Assembly. Khalilur Rahman will not be able to unilaterally rewrite the UN Charter, impose decisions on states, or turn the General Assembly into a fully controlled mechanism against Israel.

But symbols in international politics also work.

The General Assembly has long been an arena where Israel often finds itself as a convenient target. Resolutions, emergency discussions, loud speeches, accusatory formulas, pressure from anti-Israel blocs — all this does not start with one president, but the president can set the tone, pace, and political framework.

For Nikk.Agency — Israel News | Nikk.Agency this story is important not as another news from New York, but as a reminder of the reality in which Israel lives. International institutions do not exist in a vacuum. They are filled by states with their interests, prejudices, alliances, fears, and deals.

Bangladesh, Israel, and the old problem of the UN

The situation is particularly indicative because of the country of origin of the new president. Bangladesh is a large Muslim country in South Asia, an active participant in international organizations, and a constant supporter of the Palestinian agenda. Its position on Israel remains tough: there are no diplomatic relations, no recognition, and the passport formula “except Israel” has returned to political circulation after mass street pressure.

It is important for Israelis to see this context without illusions.

In the UN, there is often talk of peace, dialogue, human rights, and international law. But when the President of the General Assembly is a representative of a country where the very possibility of a normal attitude towards Israel remains politically toxic, Jerusalem has reasons to closely watch the upcoming session.

This does not mean that every step of Rahman will automatically be directed against Israel.

But it means that Israel cannot treat his election as a technical reshuffle. Especially when the Palestinian side quickly records the event in its information field, and Russia almost immediately invites the new president to Moscow.

Main conclusion: The UN is once again testing Israel’s diplomatic resilience

The new session of the UN General Assembly will begin in the fall of 2026. By this time, Israel will already have a clear task: not to wait for the agenda to be formed for it, but to work in advance with allies, neutral countries, and those states that do not want to turn the UN into a platform for automatic pressure on the Jewish state.

In the modern world, diplomacy is not only about official statements.

It is a struggle for language, for the order of discussion, for the right to explain one’s security not after accusations, but before them. Israel knows too well the price of moments when terrorist organizations receive a political cover, and states associated with the enemies of the West and allies of Iran begin to speak on behalf of “peace.”

Therefore, the story of Khalilur Rahman’s election is important.

It shows how quickly a familiar circle of interests forms around a new figure in the UN: Palestinian diplomacy sees an opportunity, Russia sees a platform, Bangladesh gains prestige, and Israel must once again prepare for a difficult struggle for its own legitimacy in an international system that too often confuses neutrality with convenient blindness.

Meir was one of the most prominent figures in world politics for over 30 years. She became the Prime Minister of Israel during one of the most difficult periods in the country’s history.

Her famous quote: “You cannot negotiate peace with those who have come to kill you”, remains relevant today, both for Israel and Ukraine. Section Jews from Ukraine.

Golda Meir (born Golda Mabovich) was born on April 21, 1898 (May 3, new style) in Kyiv to a Jewish family. Her father, Moshe Mabovich, was a carpenter, and her mother, Bluma Naidich, worked at home. In 1903, when Golda was 8 years old, her family emigrated to the USA, where she finished school and a teacher’s college.

In 1921, Golda moved to Palestine, where she began her Zionist activities. She became one of the closest associates of David Ben-Gurion, playing a key role in the creation of the State of Israel in 1948. Golda Meir held several important government positions in Israel:

• Minister of Labor and Social Welfare (1949–1956)
• Minister of Foreign Affairs (1956–1966)
• Minister of the Interior (1970)
• Prime Minister of Israel (1969–1974)

Golda Meir passed away on December 8, 1978, in Jerusalem. She left a lasting legacy in Israel, with her memory preserved in street and square names, as well as memorial plaques and statues. A Golda Meir Square was named in her honor in Tel Aviv, along with streets in Jerusalem. Her contribution to the creation of Israel remains invaluable, and her name continues to symbolize strength and determination.

Golda Meir was born on April 21, 1898 (May 3, new style) in Kyiv, on Baseyna Street, to a Jewish family. Her father, Moshe Mabovich, was a carpenter, and her mother, Bluma Naidich, worked at home. The family went through difficult times, and Golda often recalled her childhood as a time of need, when there was not enough food and warmth at home. In her memoirs, she wrote about how her father nailed doors in response to rumors of possible pogroms, which left a deep mark on her consciousness and shaped her views on life.

The family lived in a modest apartment on the ground floor of a two-story house located on Baseyna Street in Kyiv, near Bessarabska Square. Golda later described this place as a “wretched and damp room.” In her memoirs, she emphasized that her father dreamed of escaping poverty and opened a carpentry shop, but his attempts were unsuccessful, and their family continued to live in need.

Family roots and childhood in Kyiv

Golda was named after her great-grandmother on her mother’s side, a woman who lived to be 94 and always added salt to her tea instead of sugar to remember the bitterness of life in the Jewish diaspora. This heritage deeply influenced her character and worldview. The Meir family was from Pinsk (modern-day Belarus), and they moved to Kyiv in search of a better life. Moshe Mabovich, Golda’s father, was a carpenter, and thanks to passing qualification exams, he was able to move with his family to Kyiv, despite the strict restrictions for Jews in the Russian Empire.

Connection to Ukraine in her memoirs

In her autobiography “My Life”, Golda Meir devoted attention to her childhood in Kyiv. She described how, at that time, there was a lack of resources in her family, and life in Russia was unsafe for Jews. Golda remembered that in Kyiv, she realized that “justice does not exist in the world.” This left a strong impression on her and shaped her resilience, which later manifested in her political life.

When she was 8 years old, the family moved to Pinsk, and then emigrated to the United States. These years in Kyiv left a deep mark on Golda, and she always remained attached to her Ukrainian roots. She was proud of belonging to a resilient Jewish family that had survived many hardships. Golda believed that her upbringing in Kyiv, as well as the experience of living in a Jewish ghetto, toughened her and prepared her for life in Israel.

Square and memorials in Kyiv

In Kyiv, in 2024, a Golda Meir Square was named on Borychev Tik Street (17, 19, 21). This square was opened in 2024, marking an important moment in preserving Golda’s memory in her hometown. A memorial plaque on House No. 5-A on Baseyna Street, where she lived until 1903, also serves as a reminder of her connection to Kyiv. The plaque was installed in 1998, and it is another sign of respect and recognition for her contribution to the history of Israel and the Jewish people.

Golda Meir Street in Kyiv was renamed in 2022. It was formerly called Krasnodarska Street and was located in the “Nivki” metro area. The renaming was part of an initiative to honor outstanding personalities and symbolized the recognition of Golda Meir as a native of Kyiv and an important figure in the history of Israel.

Famous quotes by Golda Meir

Golda Meir was not only an outstanding political leader but also a person with a bright, independent character. Her thoughts on war, politics, the role of women, and life’s challenges will forever remain in history as a symbol of strength of spirit and the pursuit of justice. Here are some famous quotes from this remarkable woman that reflect her views on life, politics, and Israel:

1. On the position of prime minister:
   • “It was never in my plans to become prime minister. I never thought about positions. I became prime minister — and I did it, just like my milkman became the commander of our outpost on Mount Hermon. Neither he nor I particularly enjoyed the job, but both of us tried to do it as best as we could.”
2. On Israel:
   • “Moses led us through the desert for 40 years to bring us to the only place in the Middle East that has no oil.”

• On how to govern a small country:
  • “The world is cruel, selfish, and brutal. The suffering of small nations goes unnoticed. Even the most educated governments and democracies, led by decent people who represent decent people, are not too inclined to think about issues of justice in international relations. We cannot always rely on their advice, and thus we must have the courage to look at things realistically and act as our instinct for self-preservation tells us.”
• On the Holocaust:
  • “ […] We couldn’t believe that such a horrible crime could be committed, or that the world would allow it to happen. No, we were not naive. We simply could not imagine something our imagination had never conceived. But now there are no horrors that I can’t imagine.”
• On independence:
  • “Two dangers face those of us who emerged as a new independent country: the first is the danger of being stuck in the past; the second is the illusion that political independence will immediately solve all our problems.”
• On war:
  • “We could not afford the luxury of pessimism, so we made completely different calculations, based on the fact that we all — all 650,000 of us — had such a strong will to live that it was impossible to understand outside of Israel. If we didn’t want to be thrown into the sea, we had no choice but to win. And so we won.”
• On peace:
  • “It will be a great day when Arab farmers cross the Jordan not on tanks, but on tractors and extend a hand of friendship — farmer to farmer, human to human. Perhaps this is a dream, but I am sure that one day it will come true.”
• On life’s challenges:
  • “I learned a very important lesson: a person can always do a little more than seemed possible yesterday.”
• On the position of women:
  • “The fact that I am a woman has never hindered me. I never felt awkward or inferior, I never thought that men were better than women or that giving birth to a child was a misfortune. Never. And men, on their part, never gave me any special privileges. But, as it seems to me, it’s true that for a woman who wants to lead not only a domestic but also a public life, everything is significantly more difficult than for a man, because she bears a double load.”

From NAnews – “Jews from Ukraine”

Golda Meir, born in Kyiv, became a symbol of resilience, determination, and an unwavering pursuit of independence for the Jewish people. Despite the hardships of her childhood in Kyiv, she became a figure ready to fight for the rights and dignity of the Jewish people. Golda Meir, despite poverty and harsh circumstances, was able to achieve greatness and change the course of history by playing a key role in the founding of the State of Israel.

Her quotes continue to inspire millions of people around the world, and her legacy lives on in commemorative sites in Kyiv and other cities where she was born and raised. Golda Meir remains a symbol of struggle and fearlessness for all Jews, especially those coming from Ukraine, who continue to defend their rights and independence.

NAnews (news about Israel and Ukraine) takes pride in telling the story of great personalities like Golda Meir and emphasizes the importance of her connection to both Ukraine and Israel. We believe that the memory of such individuals helps preserve historical unity between the nations and inspires for the future.

Additional information about Golda Meir and her Ukrainian roots is available in articles on our website:

We have already written:

• Golda Meir: Birth, Biography, and Career
  • Article about Golda Meir, her birth on May 3, 1898, in Kyiv, her family, and life before emigration. This article covers key moments of her childhood in Ukraine and her career before she became Prime Minister of Israel.
• Video Teaser about Golda Meir
  • Video teaser dedicated to Golda Meir, focusing on her influence on the development of Israel and her role in world politics.
• Streets of Golda Meir and Vladimir Jabotinsky
  • Story about how streets in Israel were named after Golda Meir and Vladimir Jabotinsky, two great figures in the history of Israel and Zionism.
• Golda Meir’s Grandson
  • Article about Golda Meir’s grandson, who continues to support her legacy and influence, along with interesting facts about the Meir family.
• Exhibition about Golda Meir
  • Overview of an exhibition dedicated to Golda Meir, organized in Israel, featuring information about her life, career, and achievements.
• Square and Memorial Plaque for Golda Meir in Kyiv
  • Story about the memorial plaque on the house in Kyiv where Golda Meir lived until 1903, as well as the square dedicated to her, opened in 2024.
• Golda Meir on Israeli Banknotes
  • History of how Golda Meir was depicted on Israeli banknotes, reflecting her significance to the state.
• Jewish Conference of 1938
  • Article about the events of the Evian Conference in 1938, in the context of the struggle for Jewish rights and the efforts Golda Meir made in international politics to address issues related to the Holocaust.

Section Jews from Ukraine

The “Jews from Ukraine” section on the NAnews website is dedicated to the history and lives of emigrants from Ukraine who became significant figures in Israel and the world. We explore their journey, achievements, and impact on both countries, as well as important moments connected to the Jewish heritage of Ukraine.

Read more about Golda Meir and other important figures whose roots and fates are intertwined with the history of Ukraine and Israel. It is essential for us not only to preserve the memory of such individuals but also to highlight their contributions to the development of society and strengthening ties between the two nations.

Our section continues to tell the stories of notable personalities who have made significant contributions to historical processes and became symbols of the struggle for independence, human rights, and freedom. Golda Meir is a vivid example of how Jews who grew up in Ukraine managed to influence international politics and create an independent state for the Jewish people.

We take pride in being at the center of these stories and continue sharing them with our readers, supporting the unique heritage of Ukrainian Jews in Israel.

Donald Trump signed an executive order on artificial intelligence on June 2, 2026 — without much ceremony, but with consequences that may be felt not only by American tech companies. The White House document received the official title “Promoting Advanced Artificial Intelligence Innovation and Security” and formally speaks about supporting innovation, protecting American leadership, and strengthening cybersecurity.

But behind the calm language of the order lies a harsher reality: the state wants to get an early look at the most powerful AI models even before they hit the market or reach a wide range of partners.

This is not called licensing.

This is exactly what the White House emphasizes: companies are not required to undergo classic approval for model release. However, the document introduces a voluntary scheme whereby developers of frontier models can submit models to the state for preliminary evaluation for up to 30 days. The Verge describes this as a new voluntary mechanism that gives federal structures access to advanced models before public release to assess risks to cybersecurity and critical infrastructure.

For the market, this looks softer than a direct ban.

For the companies themselves — not necessarily.

When it comes to the strongest models, closed evaluation criteria, intelligence agencies, financial regulators, and infrastructure, the word “voluntary” begins to sound different. Especially if refusal to cooperate can spoil relations with the state, the defense sector, banks, or large corporate clients.

Why the order appeared now

Not long ago, the Trump administration tried to demonstrate the most free approach to artificial intelligence. The main line was clear: America should not lose to China due to bureaucracy, restrictions, and fear of its own tech companies.

Now the tone has changed.

The Verge writes that the new version of the order became a compromise after disputes within the administration. A tougher version, according to the publication, was previously postponed due to fears that it could hit American leadership in AI. In the final document, the period of preliminary access was reduced to 30 days, and the mechanism itself was framed as voluntary cooperation, not as mandatory release permission.

The change in rhetoric did not occur due to a philosophical debate about AI ethics.

The main irritant is cybersecurity. American authorities have seen that advanced models are already capable of not just writing texts or code, but finding vulnerabilities in complex software, helping analyze old systems, and potentially accelerating the work of those looking for weak spots in banks, operating systems, browsers, and infrastructure.

Claude Mythos became an alarming signal for banks and regulators

One of the reasons for the sharp attention was the launch of Anthropic Mythos in the spring of 2026. Reuters reported on April 20 that the appearance of this model triggered a race in the banking sector: financial companies tried to gain access to the technology, and regulators began to assess what risks it poses to cybersecurity and the readiness of financial organizations.

Separate Reuters reports indicated that Asian financial regulators are also monitoring the risks around Mythos, as the model has powerful coding capabilities and potentially unprecedented ability to find cyber vulnerabilities.

This is an important detail.

In public policy, AI is often discussed as a threat to jobs, copyright, education, or media. But for the White House, the problem suddenly became much more concrete: what to do if a commercial model gains the ability to see weak spots in global software faster than many security teams?

Such a tool can be a shield.

But it can also become a weapon.

Where is the line between cooperation and oversight

The White House order talks about cooperation with the private sector, protecting intellectual property, maintaining US leadership, and strengthening systems against external threats. This is language that should reassure the industry: the state is not coming to break the market, it supposedly helps prepare for new risks.

But the very construction creates a new dependency.

If a model is recognized as powerful enough to fall into the category of covered frontier model, its developer is effectively offered early interaction with the state. Structures related to national security, cyber defense, and financial stability may participate in the process. The Times also writes that the final scheme provides for a classified benchmarking process and up to 30 days of evaluation before public release.

Formally, this is not a ban.

But for companies working with defense contracts, banks, cloud infrastructure, and government customers, such a system can become a new political filter. Not because the document explicitly states “allow” or “not allow.” But because in the real world, access to the market often depends not only on the law but also on the trust of the state.

Why it is important for Israel to follow this dispute in the US

For Israel, the American AI order is not a distant internal story of Washington. The Israeli economy, defense industry, cyber sector, and startup ecosystem are deeply connected with the American market, investments, clouds, chips, military technologies, and security standards.

If the US changes the rules regarding frontier models, it sooner or later affects allies.

Israel lives in a reality where cyberattacks, drones, missiles, intelligence, finance, civil infrastructure, and military solutions have long become part of a single threat system. After October 7, Israelis especially understand well: technological superiority does not work by itself. It needs to be tested, protected, and constantly adapted to an opponent who learns quickly.

For НАновости — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency this topic is important precisely as part of a new security architecture. Artificial intelligence can no longer be considered only as a business tool or convenient technology. It is becoming a factor of war, intelligence, bank protection, city defense, infrastructure resilience, and political control.

Anthropic and the conflict with the Pentagon intensify the political context

The story of Anthropic makes the situation even more sensitive. Reuters reported in March 2026 that the Pentagon recognized Anthropic as a risk to the supply chain, which limited the use of the company’s technologies by contractors of the American military department.

Anthropic itself then publicly stated that it received the corresponding letter from the Department of War and disagrees with such an assessment. The company wrote that it intends to seek a review of the decision, as it considers it wrong and harmful to US national security.

Against this background, any new “voluntary” interaction mechanism between AI companies and the state looks not just like a technical procedure.

It becomes part of a broader conflict: who controls the strongest models, who decides where they are safe, who gets early access, and can the state use cybersecurity as a tool to pressure inconvenient developers.

There is no evidence that the new order is already being applied against a specific company.

But the framework is created.

The main conclusion: AI enters the national security zone

The most important meaning of Trump’s order is not that the White House suddenly introduced strict AI regulation. He did something else: he moved the most powerful models from ordinary market logic into the realm of national security.

This is a more subtle and therefore more important turn.

While AI wrote texts, created images, helped programmers, and accelerated office work, it could be discussed as a matter of innovation and competition. When models begin to find vulnerabilities, analyze critical systems, help in cyber operations, and potentially influence the security of banks, energy, transport, and defense, the state is no longer ready to stand aside.

For Israel, Ukraine, and other countries living next to real war, this signal is especially clear.

AI is becoming not only the technology of the future. It is already turning into a tool of power, intelligence, protection, and pressure. Therefore, the main question now sounds not like this: will the state intervene in AI. It is already intervening.

The question is different: who will set the rules, how transparent they will be, and will protection against threats turn into a convenient mechanism for controlling those who create the strongest technologies of the 21st century.

“Borsch is not just food, it is a symbol of tradition, sustainability and family warmth,” – this is how he describes his work Igor KulakovIsraeli writer, journalist and descendant of a tzaddik.

His book “My book about borscht” is a deep dive into the history, recipes and cultural significance of Ukraine's most famous dish.

Book, available in English and Ukrainianx, has already aroused interest among lovers of cooking and Ukrainian culture living in Israel and abroad.

Who is Igor Kulakov: descendant of a tzaddik, writer, journalist and popularizer of Ukrainian culture

Igor Kulakov is more than just a writer and journalist. This is a man with a deep history, who has absorbed the tragic and inspiring pages of the past of his people. As a descendant of a tzaddik, he carefully preserves the memory of his roots, while actively working to promote Ukrainian and Jewish culture in the modern world.

His life and work are a bridge between Ukraine, Israel and the whole world.

Jewish roots: memory of tragedy and fortitude

Family of Kulakovs has its own history from Tsaddik Rabinovich, who lived in the village of Trilesy, Fastovsky district. This tzaddik, as a spiritual leader, was a significant figure for the local Jewish community. However, the history of Igor's family is full of tragedies associated with pogroms during the Civil War and the Holocaust.

During the Civil War, the tzaddik was killed during a pogrom, and his daughter Sheindl and her husband Mordechai Sowa became victims of Nazi repression. They were shot in Kyiv on September 29, 1941, their bodies found rest in a mass grave near Babyn Yar.

These tragic events became not only part of Kulakov’s family history, but also a source of his inspiration for preserving memory and promoting the ideas of tolerance and cultural exchange.

Ukrainian roots: the path to creativity and self-realization

Born in the city of Obukhov, Ukraine, Igor Kulakov absorbed the rich cultural environment of his homeland from childhood. In 1991, he graduated from the Faculty of Philology of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, where he received training as a philologist and teacher of Russian language and literature. This period marked the beginning of his literary journey.

Already in 1997, his works were published in the anthology “Young Wine”, and in 2000 Igor took first place in the international prose competition “Rozvorush Our Blood.” These achievements strengthened his confidence as a writer.

Literary and journalistic recognition

Igor Kulakov is a prominent representative of Ukrainian literature and journalism, whose works have not only earned recognition, but also contributed to the development of cultural and public discussions. His work is distinguished by its relevance, depth and desire to preserve the national heritage.

Main achievements:

• “Young Wine” (1997) — Kulakov’s works were included in the anthology of modern Ukrainian poetry, which was the first step towards literary recognition.
• International prose competition “I will destroy our shelter” (2000) — Igor took first place, demonstrating a unique style and approach to prose.
• Competition “Israel and Ukrainian-Israeli relations through the eyes of journalists” (2018) — victory in this competition emphasized his contribution to strengthening ties between Ukraine and Israel.
• PRESSZVANIE (2018) — third place in a prestigious journalistic category for an article in K.Fund Media on IT and telecommunications topics.
• The work “Donetsk triptych” – nomination in the 2018 “Missy Legends” competition, organized by the Litnet platform and the publishing house “Summit Book”.

Significant publications:

• Igor’s works have been published in leading Ukrainian literary and journalistic publications, including “Ukrainian Seeding” and others.
• In 2016, he created the first Jewish publication jewish.org.ua in Ukrainian, which became an important contribution to the development of media related to Jewish culture.

Books:

• “Radio Ukraine” (2024) – a book dedicated to modern challenges and achievements of Ukraine, received positive reviews from readers and critics.
• “My book about borscht” (2025) – a synthesis of history, cuisine and cultural heritage, emphasizing the role of traditional dishes in strengthening national identity.

The works of Igor Kulakov serve not only as a source of inspiration, but also as a platform for understanding complex historical, cultural and social topics.

A new stage in Israel: a bridge between cultures

After moving to Israel, Igor Kulakov became an active participant in cultural life.

Living in Rishon Lezion, he continues to write and share his knowledge.

About the book “My book about borscht”

“My book about borscht” is more than a cookbook. This is an exploration that combines the history, recipes and cultural heritage of Ukraine. In his book, Igor Kulakov tells how borscht became an integral part of Ukrainian identity, maintaining its significance even in the modern world.

Main topics of the book:

• History of borscht. The path from ancient times to the present day.
• Recipes. More than 50 variations, including traditional, vegetarian, kosher and fusion.
• Cultural significance. Borscht as a symbol of family traditions and sustainability.
• Tips from chefs. Practical recommendations for creating the perfect dish.
• Interesting additions. Borsch according to zodiac signs, unique combinations and traditional drinks.

The book demonstrates how borscht unites generations and transmits a cultural code, preserving the spirit of Ukrainian tradition.

What makes borscht a symbol?

Borscht has long gone beyond the kitchen and become a symbol of the cultural identity of Ukraine. This dish is associated with home, family and communication. In Israel, borscht is also popular thanks to the many immigrants from Ukraine who have preserved the tradition of preparing this dish.

My Borscht Book shows how food can bring people together, regardless of their background. It is a cultural bridge that strengthens the connection between peoples living in Israel and beyond.

Table: What you will find in the book “My Book about Borscht”

Where can I buy the book?

The book “My Book about Borscht” is available on Amazon in two languages:

• English version
• Ukrainian version

This book will be an excellent gift for those who are interested in cooking, culture, or want to learn how to cook borscht following proven recipes.

Why is borscht important for cultural exchange?

Israel and Ukraine have a long history of interaction. For many Israelis with Ukrainian roots, borscht has become a symbol of connection with their homeland. Igor Kulakov’s book emphasizes how even through food you can preserve culture, strengthen identity and find common ground between different peoples.

Our website NAnews – Israel News talks about similar initiatives, helping readers learn more about cultural traditions and strengthen the connection between Ukraine and Israel.

Conclusion

“My book about borscht” by Igor Kulakov is not just a book, but a real cultural project that combines food, history and traditions. Borscht becomes a symbol of sustainability, family warmth and cultural identity that goes beyond the kitchen and becomes part of the national heritage.

For those interested in gastronomy and history, this publication will be a real discovery. Read more about similar initiatives on our website NAnews – Israel News and stay up to date with the most interesting events.

By the way, you can listen to the maestro live, buy his book and enjoy his borscht on January 29, 2025 at Borshch party in Jaffa.

…

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UN Secretary-General António Guterres presented the Security Council with three options for the future international presence in Lebanon after the UNIFIL mandate ends. This concerns an area that remains one of the most sensitive security points for Israel: southern Lebanon, the ‘Blue Line’, Hezbollah’s armed infrastructure, and the risk of a new major war on the northern border.

According to Reuters and AP, Guterres’ letter was sent to UN Security Council members in early June 2026. It proposes not just winding down the old mission, but determining what format of international monitoring might remain after December 31, 2026, when the current UNIFIL mandate is set to end.

For Israel, this is not a technical detail.

If the international presence disappears completely, Hezbollah could quickly fill the vacuum in southern Lebanon. However, if the UN maintains at least a limited monitoring format, the international community will retain a tool for pressure, monitoring, and recording violations. The problem is that Israel has long considered UNIFIL a weak mission that failed to prevent Hezbollah’s strengthening along the border.

Three scenarios: from minimal observation to a broader mission

Guterres’ proposals describe three possible models. The first is a light presence with limited capabilities. The second is a more stable format with expanded monitoring and de-escalation support. The third is a large and more complex structure capable of observing the situation more broadly and assisting the political process.

The size of such a presence, according to Reuters and AP, could range from approximately 1,980 to 5,525 people. This is less than the current UNIFIL, which now has about 7,500 military personnel.

The main task of the new format is to maintain military monitoring along the ‘Blue Line’, support the Lebanese Armed Forces, and help achieve the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, adopted after the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war. This resolution requires the cessation of hostilities, strengthening the control of the Lebanese army in the south of the country, and the absence of armed groups in the zone where the state should be the only legal force.

On paper, everything looks logical.

In practice, this is where the main conflict of interests begins. Israel demands the real disarmament of Hezbollah and security guarantees for northern communities. Lebanon speaks of sovereignty and the need for the withdrawal of Israeli forces from disputed areas. The UN tries to maintain at least a working mechanism between the parties, but its capabilities depend on Security Council decisions, funding, and the willingness of states to send troops to a dangerous zone.

Why this issue is important for Israel

For Israelis, southern Lebanon is not an abstract map in UN documents. It is the direction from which rockets, attacks, threats, and constant tension have come for decades for the residents of northern Israel. After October 7, the issue of the northern border became even more painful: Israeli society perceives any security promises differently if they are not backed by real control.

That is why Israel is cautious about the new UN plans.

On one hand, international presence can deter escalation, record violations, and help the return of residents to border areas. On the other hand, if the new mission is weak, poorly armed, or politically constrained, it may repeat the fate of UNIFIL: being present but not stopping the actual strengthening of Hezbollah.

UNIFIL’s mandate does not end immediately

The UN Security Council extended UNIFIL’s mandate for the last time in August 2025 — until December 31, 2026. After this date, a phased withdrawal of the mission should begin during 2027. This decision was a compromise after pressure from the US and Israel, which have long criticized the operation’s effectiveness.

This is an important date because it is not about the immediate departure of peacekeepers.

The UN has time to prepare a transitional format. Israel, Lebanon, the US, France, and other participants in the diplomatic process have time to agree on what the new balance in southern Lebanon will be. But time is not abundant, considering the speed at which the situation in the Middle East is changing.

For readers of NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency, this story is also important because it shows the overall crisis of international security mechanisms. Israel faces the fact that formal resolutions do not always translate into citizen protection. Ukraine experiences a similar problem in a different geography: international law exists, but the aggressor and terrorist allies often test its strength by force.

What is behind Guterres’ new plan

The UN Secretary-General’s proposals appear against the backdrop of a dangerous period for the entire region. Hezbollah remains a key armed force in Lebanon and part of the Iranian axis of influence. Israel, in turn, is not ready to tolerate a threat on its northern border, especially after the experience of war with Hamas and constant pressure from Iran-backed groups.

The UN is trying to maintain an intermediate line: not to leave southern Lebanon without observation, but also not to continue UNIFIL in its previous form if the Security Council has already decided to end its mandate.

AP separately notes that the new options should help political efforts to implement Resolution 1701, support the Lebanese army, and de-escalate along the ‘Blue Line’. In recent months, the situation has remained dangerous, and the death of peacekeepers has only intensified the question of who and under what conditions is ready to work in this zone.

The main question is not the mission’s name, but its strength

Israel’s interest here is very simple: to ensure that southern Lebanon does not become a convenient platform for a new war. The name of the future mission is secondary. Much more important is whether it will have a real mandate, access to violation sites, Security Council support, and the ability not only to observe but also to achieve consequences for those who turn border areas into military infrastructure.

For Lebanon, the issue is also painful. The state must prove that its army is capable of being the only legitimate force throughout the country’s territory. Without this, any international format will be a temporary support, not a solution.

In the coming months, the UN Security Council will have to choose which of the three options will form the basis for further negotiations. For Israel, this will not be a diplomatic formality, but one of the security factors for the northern border.

That is why the new discussion around UNIFIL is important not only for New York, Beirut, or the UN headquarters. It directly concerns Kiryat Shmona, Metula, Nahariya, Haifa, and all Israelis who understand: if the north ignites again, the cost of weak international decisions will be measured not in resolutions, but in human lives.

As promised, we continue our discussion of a Jew from Ukraine – Ze'ev Jabotinsky. #jewsukraine

📝 The biography of Vladimir Zeev is really full of interesting facts, so today we are publishing the second of two posts about him. — First see – Jews from Ukraine: Vladimir Zeev Jabotinsky.

👦🏻 Childhood and youth: Vladimir Jabotinsky was born into a Jewish family in Odessa. Thanks to his literary abilities and knowledge of languages, already at the age of 18 he became a foreign correspondent for the newspapers “Odessky Listok” and “Odesskiye Novosti”, working first in Bern (Switzerland 🇨🇭) and then in Rome (Italy 🇮🇹).

📚 Literary heritage: In addition to his political activities, Jabotinsky was a famous writer, translator and publicist. He created novels, autobiographical works, translated the poetry of Edgar Allan Poe into Hebrew, edited the weekly magazine “Svitanok”, and also wrote an autobiographical novel “Five”, describing the life of a Jewish family in Odessa.

💡 Interesting fact: Jabotinsky refuted Russian fakes about Ukrainian anti-Semitism a hundred years ago. For example, about Simon Petliura he said:
“I grew up with them, together with them I fought against anti-Semites and Russifiers – Jewish and Ukrainian. Neither I nor other thinking Zionists can be convinced that such people can be considered anti-Semitic.”

📌 Memory: 55 streets in Israel are named after Vladimir Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Residents and visitors of the central part of the country are well aware of one of them – Jabotinsky Street, which is an important transport route connecting Tel Aviv, Ramat Gan, Bnei Brak and Petah Tikva.

🇮🇱 In Israel there is also the Jabotinsky Institute, the Jabotinsky Prize for achievements in literature, as well as Jabotinsky Day, celebrated annually on Tammuz 29 according to the Jewish calendar.

🇺🇦 Since 2022, Zhabotinsky Street has appeared in Kyiv, not far from the Nivki metro station. A mural dedicated to Jabotinsky was also created in Odessa.

Photo materials:

1. Portrait of Jabotinsky
2. Jabotinsky Street in Israel
3. Mural in Odessa
4. Street in Kyiv

This article was prepared specifically for the site NAnewswhere you will find even more interesting stories about prominent Jews of Ukraine, such as Vladimir Jabotinsky.

Veda section @davidkrutonog — Jew from Ukraine and founder of a marketing agency tlv.agency

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On June 24, 2026, in Kyiv, a new meeting of the project “Lecture at the Bar” will take place — a format that combines discussion on important topics with an informal atmosphere of live communication. The organizers are “Nativ” — the Israeli Cultural Center in Kyiv and the Jewish Student Cultural Center Hillel Kyiv / “Hillel Kyiv”.

The theme of the meeting sounds direct and symbolic: “Israel — Ukraine. Friendship between countries.”

For the Israeli audience, this wording is especially important. It is not just a diplomatic slogan, but a conversation between two societies that have gone through the heavy blows of war, terror, international pressure, and the constant search for allies in recent years.

Who will speak and why it matters

The speaker of the meeting will be Olga Vasilevskaya-Smaglyuk, a member of the Ukrainian parliament representing the 96th district. The focus of the conversation will be the relations between Ukraine and Israel, the role of parliamentarians, international support, and those topics that usually remain outside the dry official reports.

Participants are promised not a lecture in the classical sense, but a lively conversation.

This is an important detail. When it comes to Israel and Ukraine, it is too easy to fall into protocol, statements, diplomatic formulas, and cautious phrases. But the youth audience often needs a different format — honest, open, with the opportunity to ask questions and hear a human explanation of how politics affects real life.

What will be discussed: war, support, and balance between the two countries

The main line of the meeting is how Israel and Ukraine are going through the challenges of war. For Ukraine, it is the full-scale aggression of Russia, daily strikes on cities, the front, destroyed families, and the struggle for the survival of the state. For Israel, it is the war after October 7, Hamas terror, the threat from Iran and its allies, the pain of hostage families, the mobilization of society, and constant concern for security.

These experiences are not identical, but they are largely understandable to each other.

That is why the conversation about support between Kyiv and Jerusalem cannot be only diplomatic. Behind it are people, families, volunteers, communities, repatriates from Ukraine, Israelis of Ukrainian origin, Jewish youth, Ukrainian students, politicians, and activists who try to maintain the bridge between the two countries even when the interests of the states do not always perfectly align.

Parliamentary friendship as a real tool

A separate focus of the meeting is the work of parliamentarians of Ukraine and Israel on the international stage. The organizers announce a discussion on how the deputies of the two countries support each other and how this affects relations between the states.

There is also a question that deserves a separate discussion: why is the inter-parliamentary friendship group between Ukraine and Israel the largest in the Verkhovna Rada?

For readers of NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency, this topic is important not only as a political news item. It shows that Ukrainian-Israeli ties are held not only on official visits, statements of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, or individual crises but also on constant work within parliaments, public initiatives, and Jewish organizations.

Such a connection is especially noticeable in times of trials.

When Ukraine needs international support against Russian aggression, and Israel simultaneously defends itself from terrorist structures and pressure in international institutions, the conversation between the two countries becomes more complex. But it is in this complexity that the need for direct dialogue arises — without illusions, without resentment, but also without indifference.

Jewish memory, Chernobyl, and the question of personal choice

The program of the meeting also includes a more intriguing part: “Jewish Chernobyl,” the story of the last child of Chernobyl, and the connection of this story with Israel. The organizers do not disclose details in advance, leaving room for a live story.

Such a turn makes the meeting broader than a usual political discussion.

Chernobyl for Ukraine is not only the tragedy of the accident and evacuation. It is also a memory of people, cities, families, of a destroyed familiar life. For Jewish history, Chernobyl has an additional dimension: it is a place with a deep Hasidic tradition, with a heritage that connects Ukraine, the Jewish world, and Israel much deeper than it might seem at first glance.

Where to find balance if you care for Israel and Ukraine

One of the most important questions of the meeting is formulated almost personally: where to find balance between the interests of Ukraine and Israel if a person cares for both countries?

For many in Israel, this is not an abstraction.

There are people whose relatives live in Ukraine. There are repatriates who build a life in Israel but continue to worry about Kyiv, Odessa, Kharkiv, Dnipro, Lviv, Kherson, or Zaporizhzhia. There are Israelis who help Ukraine humanitarianly, volunteer, collect aid, explain to the Israeli audience why Russian aggression is dangerous not only for Europe but also for the Middle East.

There is also the reverse side: Ukrainians who, after October 7, began to perceive Israeli pain, the threat of terror, and the price of national security differently.

Therefore, such a meeting in Kyiv is important not only for the youth aged 18 to 34, for whom the project is designed. It is important as a sign: the conversation between Israel and Ukraine continues, even when the political agenda becomes heavy, and the international situation requires caution.

Format and registration

The meeting will take place on June 24, 2026, at 18:30.

The venue will be announced personally by the organizers after registration confirmation. Participation is intended for an audience aged 18 to 34, and the number of places is limited.

Registration is mandatory:
https://forms.gle/ahgLxZqkwP4oJvv26

The project “Lecture at the Bar” is interesting precisely because it brings the conversation about Israel, Jewish culture, Ukraine, and international politics out of closed offices into the space of live communication. For the younger generation, this can be much more effective than a formal lecture: less distance, more questions, more personal involvement.

And perhaps it is precisely such conversations today that help maintain the main thing — the understanding that the ties between Israel and Ukraine are built not only between states but also between people.

International Jewish Book Day is celebrated annually on December 29 (International Jewish Book Day). This holiday symbolizes the rich literature and cultural heritage of the Jewish people, reflecting their influence on world culture.

However, behind the celebration lie deep historical ties that unite Israel, Ukraine and the Jewish community.

One of the brightest pages of this story is ancient example of Jewish literature — “Kiev letter” — unique document of the 10th century, written in Hebrewwhich emphasizes the Jewish presence at that time in the lands of Kievan Rus.

The document is written in Hebrew and contains the first mention of Kyiv in the form Qiyyōb (Heb. קייב).

History of International Jewish Book Day

The origins of this holiday remain unclear. It is believed that it was first celebrated in 1981, when the Jewish National and University Library in Jerusalem (today the National Library of Israel) initiated an event dedicated to the promotion of Jewish literature.

The purpose of the holiday is to recall that the book has always been a central element of Jewish culture, an important tool for the transmission of knowledge, spirituality and values.

Holiday traditions

Today, International Jewish Book Day is accompanied by the following events:

1. Book fairs: We offer works by both classical Jewish authors and contemporary writers whose work is devoted to Jewish themes.
2. Literary evenings: Writers share their work, discuss trending topics, and interact with readers.
3. Lectures and seminars: Participants will learn about the history of Jewish literature, its influence on world culture, and its importance for preserving Jewish identity.
4. Children's programs: Special attention is given to children to instill a love of reading from a very young age.

The holiday has become a symbol of the unity of Jewish communities and a reminder of the contribution of literature to the development of national identity.

“Kiev Letter”: the first written mention of Kyiv

The Kyiv leaf is a unique document of the 10th century, written in Hebrew.

The letter was discovered among the collection of Hebrew manuscripts of the Cairo Geniza in the Ben Ezra Synagogue by University of Chicago professor Norman Golb in 1962. Later, Harvard University professor Emelyan Pritsak joined the study of the monument.

The authors reported the results of their research at several scientific conferences and in 1982 the document was published in their joint monograph, with Golb providing the translation and Pritsak the interpretation. In the USSR, the existence of the letter was known, but not advertised. The letter was first published translated from English into Russian in 1997.

Manuscript TS (glass) 12.122. kept in the Cambridge University Library. It is a piece of parchment 22.5 cm long and 14.4 cm wide. The sheet is damaged in two places and has seven vertical folds. The text is written on the front side, the back side is blank. Ink is brown (faded black). The text occupies 30 lines.

According to the discoverers, this letter is the oldest authentic document written on the territory of Kievan Rus and can date back to the 10th century.

It was created by the Jewish community of Kyiv, which was under the influence of the Khazar Khaganate. The letter is the most important evidence about the life of the Jewish community in Ancient Rus'.

Contents of the “Kyiv Letter”

The document is a letter in which the community appeals to Jews in other cities with a request to help raise money for the ransom of Jacob ben Hanukkah, a member of the community who found himself in debt slavery. The letter describes the tragic story of Yakov, who vouched for his brother, who took money from the “infidels.” After the death of his brother, his debt was transferred to the guarantor, which led to Yakov’s imprisonment.

Interesting facts:

• The letter contains 30 lines of text written in brown ink.
• The document mentions Kyiv under the name Qiyyōb (קייב).
• The last word is written in Turkic runes, which is probably the only surviving written evidence of the Khazar language.

The meaning of the “Kyiv letter”

The “Kiev Letter” is not only a valuable historical evidence, but also a unique source for the study of Jewish and Khazar cultures. The document illustrates the legal and social norms of the time, showing how the system of surety and debt slavery worked.

Jewish literature in Ukraine: general context

Ukraine occupies an important place in the history of Jewish literature. Many prominent Jewish writers, such as Sholem Aleichem, Yitzchok Ben-Zvi and others, drew inspiration from the life of Jewish communities located in Kyiv, Odessa and other cities.

An important stage was the era of the Khazar Kaganate, when Judaism became widespread and Kyiv became an important center of Jewish life. The Kiev Letter serves as evidence of the deep historical roots of Jews in the territory of modern Ukraine.

Why is this important today?

For Israel and Ukraine, literature and history create a powerful cultural bridge. Modern literary projects, translations and publications help to recall common pages of history, such as the “Kiev Letter”, and deepen mutual understanding between peoples.

Jewish Book: Implications for the Community

The Jewish book has always been more than just text. It acted as a repository of spirituality, culture and knowledge. Today, International Jewish Book Day helps highlight the importance of written heritage, both ancient and modern.

On the website NAnews – Israel News we often talk about events related to Jewish culture and its historical roots. The Kiev Letter, being the oldest written evidence about Kyiv, shows how literature helps preserve the identity and culture of the people.

Conclusion

International Jewish Book Day is not only a holiday, but also an opportunity to reflect on the importance of literature and its influence on the history of peoples. The Kiev Leaf as part of the Jewish and Ukrainian heritage is a vivid example of how a common history can unite.

Ukraine and Israel are connected by deep historical ties. From the Kyiv Letter to modern Jewish literature, these connections remain strong.

Read more about the unique history of the Jews of Ukraine on the website NAnews – Israel News! Learn how ancient documents and modern books become part of a common culture.

For the Ukrainian club Polissya, this is not just another summer departure of a foreign player. Yosefi was a notable figure in the team from Zhytomyr, and his return to Israel coincided with an important moment for both sides: Beitar is preparing for European competition qualification, and Polissya is also entering the European stage after the 2025/26 season.

Yosefi returns to Israel: what is known about the transfer

Beitar Jerusalem announced the signing of Yosefi on June 2, 2026. The club’s publication stated that the midfielder will play in the yellow-black uniform for the next three seasons and will also become one of the team’s newcomers ahead of the 2026/27 campaign.

The transfer took place after the player’s departure from Polissya. According to Sport Arena and Football24, Yosefi joined Beitar as a free agent.

This is an important detail.

For Beitar, such a transfer looks economically prudent: the club gets an Israeli player with experience in the Ukrainian Premier League and international adaptation without a full transfer fee. For Yosefi himself, this is a return home, but not a step back. After his experience in Ukraine, he joins a team that will play in the Conference League qualification.

Who is Tomer Yosefi

Tomer Yosefi is an attacking midfielder born in Israel. Before the Ukrainian period, he played for Hapoel Be’er Sheva and Hapoel Haifa, and then moved to Zhytomyr’s Polissya. On Beitar’s website, his experience, intensity, attacking qualities, and ability to add depth to the squad were specifically highlighted.

In Jerusalem, he will not be waiting for a leisurely stroll, but the pressure of a big club.

Beitar is not just a league table. It’s Teddy Stadium, a demanding audience, emotional football, and constant attention from Israeli sports media. For a player who has already gone through the Ukrainian championship, this can be a good test of maturity.

What Yosefi gave to Polissya and why his departure is noticeable

Yosefi joined Polissya at the beginning of 2025 after leaving Hapoel Be’er Sheva. Ukrainian sources indicate that he played 26 matches for the Zhytomyr club in all competitions, scored 3 goals, and provided 2 assists.

In the 2025/26 season, his contribution was more compact but still noticeable: 15 matches, 2 goals, and 2 assists.

The numbers don’t look fantastic if you only look at the statistics.

But football is not always read by goals and assists. For Polissya, Yosefi was a player who added a different rhythm to the team: the Israeli school of movement between the lines, the ability to play in the attacking zone, the experience of the Israeli championship, and the habit of taking the ball in difficult episodes.

The Ukrainian club on the European stage

In recent years, Polissya has been building an ambitious project where not only local results are important, but also the club’s recognition outside of Ukraine. The invitation of the Israeli midfielder fit precisely into this logic: the team from Zhytomyr was trying to assemble a squad capable of competing above the usual level.

Now the club will have to fill this part of the squad without Yosefi.

And this is happening against the backdrop of preparation for the 2026/27 Conference League qualification. According to Ukrainian sports media, Polissya will also represent Ukraine in the main stage of the tournament.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers this transfer broader than a usual transfer line: the Israeli footballer leaves the Ukrainian club at a time when both Ukraine and Israel remain in the European football field not only through sports but also through political, social, and human context.

Why the transfer to Beitar is important for Israeli football

Beitar finished the 2025/26 season in second place in the Israeli championship and earned the right to play in the Conference League qualification.

This makes Yosefi’s transfer not just a return from a foreign assignment.

The Jerusalem club needs a squad that can withstand several levels of pressure: the Israeli championship, internal pressure, fan expectations, and European matches. In such a situation, a player with experience in another championship can be especially useful — not as a star for the poster, but as a footballer who has already stepped out of his usual environment and knows how to adapt.

Jerusalem, Zhytomyr, and the football connection between Israel and Ukraine

For the Israeli audience, there is a separate layer here.

Yosefi went to play in Ukraine after the start of Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine. It was an unusual route for an Israeli footballer: not to Belgium, Cyprus, Greece, or MLS, but to a country living under constant threat of attacks, alarms, and disrupted sports logistics.

And yet the Ukrainian championship continues to operate.

Clubs play, develop, sell and sign players, enter European competitions, and foreign players gain experience there. This is an important signal: Ukrainian football has not disappeared from the European map despite the war and pressure from Russia.

For Israel, which itself lives under conditions of war, threats, and constant security as part of everyday life, the Ukrainian sports context is especially acutely understood. Football in such conditions becomes not only a game but also proof of normal life where the enemy tries to destroy this normalcy.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency sees in Yosefi’s story precisely such an intersecting plot: the Israeli player gained Ukrainian experience, returned to Jerusalem, and can now enter Europe with Beitar. It’s a small sports story, but behind it lies a large geography — Israel, Ukraine, Jerusalem, Zhytomyr, and a common European football route.

What’s next

For Yosefi, the next season will be a test of his new status.

In Polissya, he was a foreign player from Israel who had to prove he could be useful in the Ukrainian Premier League. In Beitar, he returns not as a young player with potential, but as a footballer from whom a specific contribution will be expected immediately.

Beitar has European qualification ahead, and there the depth of the squad can be decisive. One match, one mistake, one quick goal — in the Conference League, such details change the season.

Polissya has its own task: to maintain the pace of development after the departure of foreign players and not lose quality before European matches. It is important for the Ukrainian club to show that it is capable not only of inviting interesting players but also of calmly enduring their departure.

For fans in Israel, this transfer looks especially lively. There is a familiar name, a big club from Jerusalem, a Ukrainian trace, and a European perspective. This means Yosefi’s story did not end with the news of signing a contract — it just moved from the Ukrainian field to the Israeli stage.

Entering the churchyard of the Basilica of the Annunciation in Nazareth, you immediately notice the beautiful mosaic depicting Ukrainian Zarvanitsky Mother of Godlocated directly opposite the main entrance to the temple.

It is surprising that this image ended up in such an important place, among the mosaics of other countries – as if the Virgin Mary, revered in Ukraine, suddenly found itself among all the great icons of the world.

What is she doing here, how did she appear?

Basilica of the Annunciation — (Hebrew: כנסיית הבשורה, Arabic: كنيسة البشارة, Greek: Εκκλησία του Ευαγγελισμού της Θεοτόκου) – this Catholic church was built over the site of the Annunciation – Christian tradition (Roman Catholic) claims that it was in this place (Joseph’s house) that the Archangel Gabriel informed the Virgin Mary that she would “conceive in her womb and give birth to Jesus Christ.”

Not to be confused with Church of the Annunciation over the source of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Nazareth, also known as the Greek Orthodox Church of the Archangel Gabriel over the Spring of the Blessed Virgin Mary.

The largest Christian church in the Middle East. It has the honorary status of “minor basilica”, awarded to it in 1964 by Pope Paul VI. Place of Christian pilgrimage. The monks of the Franciscan order serve in the basilica.

The first mention of a church on this site dates back to 570, and the building was an altar in the Grotto of the Annunciation. More about long history of the church (for those interested) on Wikipedia.

The construction of the new basilica building, which still exists today, was completed in 1969 and the Basilica was consecrated on March 23, 1969.

The initiative arose after the Basilica of the Annunciation, built in modern style in 1969, opened its doors to mosaic icons from around the world.

The walls of the main hall of the upper part of the temple are decorated with images of the most important temples of the Virgin Mary in the world. But because the internal space of the basilica is obviously limited, we see only 17 images there, illustrating the reading of the Blessed Virgin Mary in the world.

Other (more than 50) images of different peoples and countries create a wonderful wreath in the outer gallery, surrounding the Nazarene Temple in a semicircle.

Noteworthy is the peculiarity of conveying the image of the Virgin Mary as it is perceived by artists of different nations and races.

The idea to create mosaic icon of the Zarvanitsky Mother of God belongs to representatives of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC).

Every country (Catholic churches – ed.) were invited to present their unique image of the Virgin MaryAnd Ukraine (UGCC), chose the Zarvanitsky Mother of Godwhich is one of the most revered shrines of the Ukrainian people (from Greek Catholics -ed.).

As a result of the pseudo-council in Lviv in March 1946 The Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church was liquidated on the territory of the USSR. A significant part of its property was transferred to the Russian Orthodox Church, and believers and clergy were forcibly forced to renounce their church. The UGCC was legalized in Ukraine in 1989.

Entering the church yard to the main entrance to the Basilica, a beautiful mosaic of the Ukrainian Zarvanytsia Mother of God immediately catches your eye, to the right of the entrance.

We see a copy Zarvanitskaya Mother of Godframed by carefully selected Ukrainian landscapes, among images of two of the greatest Ukrainian churches: Kyiv St. Sophia and Lviv St. George.

Icon of the Zarvanitsa Mother of Godin question, represents an important religious symbol for Ukraine. It is located in Zarvanytsia (Ternopil region), on the territory of the holy complex of the same name, which is one of the main Christian pilgrimage sites in Ukraine. Dates from the middle of the 17th century. According to legend, there was also an image from the 13th century.

On both sides of the icon are two pairs of pilgrims in Poltava and Hutsul folk clothes – representatives of the Eastern and Western lands of Ukraine in bow to the Most Holy Zarvanitskaya Mother of God.

Above the mosaic picture we read the inscription: “For all generations will call me blessed” (Luke 1:48), and under the image there is a pleading call: “Most Holy Mother of God, pray for Your Ukrainian people”. The origin of the icon is explained below in Latin: “Miracle-working Mother of God – Zarvanitsa – Ukraine”.

This one is wonderful The image of the Zarvanitsky Mother of God belongs to creativity sisters (religious institute – ed.) Vasily Chikalo (Vasiliya Chykalo – Ukrainian) (d. 2012), “Servants of the Immaculate Virgin Mary” (auto), natives of Podolia (Ukraine), who then lived in Poland.

The initiator and sponsor of this project, which was completed in the summer of 1976when Vasily Chikalo was in the Main House of the “Servant Sisters” in Rome, there was a father of holy memory (religious institute – ed.) Vasily Turkovid, priest of the Ukrainian Catholic Church in New Ulm in Germany.

He, together with the then “Proto-Archimandrite of the Basilian Order, Fr. Isidore Patril“, CHSVV (The Order of St. Basil the Great (lat. Ordo Sancti Basilii Magni), also ChSVV, the Basilian Order of St. Josaphat, the Basilian Fathers – one of the main monastic orders of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church.), made great efforts to obtain this place of honor for Zarvanitsky Mother of God in Nazareth.

According to their instructions, Sister Servant Vasily Chikalo painted the image, and the mosaic itself was executed by a specialized Italian company in Milan under the careful supervision of Fr. Isidora Patrila.

What a story!

….

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This picture sharply contrasts with the explanation given by Benjamin Netanyahu in January at a Knesset session. At that time, the Prime Minister, speaking about yerida, claimed that it was supposedly mainly about citizens from Ukraine, who recently arrived in Israel due to the war. However, a study prepared by Dr. Ila Eliyahu for discussion in the Knesset Committee on Aliyah and Integration shows a more alarming reality: the negative migration balance affects not the periphery of society, but its central layers.

Not Ukrainians as a “convenient explanation,” but an Israeli crisis of trust

According to data provided by Ynet, since 2022, about half of those who left Israel are people aged 20 to 44. This is not pension migration, not a story about random tourists, and not only a problem of new immigrants who found it difficult to adapt.

This is the age of work, army, family, startups, medicine, science, universities, and the future tax core of the country.

That is why the attempt to reduce the departure to “Ukrainians who did not settle” seems too simplistic. In 2022, 20,124 new immigrants who had lived in the country for less than two years left Israel. But those who did not fall under this definition were almost twice as many — 39,241 people. In 2023, the picture repeated: 27,973 “fresh” immigrants versus 54,791 people from other categories.

Why this is important for the Israeli audience

For Israel, this is not just statistics from Ben Gurion Airport.

When a person who recently arrived through aliyah leaves, it may be a problem of absorption, language, housing, work, or expectations. But when native Israelis, graduates of local universities, specialists, and families who have already put down roots here leave en masse, the question becomes much deeper.

Here it is no longer about who “could not withstand Israel.”

It is about the fact that some Israelis have stopped seeing a reliable personal horizon in the country.

Young and educated: the most painful part of the statistics

One of the harshest conclusions of the report concerns education. Among those leaving Israel, the share of people with academic degrees is noticeably higher than their share in the country’s population. According to data for 2022, 33.2% of those who left had a first academic degree, while their share in the population was 21.5%. A second degree was held by 23.5% of those who left — almost twice as much as in the overall population structure.

Even more alarming are the figures for holders of a third academic degree. Among those leaving, they were 3.7%, while in the population — only 0.8%.

This is no longer everyday emigration, but a brain drain.

According to the publication, about 25% of people who defended a doctoral degree in mathematics in Israel today live abroad for at least three years. In computer sciences, this figure is 22%, in genetics — 19%, in physics — 17%.

For a country that builds its strength on the army, technology, universities, medicine, and innovation, this sounds like a warning.

NANews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency draws attention to this part of the story: the problem is not only in the number of those who left, but in who exactly is leaving. If the country is losing future scientists, engineers, doctors, entrepreneurs, and teachers, the consequences will not be immediate, but will hit Israel in years — in the economy, security, universities, high-tech, and the quality of state systems.

Gilad Kariv: the state cannot pretend that nothing is happening

Knesset member Gilad Kariv, who heads the Knesset Committee on Aliyah and Integration, stated that alarming data continues to arrive, but, according to him, there is no single body in the government that coordinates work on the emigration problem, nor a strategic plan to change the trend.

Kariv also directly challenged Netanyahu’s version that the main flow of those leaving are new immigrants from Ukraine. According to him, the statistics do not confirm such proportions.

In 2023, the number of those who left among native Israelis or immigrants who had lived in the country for at least five years reached 51,000 people. This is 53% more than in 2021. And in 2024, according to published data, 53% of those who left the country were sabras — native Israelis, while 48% were born abroad.

The numbers leave no convenient political exit.

One can argue about the reasons, one can assess the responsibility of the government, wars, cost of living, judicial reform, social division, and the sense of personal security differently. But it is already difficult to claim that this is a “foreign” problem brought to Israel by the last wave of aliyah.

Yerida after 2022: from personal decisions to a strategic threat

Until 2021, about 40,500 people left Israel on average per year. In 2022, 59,400 left. In 2023, there was a sharp jump — 82,800 people. In 2024, the figure decreased to 69,500, but still remained significantly above the pre-COVID level.

The number of returning Israelis also decreased. If the average annual figure for the period from 2009 to 2024 was 24,450 people, then in 2024 it fell to 18,800. According to the CBS, the migration balance of Israelis in 2022–2024 was negative: the gap was about 140,000 people in favor of those who left.

A personal story from Tel Aviv and Prague

The Ynet publication includes the story of 45-year-old Dudu Zakai, who moved to Prague. He said he had been working there for many years and had long thought about moving, but the final decision in the family matured after a rocket strike on their neighborhood in Tel Aviv in June last year.

This is an important detail.

For Israelis, war has long ceased to be something abstract. Rockets, alarms, mobilization, hostages, north, south, economic uncertainty, political fatigue — all this adds up to a personal sense of the future. For some, it holds. For others, it breaks.

That is why the conversation about emigration cannot be reduced to accusations of weakness or disloyalty.

People leave not only because it is easier abroad. Often they leave because it has become too difficult at home to plan life five, ten, or twenty years ahead.

Israel, Ukraine, and new aliyah: where the honest line lies

For immigrants from Ukraine, this topic is especially sensitive. After Russia’s invasion in 2022, many came to Israel not out of tourist interest and not for comfort, but because the war destroyed their previous lives. Some managed to integrate, some faced language, bureaucracy, expensive rent, difficulties in diploma recognition, and heavy psychological burdens.

But the new data is important precisely because it removes the role of a convenient explanation from Ukrainian immigrants.

The problem is broader.

NANews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency views this story as a signal for the entire Israeli society: if the country wants to retain people, it is not enough to talk about Zionism, aliyah, and historical ties with the Jewish people. It is necessary for the citizen to see security, respect for institutions, a clear economy, honest absorption, functioning state services, and a future for children.

What lies behind the numbers

Yerida has always been a painful word in the Israeli language. It carries not only geography but also a moral burden: as if a person not only left but “descended.” However, modern emigration is more complex.

One person leaves for a postdoc.

Another — for work in high-tech.

A third — because of housing prices.

A fourth — because they no longer believe that the state can maintain a balance between security, democracy, economy, and normal life.

A fifth simply wants their children to sleep without sirens.

When such decisions number in the tens of thousands per year, it is no longer a sum of private stories. It is a national symptom.

The main question now is not who is to blame for the specific figure for 2024. The main question is whether the state is ready to recognize that it is not only the “unsettled” who are leaving, but people without whom it will be harder for Israel to remain a strong, smart, and resilient country.

The ending here is still open.

If the Knesset limits itself to another discussion without a plan, the statistics will remain statistics — until the next jump. But if Israel sees in these data not a political threat, but a warning about the future, the conversation about yerida may become the beginning of serious work: with security, absorption, economy, education, science, and trust between citizens and the state.

The main idea of the material is simple and harsh: even if the media agenda changes, Russia’s war against Ukraine has not stopped for a single season, and the Jews of Ukraine remain among those who “hold the line” since 2022, going through winter after winter.

Drone reconnaissance commander from Nikolaev: “fight for your country”

One of the key figures in the report is Moshe Bizsemov, the commander of a small group of reconnaissance drones. He has been serving in the Ukrainian army since 2018 and witnessed the phase of battles often associated in Ukraine with the war in Donbas after 2014. Bizsemov is a resident of Nikolaev, a father of two, and was supposed to complete his service in April 2022, shortly after the full-scale invasion began.

However, circumstances unfolded differently. At the moment when his unit came under attack, Bizsemov was in the process of being discharged. Many of his soldiers were captured in Mariupol, and as noted in the material, seven had not been released at the time of publication. He extended his contract and remained in service. When asked about his motivation, the answer is extremely short: “fight for your country.”

The report also highlights another detail: Bizsemov was wounded at the beginning of the war and had grounds to leave the service with an honorable discharge. Instead, he continued working specifically in drone reconnaissance — where the price of a mistake is measured not in statistics but in human lives on the ground.

BMP driver and “the man who stopped”: the story of Andre Chernecki

The second figure is Andre Chernecki, a driver of an armored vehicle (BMP). The text states that he has been serving since March 22 (the year is not specified in the material) and has gone through some of the bloodiest episodes of the war, including Bakhmut. Chernecki fought there twice, with one rotation, according to him, lasting seven months.

The strongest fragment of the report is an episode that Chernecki recounts as an illustration of a choice made “inside the war.” Returning from the Bakhmut direction and already about a kilometer from a safe area, he noticed a Ukrainian soldier trapped by debris in a destroyed building. According to protocol, the armored vehicle should not stop: the risk is too high for the crew and equipment. Chernecki stopped.

He ran out, bandaged the wound, and then effectively amputated the destroyed limb that was holding the soldier under the rubble, after which his team loaded the wounded onto the armored vehicle. The material emphasizes: by this act, he put himself and his people at risk, but he believed that otherwise, the soldier would have been “left behind,” and then almost certainly forgotten.

Chernecki speaks about his Jewish identity directly and without embellishment. He did not hide that he was Jewish and perceived it as part of his service: “if you represent a people — you must keep the bar higher.” He notes that he was wounded three times and explains why he continues to fight: so that no one can say that Jews do not fight.

Not everyone is on the front line — and this is also part of the truth

The Jerusalem Post text does not romanticize. It states directly: as among other citizens of Ukraine, among Jews, there were those who did not go to fight — who hid at home, fearing mobilization, or tried to avoid conscription. One of the Jewish leaders admits regret about this part of reality, but other community representatives emphasize: there are many servicemen, it’s just difficult to name the exact number.

The reason lies in the structure of the community and society. Some are actively involved in Jewish life and are visible, while others live outside community frameworks, and even people who usually “keep their finger on the pulse” may not know about their service.

The cost of war: the dead, the wounded, returning and dying on position

The report lists specific cases of losses among Jewish fighters. One of them is Tzvi-Hirsch (Grisha) Zvergazda, a cook and father of two. He died in June in the Kherson direction. The article notes his dream — to open a kosher restaurant in Odessa and someday receive a Michelin star.

Around the same time, Andrey Korovsky, a 32-year-old Chabad school teacher, died. He was a drone operator, had previously returned to service after a combat wound, and died on the front from a heart attack. In this fragment, the “rear” side of the war is especially noticeable: even when a person does not die from a bullet or shrapnel, the war continues to wear down the body.

Another hero is Maksim Nelipa, a 44-year-old Ukrainian actor and TV presenter. The material states that he left television at the beginning of the invasion and went to fight, and in May he was killed in battle. A separate detail strengthens the Ukraine-Israel connection: according to the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine, Nelipa’s son was at that time fighting as part of the Golani Brigade in Gaza and received news of his father’s death right on duty.

How many are there: assessment of losses and scale of participation

There is no official “Jewish statistics” for the Ukrainian army, and the report emphasizes that the numbers vary. But an estimate by Jewish representatives is provided: since 2022, the number of Jewish citizens of Ukraine who died in the war may range from 100 to 200 people, with dozens dying just last year. Against this background, another estimate is heard: now about twice as many Jews serve in the army as those who have already died.

This is not accounting and not a dispute over numbers. Rather, it is a marker that we are talking not about isolated stories, but about a noticeable layer of society that bears the same cost of war as the rest.

The role of communities: funerals, family assistance, chaplain on the front line

An important block of the report is about how Jewish structures in Ukraine take on what would be taken for granted in peacetime. The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine (FJCU) reports that it helps organize Jewish funerals together with Chabad emissaries, supports families financially, and conducts prayers and Kaddish readings for the deceased.

The article also mentions Hungarian Jewish volunteer Binyamin Aser — an example of how the war attracts people to Ukraine from abroad, and the issue of a dignified burial becomes part of humanitarian work.

The work of military chaplain, Rabbi-Lieutenant Yakov Sinyakov, associated with FJCU, is described separately. He visits the trenches, brings soldiers sweets “the taste of home,” distributes books of psalms to those who ask, talks to recruits who see the front for the first time and do not always cope psychologically. Sinyakov has a master’s degree in psychology, and the material emphasizes that he knows how to “connect” with people not through slogans, but through human conversation.

His thought is also presented, explaining the moral complexity of war: some soldiers find it difficult to accept the very idea of killing, but in the “reality of evil,” he says, protecting family and country makes this choice inevitable.

Why this is important for Israel

The report includes a phrase of gratitude to Israel for accepting Ukrainian refugees at the beginning of the war. But the key meaning is broader: for the Israeli audience, Ukraine increasingly becomes an “external topic,” while for people on the front line, it is a matter of life and death, without pauses for changes in the news cycle.

The story of Jewish fighters of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is simultaneously about Ukraine and about Israel: about shared memory, about the reaction to violence, about family ties that ended up on both sides of the fronts and borders, and about how war tears apart “ordinary life” in the most unexpected places — from Nikolaev and Kherson to Holon and IDF bases.

That is why such texts are important not as an emotional gesture, but as a document of the time: names, facts, direct words of people who fight, bury, return after injuries, and go back to positions. In the Russian-speaking Israeli agenda, this layer of reality must remain visible — and this is exactly what NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency works for.

Original from January 15, 2026, The Jerusalem Post (Eng.) report by journalist Michael Starr:

https://www.jpost.com/international/internationalrussia-ukraine-war/article-883460

Everyone knows the first strike. But they try to keep silent about the second

But almost no one talks about September 17, when the Red Army entered from the east. Poland found itself in a vise: the Reich pressed from the west, the USSR from the east. The two dictators had agreed in advance.

Secret protocol and division of the world

Two weeks before the war, Moscow and Berlin signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. A secret appendix divided Eastern Europe into spheres of influence.

Germany took Western Poland. The USSR received Eastern Poland, the Baltics, and the right to claim part of Romania. For the Poles, this meant the end of the state and the beginning of chaos.

Repressions, deportations, and Katyn

The USSR called it a “liberation campaign.” In reality, it was mass arrests and forced relocations.

Thousands of families were taken to Siberia and Kazakhstan. The fate of officers and the intelligentsia was even more terrible. In the spring of 1940, the NKVD carried out the Katyn massacre: more than 20,000 people were shot in the back of the head.

What the President of Poland said in 2025

On September 1, 2025, Karol Nawrocki once again demanded reparations from Germany. For the destruction, for the blood, for the crimes of World War II.

But he did not say a word about Moscow. Not about Katyn, not about the deportations, not about the fact that millions of Poles suffered precisely at the hands of the USSR.

Today, Germany is Poland’s ally in the EU. Russia, however, continues the line of the USSR: war against Ukraine, threats to neighbors, imperial ambitions. And Warsaw’s silence in this context sounds duplicitous.

Consequences for Europe

The Soviet invasion showed that Stalin and Hitler acted as allies.

England and France declared war only on Germany. Stalin was given carte blanche. He occupied Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia, attacked Finland, and seized part of Romania.

Thus, the map of Eastern Europe emerged, which largely remained until 1991.

A wake-up call for the whole world

The division of Poland became a chain reaction. Germany gained a rear for a strike on France. The USSR expanded its army and resources. The USA saw that it was not a local conflict, but a new world war.

International law turned out to be a fiction. The League of Nations was powerless. The lesson: when an aggressor is not stopped in time, he goes further.

Jewish tragedy

For the Jews of Poland, it was a nightmare from both sides.

The Nazis began the Holocaust: ghettos, deportations to camps, mass killings. And the Soviet authorities deported tens of thousands of families to Siberia. Jewish intelligentsia were arrested as “unreliable.”

One part of the people perished in the ovens of Auschwitz, another in the snows of Siberia. These are two different catastrophes, but both destroyed communities that had lived in Poland for centuries.

Forgotten dictator and dangerous parallels

The world remembers Hitler. His name has become a symbol of evil.

But many still call Stalin a “victor.” His portraits are carried at parades in Russia, and his crimes are justified. Yet he was the one who opened the road to war, destroyed millions of Ukrainians, Poles, Jews, and Balts.

Today, Russia continues the same policy. It justifies aggression with “historical territories,” invades Ukraine, and threatens Poland. This is a direct legacy of 1939.

Conclusions worth remembering

September 17, 1939, is a date that changed the map of Europe.

Poland became a victim of two dictators at once.

The Jewish people found themselves between the Holocaust and Soviet exile.

Europe then turned a blind eye to Moscow’s crimes. The price of silence was tens of millions of lives.

And today, the reminder of Stalin is as important as the memory of Hitler. Because forgotten evil always returns.

From the author on September 12, 2025:

“How an Israeli🇮🇱 commando from ‘Fauda’ fights for Ukraine🇺🇦, performing feats of such magnitude that a Hollywood action movie could be made. I doubted until I received a letter from SBU officers describing his merits.

One of Eyal’s most fantastic yet real achievements is the destruction of 49 Russian combat helicopters worth a billion dollars in one day. One of my most important and fascinating materials in recent years.”

BRIEFLY: what the story is about

• An Israeli veteran, referred to in Ukraine as “like from ‘Fauda'”, fights on the side of Ukraine.
• Lived in Kherson for many years; since 2022 — underground, intelligence, frontline work.
• Main point: the real bridge Israel—Ukraine is built by people and their decisions, not just agencies.
• We provide a summary for readers in Israel and direct them to Shimon Briman’s originals.

Who he is

At the center of the article is Eyal Israeli, a 52-year-old Israeli who lived in Kherson for many years and has special training; after 02/24/2022 he stayed in the city, joined the territorial defense, and then under the auspices of the SBU formed a small reconnaissance and sabotage group in occupied Kherson.

The described episodes include collecting and transmitting coordinates of Russian forces, adjusting strikes, countering collaborators, helping military families and hospitals, and on the day of Kherson’s liberation, the first Ukrainian flag was raised on his refrigerator truck.

The hero then acts in conjunction with the Ukrainian Marine Corps intelligence and the SBU, engages in launching and repairing reconnaissance drones; after the Kakhovka HPP explosion, he helps evacuate people by boat under fire.

The text emphasizes his open Israeli identity (IDF/FAUDA patches, Israeli flag, Hebrew), as well as mentions of bureaucratic difficulties (denials of assistance as “non-citizen”, attempts to obtain citizenship) and received threats after publications.

And yes — the article separately describes an episode with the airfield near Chornobaivka in early March 2022: the hero filmed enemy equipment from the roof of a high-rise building, transmitted the coordinates to the Ukrainian side, after which the object was fired upon.

“Fauda”, but without takes

In the series, there is a second take and soundtrack. On the ground — there is not.
The camera does not wait for convenience. And sometimes the best tactic is not to go outside at all.

Why this matters to Israelis

To see not a “distant” war, but people who act according to values familiar to us. Responsibility, restraint, helping one’s neighbor — this is immediately recognizable.

What the diaspora feels

Some help humanitarianly, some with words and connections, some with deeds.
And many see in him not a legend, but an example.

Where the media’s place is

We keep the focus on the Israel—Ukraine connection without myth-making. Facts, context, respect for safety and details.

Bureaucracy and reality

Queues and formalities do not disappear even for those who have done much.
It’s unpleasant, but that’s how wartime is structured. The work continues — without fanfare.

What this story teaches

Not to wait for applause. To keep the rhythm. To remember why it all started — for life and dignity.

Read the original by Shimon Briman (three languages)

We deliberately do not retell verbatim. Go to the author — there are live details and the voice of the primary source.

Ukrainian (LB.ua):
https://lb.ua/society/2025/09/12/695803_supergeroy_z_faudi_viyni_proti.html

Russian (NEWSru.co.il):
https://www.newsru.co.il/press/12sep2025/eyal_briman.html

English (The Jerusalem Post):
https://www.jpost.com/international/internationalrussia-ukraine-war/article-867213

NAnews Conclusion

This is not a plot about a series. It’s about school, discipline, and the choice of one Israeli who became part of Ukraine’s defense.

The bridge Israel—Ukraine is built by such people, not just protocols.

For NAnews — Israel News this is an important sign: solidarity has a face, a voice, and concrete actions. We recommend reading Shimon Briman’s originals in full — there you can hear that very “live timbre” that is best seen with your own eyes.

Leo Motzkin (Aryeh Leib) was born in 1867 in Brovary, Kyiv province of the Russian Empire. In this small town, near Kyiv, he received a traditional Jewish education. In the late 19th century, Brovary had a large Jewish community.

Jewish Community of Brovary: History and Tragic Events

Brovary, a small town near Kyiv, has deep historical roots and significant Jewish heritage. Before World War II, it had one of the largest Jewish communities in the region. Jews began settling in Brovary in the second half of the 19th century, gradually migrating from the west after the partition of Poland. According to 1891 data, Jews made up 23.3% of the town’s population (888 people). Most were engaged in trade and crafts, actively participating in the town’s life. Brovary had a synagogue, Jewish schools, and public organizations.

The period from 1917 to 1921 was tragic for the Jewish community. During the revolution and civil war, Jews were subjected to brutal pogroms organized by various military formations: Denikin’s troops, Skoropadsky’s haidamaks, the Red Army. Many perished, and some residents left the town, emigrating to Kyiv or other safer places.

The Jewish population gradually decreased. If in 1923 there were 646 Jews living in Brovary, by 1939 their number had decreased to 458 people. World War II played a tragic role in the community’s history. From 1941 to 1943, almost all the town’s Jews perished on the fronts or were killed during the Nazi occupation. As a result of these events, the Jewish community of Brovary practically disappeared.

In the post-war years, a small part of the Jews returned to the town. In 1989, about 360 Jews lived there, but by 1999 only 110 people remained. The main reasons for the decrease were emigration to Israel and other countries, as well as the lack of conditions for community development.

Today, there are almost no direct traces left of the once numerous Jewish community in Brovary. However, its history lives on in the memory of descendants and those interested in the heritage of the Jewish people. Preserving this memory is important for future generations so that the rich culture and traditions of Brovary’s Jews are not forgotten.

To Berlin for Knowledge: A New Stage of Life

After completing his primary education, Leo Motzkin went to Berlin, where he studied mathematics and philosophy. It was in Berlin that his active public activity began. He became one of the founders of a scientific society that united students supporting the Hovevei Zion (Lovers of Zion) movement.

With the emergence of Theodor Herzl and the beginning of the Zionist movement, Motzkin became an active participant. He was a delegate to the First Zionist Congress in 1897 and advocated for a clear formulation of the movement’s goal — the creation of a Jewish state in Eretz-Israel.

First Trip to Eretz-Israel

On behalf of Theodor Herzl, Motzkin went to Eretz-Israel to assess the state of Jewish settlements. In his report, he criticized the settlement methods used by Baron Rothschild and the Hovevei Zion movement and insisted on the need for political negotiations with the Ottoman Empire.

This trip became a turning point in his activities. He realized that without political support, the creation of a Jewish state would be extremely difficult.

Important Steps on the International Stage

During World War I, Leo Motzkin headed the Copenhagen branch of the Zionist Organization. After the war, he became one of the founders of the Committee of Jewish Delegations at the Paris Peace Conference, where he defended the interests of world Jewry.

With the rise of the Nazis to power in Germany, he was the first to raise the issue of discrimination against German Jews at the League of Nations level. When this issue was removed from the agenda, Motzkin refused to cooperate with the organization but continued to provide political and financial support to the Jewish population of Germany.

Table: Key Stages of Leo Motzkin’s Life

Memory of Leo Motzkin

Leo Motzkin died in 1933 in Paris. His remains were reburied on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem in 1934. In memory of the outstanding figure, the Israeli city of Kiryat Motzkin was founded in 1934, named in his honor.

In 1933, it was decided in Haifa to create a new residential area for middle-class families. It was to be located outside the city but close enough for residents to commute to work daily. A plot of land in the Zevulun Valley was chosen for this purpose.

The new area was named after Aryeh Leo Motzkin — a well-known Jewish public figure and one of the founders of the World Zionist Congress. Thus, Kiryat Motzkin was founded in 1934 by Polish Jews. The first residents of the area were merchants and independent craftsmen.

The territory where the new settlement was located turned out to be sandy and swampy. The lands were undeveloped and dangerous due to the risk of malaria. Settlers were offered 400 plots of land on installment. The first residents had to work hard to turn the undeveloped area into a comfortable place to live. Thanks to their efforts, the area earned the nickname “Green Island”.

By 1940, the population of Kiryat Motzkin had already reached 2,000 people, and on June 11, 1940, a local council was established. Over the years, the area continued to develop. In 1976, when the population exceeded 25,000 people, Kiryat Motzkin officially received city status.

Kiryat Motzkin became a symbol of the memory of a man who dedicated his life to the struggle for Jewish equality, the promotion of Hebrew, and the creation of a Jewish state.

Conclusion

The story of Leo Motzkin is a story of the struggle for the rights of the Jewish people, the promotion of Hebrew, and the creation of a Jewish state. His contribution to the development of world Jewry is hard to overestimate.

Now, as you walk the streets of Kiryat Motzkin, remember that his name is associated with a person whose ideas and efforts laid the foundation for many of modern Israel’s achievements.

We, the team at NANews – News of Israel, are proud to share such important stories that unite the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples.

Read more stories about outstanding Jews connected with Ukraine and Israel in our section “Jews from Ukraine“ on the NANews website – #євреїзукраїни

At first glance, this is a narrow exchange story.

But in reality, it is about a chain that starts in the USA, passes through Ukrainian Black Sea ports, and ends in countries buying grain for feed, food, and industrial markets. In May, Israel again turned out to be among the notable buyers of Ukrainian corn: according to a specialized agricultural review, about 116 thousand tons were shipped in the Israeli direction this month.

What happened to corn in Chicago

The main blow to prices came from the Chicago exchange. July corn futures fell by 4.2% over the week — to $174.8 per ton. Over the month, the decline amounted to 9.2%, and the current level turned out to be 5.2% lower than a year earlier. December futures also went down: minus 2.9% for the week and minus 6.7% for the month, to $186 per ton.

For the market, these are not just numbers on a screen.

Corn is one of those commodities where expectations often work faster than the actual harvest. If the weather in the USA improves, crops develop normally, and oil becomes cheaper, traders begin to remove the speculative premium. This is exactly what happened now.

Why oil also affects grain

The connection seems not obvious, but it exists. Corn is actively used in ethanol production, which means oil and fuel prices affect demand expectations. When oil loses more than 5% in a week and more than 13% in two weeks, the market starts to look differently at energy crops.

Plus the weather factor.

In the USA, the corn planting campaign is progressing quickly: according to NASS Crop Progress, as of May 31, 2026, 93% of the planned areas were sown with corn against the five-year average of 92%. Emergence was obtained on 76% of the areas, which is also slightly above the five-year norm. The condition of 67% of the crops is assessed as good or excellent.

So the market has fewer reasons to be nervous.

And when nervousness goes away, the price often falls faster than farmers are ready to accept.

How this hit export prices in Ukraine

The Ukrainian corn market found itself under direct pressure from external quotes. Demand from exporters in ports remains, but prices fell by about 150–200 UAH per ton over the week — to 11,400–11,450 UAH per ton, or $225–228 per ton, with delivery to Black Sea ports.

This is a painful moment for Ukrainian farmers.

Farmers see that grain is needed by exporters but do not want to sell at a downturn. Therefore, the supply of corn on the market first increased slightly and then began to hold back again: producers expect that prices for the old harvest may still recover.

Black Sea versus western border

There is another sales channel — the western border. There, demand for corn with delivery in euro-wagons has increased, and the price holds around 200–205 euros per ton on FCA terms. Essentially, this is comparable to the port price if transshipment costs are deducted.

For Ukraine, this is an important fork.

Black Sea ports provide volume and speed but depend on logistics, security, freight, and the overall situation in the region. The western border may be less convenient in scale, but it offers an alternative, especially when the market is nervous or traders cautiously revise purchase prices.

It is such details that determine how much the Ukrainian producer will actually receive, not just what the futures in Chicago show.

Israel in this chain: why Ukrainian corn remains important

Ukraine exported 2.1 million tons of corn in the 30 days of May 2026. This is more than in May 2025, when the figure was 1.92 million tons. Overall, for the 2025/26 marketing year, exports reached 19.1 million tons compared to 20.47 million tons a year earlier.

Buyers were distributed significantly.

Turkey purchased about 670 thousand tons in May, Italy — 321 thousand tons, the Netherlands — 239 thousand tons, Israel — 116 thousand tons, Korea — 104.2 thousand tons. For the Israeli market, this is not a random line in statistics, but part of a broader food and feed logistics where the stability of supplies matters no less than the price itself.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such economic plots not as dry exchange chronicles, but as part of the real connection between Ukraine and Israel. Ukrainian grain, Israeli import, world prices, war, logistics through the Black Sea — all this forms one map of dependence where security and economy have long gone hand in hand.

What this means for Israel

For Israel, the decline in world corn prices may look like a positive signal: importers find it easier to negotiate, purchasing windows become more interesting, and the market gets a chance to reduce raw material costs.

But there is a nuance.

If Ukrainian farmers start massively holding back corn because the current price does not suit them, the physical supply may shrink. Then on paper, futures become cheaper, but in real contracts, a completely different picture appears: less flexibility, more negotiations, more cautious logistics.

Ukraine remains one of the important grain suppliers for external markets, but Russia’s war against Ukraine makes each export season more nervous. For Israel, this is especially understandable: food resilience is not built only on price. It is built on reliable routes, proven partners, and understanding that the global market can change in a few days.

Why farmers are in no hurry to sell

Ukrainian farmers look not only at today’s price but also at the new harvest. In the USA, prices for the new corn harvest remain about $12 per ton higher, and this gives farmers an argument to wait. If the market turns around, the old harvest may receive support again.

But waiting is also a risk.

The longer the grain lies in warehouses, the more pressure there is on storage, working capital, and logistics solutions. Especially in a country that is at war and constantly depends on the state of ports, railways, insurance, and export corridors.

For Ukraine, this is not just corn trading. It is a struggle for foreign exchange earnings, for the sustainability of farming enterprises, and for presence in markets where buyers — from Turkey to Israel — closely monitor every price movement.

The main conclusion for the market

The fall in quotes in Chicago has already lowered export prices in Ukraine, but it has not canceled demand. Corn is needed by importers, Ukrainian grain remains in trade circulation, and Israel continues to be among the buyers.

The situation has become more delicate.

If good weather in the USA, Europe, and Ukraine persists, speculative pressure on new harvest prices may weaken even more. But if farmers limit sales, and logistics become more expensive or complicated again, the market will quickly feel a shortage of physical supply.

For the Israeli audience, this story is important not only as agro-economics. It shows how closely war, food security, Ukrainian exports, and prices, which ultimately reflect on Middle Eastern markets, are connected.

Ukrainian corn today is not just a commodity. It is part of a large economic line between the field, port, exchange, and countries that need to plan supplies in advance.

This is not an ordinary criminal case and not just another terrorism trial.

Israel faces a challenge the country has not encountered on such a scale before: bringing hundreds of participants in the largest mass murder of Jews since the Holocaust to trial, proving the personal guilt of each, giving victims a voice, and at the same time not turning the court into chaos of emotions, politics, and endless bureaucracy.

What exactly did the Israeli government approve

The decision was made on June 2, 2026. According to the approved plan, the budget will go towards preparing the judicial complex, premises for the prosecution, security systems, computer infrastructure, staffing, and supporting the process, which is expected to extend until 2029.

The amount seems enormous, but the scale of the case explains why it cannot be symbolic.

Hundreds of terrorists detained after the October 7 attack may find themselves in the dock. Among them are fighters from the ‘Nukhba’, Hamas’s elite unit, which participated in the border breach, attacks on kibbutzim, murders, kidnappings, and other crimes against civilians. According to Israeli and international publications, it could involve about 300-400 individuals, although the exact number depends on the investigation, qualifications, and future indictments.

Why this is not just ‘another trial’

On October 7, 2023, Hamas terrorists and other groups invaded Israeli territory by land, air, and sea. As a result, about 1,200 people were killed, most of them civilians, and 251 people were kidnapped and taken to Gaza.

Israeli society still lives within this trauma.

There are families waiting for the truth about the last minutes of their loved ones. There are survivors who will have to recount their experiences again. There are hostages who returned from captivity and families of those who did not return. There are soldiers, police officers, paramedics, ZAKA volunteers, kibbutz residents, Nova festival participants, residents of Sderot, Ofakim, and other localities whose testimonies will become part of a vast legal array.

Special court, death penalty, and the debate around the format

In May 2026, the Knesset passed a law creating a special military judicial framework for cases related to the October 7 attack. The vote passed with a rare result — 93 votes in favor and none against. The trials are to be held in Jerusalem, in an open format, with the possibility of public broadcasting and participation of victims.

This is a key point: the state wants not only to issue sentences but also to document the crimes.

For Israel, such a process will have not only legal significance. It will become part of national memory — as proof that the massacre on October 7 was not a ‘combat episode’, not ‘resistance’, and not a political abstraction, but a mass terrorist attack on people, families, children, the elderly, and peaceful settlements.

Is the death penalty possible

The topic of the death penalty has become one of the most sensitive parts of this case. In March 2026, the Knesset separately approved a law on the death penalty for terrorists, promoted, among others, by Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. This law sparked fierce debates in Israel and abroad, and human rights organizations have declared their intention to challenge it in the Supreme Court.

But in relation to the participants of the October 7 massacre, the legal structure is more complex than the simple formula ‘execute them all’.

The new judicial framework for the October 7 cases separately provides for the possibility of applying the death penalty within a special tribunal, but the final punishment will depend on the charges, evidence, composition of the court, appeals, and legal qualification of each defendant’s specific actions. International agencies also indicate that possible death sentences should undergo an appeals mechanism.

That is why the main task of the prosecution is not a loud statement, but an evidentiary base.

Where does the billion come from and why will the process be so expensive

A billion shekels is not just the walls of the future judicial complex. The money is needed for security, transportation of defendants, maintenance of detainees, medical support, interrogations, work of investigators, prosecutors, translators, technical specialists, archivists, IT systems, and security services.

The trial of the ‘Nukhba’ terrorists will require processing a huge amount of materials: surveillance camera footage, recordings from phones and bodycams of the terrorists themselves, testimonies of survivors, military data, police reports, materials on the kidnapped, forensic reports, and eyewitness testimonies.

Here, one cannot be limited to the general phrase ‘he was there’.

It is necessary to establish who exactly entered a specific house. Who shot. Who set fires. Who participated in the kidnapping. Who held hostages. Who raped, tortured, robbed, coordinated, filmed the crimes on video, or transmitted data to other participants in the attack.

Why the comparison with Nuremberg sounds but does not fully fit

The comparison with the Nuremberg Trials arises almost automatically: mass crime, historical trauma, the need to show the world documents, witnesses, and the mechanism of evil. But the Israeli task is, in some sense, even more detailed.

Nuremberg judged the top of the regime.

Israel must judge not only ideologues, commanders, and organizers but also specific perpetrators who physically entered homes, shot people, participated in kidnappings, and transmitted footage of violence as trophies.

For the Israeli audience, this is fundamental. For the families of the victims, the general formula ‘Hamas is guilty’ is not enough. They want to know who killed their loved ones, who gave the order, who filmed, who stood by, and who might try to hide behind the word ‘executor’ afterward.

This is where the meaning of an open trial appears.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views the future trial not as a technical procedure, but as part of Israel’s struggle for the right to truth. After October 7, the world too quickly began to argue about ‘context’, forgetting about the bodies in kibbutzim, burned houses, kidnapped children, murdered families, and people whom terrorists pursued not for form, but for the very fact of their Israeli and Jewish life.

An open trial is needed not only by Israel

If the court sessions are indeed public and documented, it will be an important response to those who are already trying to blur the memory of October 7.

In Israel, they well understand the price of denial. First, terrorists film crimes on cameras. Then their supporters call these shots ‘propaganda’. Then international activists demand ‘balance’ where it is about the mass murder of civilians.

The trial must proceed so that future deniers have as little room for manipulation as possible.

Not with slogans. Not with shouting. Not with revenge.

With evidence.

What will happen next

Until 2029, Israel will have to create infrastructure that will withstand not just one loud day in the headlines, but years of procedural work. This will be a difficult path: with legal disputes, international criticism, internal political clashes, and painful testimonies.

But the state, having survived October 7, has virtually no other path.

If Hamas terrorists turned the murder of Israelis into a spectacle for their cameras, Israel must respond not with the same spectacle, but with a trial where every frame, every voice, every document, and every verdict will carry weight.

For the families of the deceased, this will not bring back their loved ones.

For the survivors, it will not cancel the night that continues inside their memory.

But for the country, it can become a moment when pain turns into legally formalized truth. And such truth is needed by Israel no less than punishment.

Для израильской аудитории этот концерт интересен не только как афиша на летний вечер у моря. В нем есть сразу несколько смысловых линий: украинская артистка, которая после полномасштабного вторжения россии разорвала связи с российским рынком; Ашдод как город с большой русскоязычной и украинской аудиторией; и итальянская музыкальная традиция Сан-Ремо, хорошо знакомая нескольким поколениям слушателей.

Что пройдет в Ашдоде 13 июня

Фестиваль «Звуки моря» заявлен как большой вечер под открытым небом. Место проведения — амфитеатр Ашдод, одна из крупнейших летних площадок Израиля. Мероприятие состоится в субботу, 13 июня 2026 года, начало — в 21:00, продолжительность программы — около 2 часов 30 минут.

Главная музыкальная интрига вечера — сочетание LOBODA и The Magic of Sanremo. Это не стандартный сольный концерт и не обычный фестивальный сборный формат. Организаторы делают ставку на контраст: современная поп-сцена, визуальное шоу, сильная вокальная подача — и рядом с этим итальянская классика, оркестр, ностальгия по большим мелодиям Европы.

В публикации организаторов этот вечер описан как «стилистический коктейль», где современная поп-энергия встречается с итальянской эстрадной традицией. Такой формат может быть особенно близок израильской публике: здесь давно любят концерты, в которых соединяются разные языки, страны, культурные памяти и личные истории зрителей.

Кто выйдет на сцену в программе Sanremo

The Magic of Sanremo — это международное шоу, посвященное музыкальной атмосфере знаменитого итальянского фестиваля. В программе заявлены Джованни Скрибано, Лара Паскуали, Стефано Берсола и Мартина Стриано. Особенность этой части вечера — участие Оркестра камерной оперы, благодаря которому знакомые итальянские мелодии получат симфоническое звучание.

Для зрителей это может стать отдельным поводом прийти на концерт. Сан-Ремо — не просто телевизионный фестиваль. Для многих семей в Израиле, особенно среди выходцев из Европы и стран Средиземноморья, итальянская эстрада остается частью домашней музыкальной памяти: песни, которые звучали по радио, на пластинках, в старых телепередачах и семейных вечерах.

Почему фигура LOBODA важна именно сейчас

Светлана Лобода давно вышла за рамки статуса бывшей участницы «ВИА Гры». Ее сольная карьера строилась на яркой сценической подаче, сильной визуальной драматургии и умении соединять поп-музыку с театральным эффектом. Отдельно отмечают ее сценический почерк, где сочетаются лирический драматизм и экспрессия.

Но после 2022 года имя LOBODA стало связано не только с музыкой. Для украинской и израильской аудитории важен вопрос позиции артиста во время войны.

По данным материала Nikk.Agency, после начала полномасштабного вторжения россии в Украину в феврале 2022 года Лобода прекратила сотрудничество с Россией, перестала выступать в РФ, осталась жить в Латвии с детьми и занялась волонтерской деятельностью. В России ее “признали” «иноагентом».

Это важный контекст.

До 2022 года у Лободы действительно была сложная история взаимодействия с российским рынком: выступления, телевидение, крупные площадки, коммерческая поп-индустрия. Но после начала полномасштабной войны она резко оборвала связи с РФ. Именно этот поворот сегодня часто становится главным аргументом для тех, кто оценивает ее не только как артистку, но и как публичную фигуру.

Помощь Украине и волонтерские проекты

В материале Nikk.Agency рассказывается про благотворительную деятельность Лободы после начала полномасштабной войны. Среди указанных направлений — помощь фонду «Маша» Маши Ефросининой, поддержка латвийского фонда помощи украинским семьям, волонтерский штаб в Риге, Loboda Help Center, восстановление детского сада «Віночок» в Ирпене, помощь переселенцам, детям, животным и проектам восстановления жилья. Общая сумма благотворительной помощи, указанная в статье, — более 14 млн грн.

Для Израиля этот аспект не второстепенный. Здесь хорошо понимают, что война проверяет не только государства, но и людей публичной сцены. Особенно тех, кто годами работал на постсоветском пространстве и имел аудиторию по обе стороны границы.

НАновости — Новости Израиля | Nikk.Agency уже обращали внимание на то, что культурные события с участием украинских артистов в Израиле часто становятся больше, чем обычной афишей. Они показывают, где сегодня проходит граница между нейтральным развлечением и осознанной публичной позицией.

Ашдод, море и летняя сцена: почему этот вечер может собрать разную публику

Ашдод для такого концерта выбран не случайно. Это большой приморский город с сильной русскоязычной аудиторией, заметным украинским присутствием и привычкой к крупным летним событиям. Амфитеатр у моря добавляет концерту особую атмосферу: открытое пространство, вечерний воздух, сцена, рассчитанная не на камерный формат, а на большое эмоциональное шоу.

С одной стороны, на этот вечер могут прийти поклонники LOBODA, которые ждут ее хиты, сценическую энергию и современный звук.

С другой — программа Sanremo способна привлечь аудиторию, для которой важнее итальянская мелодика, живой оркестр и узнаваемая европейская музыкальная классика. Именно сочетание этих двух частей делает событие необычным: оно не замыкается на одном жанре и не обращается только к одной возрастной группе.

Музыка как пространство выбора

Концерт LOBODA и The Magic of Sanremo в Ашдоде можно воспринимать как красивое летнее событие. Но у него есть и более глубокий контекст.

После 2022 года украинские артисты, выступающие за границей, неизбежно оказываются внутри большого разговора о войне, памяти, ответственности и солидарности. Израильская публика это понимает особенно хорошо. В стране, где культура часто переплетена с вопросами безопасности, идентичности и личной истории, сценическое выступление редко бывает просто «развлечением без контекста».

В этом смысле «Звуки моря» в Ашдоде — это не только вечер музыки. Это встреча украинской современной сцены, итальянской музыкальной традиции и израильского города, где разные культурные голоса давно живут рядом.

А значит, 13 июня 2026 года амфитеатр Ашдода может стать площадкой не только для концерта, но и для еще одного напоминания: музыка тоже фиксирует, кто где стоит в момент исторического выбора.

Билеты и Что важно знать зрителям

Место проведения — амфитеатр Ашдод.

Дата — 13 июня 2026 года.

Начало — 21:00.

Продолжительность — 2 часа 30 минут.

Организатором указан Центр сценических искусств Ашдод.

Билеты уже доступны –

Loboda and The magic of Sanremo — Звуки моря 2026

Также в анонсе указано, что для жителей Ашдода предусмотрены специальные условия по предъявлению удостоверения личности на месте мероприятия, однако скидки могут быть изменены организатором и не суммируются.

Для тех, кто планирует идти, это важная деталь: условия покупки и скидок лучше проверять непосредственно перед оформлением билетов, потому что организаторы оставляют за собой право менять параметры акции.

According to the latest data, after the completion of the search and rescue operation, it is known that 16 people were killed and 42 were injured. Among the dead are two children. One of them was a boy born in 2023.

For Ukraine, this is another day of pain. For Israel, it is another reminder that terror against civilians does not begin and end on one front. When rockets and drones fly into homes, children’s rooms, and entrances, it is not a ‘military operation’ but a deliberate pressure on the civilian population.

Dnipro declared mourning after the strike on residential areas

The order for the day of mourning was signed by the mayor of Dnipro, Borys Filatov. On June 3, the state flags of Ukraine should be lowered on the buildings of the city council, municipal enterprises, institutions, and establishments.

This is not a formality. For the city, which waited all night and the next day for news from under the rubble, mourning became an attempt to name the dead not as a number in a report, but as people.

Russia struck Dnipro at night. As a result of the attack, dozens of houses were damaged. According to Ukrainian sources, about 50 buildings in the city were damaged, some of them almost completely destroyed.

The rubble was cleared for hours

Initially, a smaller number of casualties was reported. Then rescuers retrieved new bodies from under the debris, and the data changed: 12, 15, 16.

This is the reality of Ukrainian cities after Russian attacks. Official figures grow not because statistics change, but because people are found under slabs, walls, and ceilings.

Among the dead was the deputy chief of the fire and rescue squad, Major Anton Yarmolenko. He was heading to a call at the time of the strike. His death especially accurately shows who Russia is really hitting: not only those who were at home but also those who were going to save others.

Children, hospitals, and a new strike after mourning

Among the dead in Dnipro are two children. The body of a child born in 2023 was retrieved from the rubble. Later, rescuers found the body of an 8-year-old boy.

Among the injured are also children. It was reported that four minors were injured: boys aged 6 and 16, a 13-year-old girl, and a 14-year-old girl. People were recorded with shrapnel wounds, fractures, lacerations, and cuts, mine-explosive injuries, and injuries from the blast wave.

Adults and children remained in hospitals. Some of the injured were in serious condition. For doctors, it was not an ordinary shift, but a continuation of the night in which the city once again saw how war enters apartments, stairwells, and children’s rooms.

The strike did not end in one night

Even after the declaration of mourning, Dnipro was again under attack. The Dnipropetrovsk regional military administration reported a new drone hit on a residential building.

As a result, an 8-year-old girl was injured. Medics provided her with the necessary assistance.

This detail is important. The city had not yet finished the search and rescue operation, had not yet mourned the dead, had not yet put the yards and entrances in order, and the Russian strike on the residential building was repeated again.

According to Ukrainian reports, cluster munitions were used in the attack. For the city, this means an especially high risk for civilians: the striking elements cover areas, yards, streets, cars, stops, and those who just happened to be nearby.

Why this attack is important for the Israeli audience

For Israelis, the story of Dnipro does not sound like distant news from another country. In Israel, they know well what a night alarm, a strike on a house, wounded children, shattered apartments, and waiting for news about loved ones are.

The difference between Dnipro, Sderot, Ashkelon, northern kibbutzim, or border towns is not in the essence of terror, but in geography. The method is the same: to strike at civilians, sow fear, break the sense of security, force people to live under the threat of the next arrival.

NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such events precisely in this context: Ukraine faces state terror from Russia, Israel — from Hamas, Hezbollah, Iran, and their allies. Different maps, different fronts, but one principle — the enemy chooses civilians as a tool of pressure.

Dnipro is not a statistic, but a warning

Dnipro on June 3, 2026, is not only a day of mourning for one Ukrainian city. It is a direct testimony of how Russia wages war: through strikes on residential buildings, children, rescuers, and ordinary people who had nothing to do with the front.

For the Israeli audience, there is no abstraction in this. When terrorists choose civilians as targets, the difference between a rocket on Dnipro, shelling of Sderot, or a strike on a kibbutz becomes a question not of geography, but of method.

Ukraine pays for resistance with the lives of people who should have gone to school, work, the doctor, the store, or their shift in the morning. Israel knows well the price of such a reality — and therefore cannot look at it as foreign.

Therefore, many at some point stop googling another “shampoo for everything” and look for a place where they first deal with the cause, and only then offer a plan. In Haifa, such an address for many becomes the “Abramsky” Hair Health Center — the Russian-language main page is here: https://hair-health-center.nikk.co.il/ru/

Why “just hair loss” often turns out to be a system of causes

The most common pain is the feeling of losing control.
Yesterday everything was fine, and today hair remains in the shower drain, on the pillow, on clothes. People start taking typical steps: changing shampoos, buying vitamins, trying masks, canceling coloring, enduring itching. Sometimes it gets easier, but often — not for long.

The problem is that hair loss and thinning often go hand in hand with scalp irritation: inflammation, increased oiliness, dryness, flaking. And until the scalp is put in order, any “length remedies” only provide a cosmetic effect.

If it’s more convenient for you to read in Hebrew — the center’s main page is here: https://hair-health-center.nikk.co.il/

The pains that people most often come with — and what is done about them

1) “Hair falls out a lot, especially after stress/illness/childbirth”
This is a story where a person tries to understand: is it temporary, or is the process becoming entrenched. The center focuses on diagnosing the scalp and follicle condition — to separate “waves” of hair loss from situations where intervention is needed.

2) “Itching, burning, discomfort — and it seems that the scalp is living its own life”
This is not a symptom that should be suppressed by endlessly changing shampoos. When itching is associated with inflammation or imbalance of the scalp, it is more important to understand the trigger and calm the hair growth environment. Material on the topic (for those who want to delve deeper): https://hair-health-center.nikk.co.il/ru/zud-vospalenie-i-diskomfort/

3) “The parting is widening, the hair has become thin and brittle”
Brittleness rarely appears in one day. More often it is an accumulation of factors: heat styling, coloring, sun, humidity, stress, sometimes — internal causes. In such cases, the plan is usually built to work simultaneously with the scalp and the quality of the hair along the length.

By the way, NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency often writes about how “small” symptoms in Israeli reality quickly turn into a permanent problem if delayed — with hair, it works exactly the same.

How the center builds its approach: fewer promises — more stages

People are not irritated by the procedures themselves. It’s the chaos that irritates.
When there is no understanding: what is happening, why, how long it will take, and how to assess progress.

Abramsky’s logic is clear:
first diagnosis, then individual protocol, then dynamics — and adjustments based on the reaction of the scalp and hair. Not “the same for everyone,” but tailored to the specific picture.

If you want to follow updates, analysis of typical cases, and short explanations — the center maintains a Facebook page: https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=61583975616191 (it’s convenient to view publications and news there, especially for the Russian-speaking audience).

Geography: who finds it convenient to get there

The center is located in Haifa, in the Check-Post area — a place that is easy to reach for city residents and those coming from Kiryat, Nesher, Tirat Carmel, and the entire North.

Address: שד’ ההסתדרות 44, צ’ק פוסט, חיפה.
If you need a map/route immediately on your phone, use the Google link: https://share.google/ZQvv9ENHX3H1rWwqh

Schedule and contact

Schedule, which is important to know in advance, so as not to travel “in vain”:

• Sun–Thu: 9:00–19:00

• Fri and pre-holiday days: 9:00–14:00

Phone for appointments/inquiries: 055-939-7729.

If you want “quick answers” without unnecessary noise

Sometimes it’s easier for a person to watch a short video than to read long explanations. For this, there is the center’s YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/@HairHealthHaifa — there you can gather a basic understanding of what is considered normal and what is a reason for diagnosis.

And if you prefer a more business-like format (professional presentation, updates, expert notes) — there is LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/hairhealthhaifa/

For those who are used to receiving news briefly and to the point, there is also X (Twitter): https://x.com/HairHealthHaifa — convenient when you need literally 2–3 thoughts without “sheets.”

What can be done today while you are thinking about a visit

Without magic and without “guarantees”:

1. stop endlessly changing shampoos “at random” every 5 days;

2. do not scratch the scalp “to blood” and do not exacerbate irritation with scrubs/alcohol-based products;

3. record: when it started, what changed (stress, illness, coloring, diet, medications);

4. and come for a diagnosis, so as not to guess.

Because the most expensive mistake with hair problems is not the cost of the procedure.
The most expensive mistake is lost months in the “it will pass by itself” mode.

Shmuel Agnon (born July 17, 1888, Buchach, Ukraine) is a famous Jewish writer whose life and work are closely connected with Ukraine. The events of his most famous novels, “The Bridal Canopy” and “A Guest for the Night,” for which he received the Nobel Prize in Literature, take place in his native Buchach and its surroundings.

In Ukrainian Buchach

To date, not many of Agnon’s works have been translated into Ukrainian, but interest in them is growing in Ukraine, which means that Ukrainian readers are in for an acquaintance with his books.

The Nobel Prize in Literature laureate of 1966 “For his profoundly original narrative art with motifs from Jewish folk tales.” He became the first laureate of one of the Nobel Prizes representing Israel. He wrote in Hebrew and Yiddish.

The influence of the Talmud on Shmuel Agnon’s work was significant. He was born as Shmuel Yosef Halevi Czaczkes in July 1887 in Buchach, now Chortkiv district of Ternopil region. His father, Shalom Mordechai Halevi Czaczkes, was a rabbi and fur trader, knowledgeable in the Torah and Talmud, and often explained them to the local Jewish community.

Shmuel’s mother, Esther Farb, and grandfather, Yehuda Farb, were also educated people. Shmuel attended a cheder and received a good home education, studying Yiddish, Hebrew, German, and Ukrainian languages, as well as the Talmud under his father’s guidance.

Starting to write early, at the age of 8, Shmuel published stories in local newspapers. At 19, he moved to Lviv and worked in a Jewish newspaper. In 1907, his first novella “Forsaken Wives” was published, which in Hebrew sounds like “Agnon,” becoming his pseudonym and official surname since 1924.

Palestine and Berlin

In the same year, Agnon went to Palestine, and then to Berlin, where he wrote, lectured, gave private Hebrew lessons, and published works in the newspaper Jude.

He was supported by patron Zalman Schocken, who provided a five-year scholarship for organizing an anthology of Jewish literature and writing new works. Agnon’s works were published in German at Schocken’s publishing house in Berlin.

Love Against All Odds

In Berlin, Shmuel Agnon found true love — Esther Marks, or “dear Esterlein,” as he called her. The girl’s father was against their marriage, but they married anyway, and the ceremony was conducted by Rabbi Yechiel Yaakov Weinberg.

They had a daughter, Emuna (“faith”), and a son, Shalom Mordechai, whom they called Hemdat (“soul’s desire”) at home.

Three Destroyed Homes

In 1924, the family moved to Jerusalem. The move was preceded by tragedy: the writer’s house in Hamburg burned down, destroying the library and manuscripts, including the novel “The Community of the Ever-Living.”

Agnon decided to return to the Promised Land. He moved to Jerusalem first, and a year later called for Esther and the children. In 1927, an earthquake occurred in Jerusalem.

“The disaster did not destroy our souls,” Agnon wrote, “only the house we lived in.”

Two years later, in 1929, the new Agnon home in Jerusalem was looted during Arab riots. “Esterlein,” he wrote to his wife, “we need to start everything anew: the house is ruined, things are stolen or broken. But… do not grieve and do not think about it.”

World Fame and the Nobel Prize

Agnon gained world fame in the late 1940s when his works began to be published in English. In 1966, Agnon became the first writer writing in Hebrew and Yiddish to receive the Nobel Prize for the novels “The Bridal Canopy” and “A Guest for the Night.”

In his speech, he noted that he draws inspiration from spiritual literature.

“Keep Quiet! Agnon is Working!”

Israel is proud of its Nobel laureate. When a construction site was opened in the Talpiot area, Mayor Teddy Kollek installed a sign saying: “Keep quiet! Agnon is working!” European critics compared him to Marcel Proust, James Joyce, and William Faulkner.

Agnon wrote in various genres but was wounded by the fact that many of his readers became victims of the Holocaust. His last novel, “Just Recently,” set in Palestine during the Second Aliyah, is dedicated to the catastrophe of European Jewry.

Memory of the Writer

Shmuel Agnon died of a heart attack on February 17, 1970, in Jerusalem at the age of 82. He was buried on the Mount of Olives, and his apartment became a memorial museum.

In his native Buchach, which he last visited in 1930, a monument was erected in his honor, a street is named after him, and a bas-relief of the writer adorns the entrance to the local “ART-Court.”

This is the most common and absolutely logical question.
And the short answer to it is — no, not all the land in Israel belongs to the state.

…

Let’s say right away, in Israel, a petition/open appeal by Israeli citizens to the government is gaining momentum, demanding “to stop the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard to Russia and related IPPO structures“, because they believe that such a transfer “threatens Israel’s security” and poses “risks associated with external influence and the political interests of Moscow and related organizations”.

“Protect Israel from the Russian threat: stop the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard to Hamas supporters“
“Protect Israel from the Russian threat: stop the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard to Hamas supporters”

here it is (Hebrew) – https://www.atzuma.co.il/threatfromrussia

…

Let’s return to land ownership.

Where did this myth come from

In Israel, indeed:

• most of the land is under state management;
• there is the Israel Land Authority;
• land is often not sold, but leased long-term.

Because of this, there is a feeling that

“everything state-owned means the state decides everything.”

But this is not quite so.

What actually belongs to the state and what does not

In Israel, there are three different types of land:

1. State land
   Yes — belongs to the state.
   This is simple.
2. Private land of citizens and organizations
   Yes — it exists.
   With documents, registers, and property rights.
3. Historical and foreign private property
   This is where the whole story with courtyards, churches, and old objects begins.

Many such plots:

• were purchased even before 1948,
• during the Ottoman Empire, British Mandate,
• by private societies, churches, foundations.

And Israel did not automatically nullify these rights.

Why didn’t Israel say: “Everything is ours, period”

When Israel was being re-established, it consciously did not go down the path of confiscating all private property.

The reasons are simple and harsh:

• it wanted to be a state of law, not a revolutionary regime;
• it inherited the British legal system, not destroyed it;
• mass confiscation would mean:
  • endless courts,
  • international isolation,
  • destruction of its own legitimacy.

Simply put:

Israel could have taken it — but decided not to become one who takes by force.

Then what does “transfer” mean in such disputes

When it is said that an object is “transferred”, it does not mean that:

• Israel is giving away “its land”,
• or making a gift to someone.

In fact, Israel:

• is not the owner of such objects,
• acts as an arbiter,
• decides whom to recognize as the legal owner between disputing parties.

Can Israel take it for itself?

Theoretically — yes:

• if the object is recognized as ownerless,
• if no party proves the right,
• or for exceptional reasons of public interest.

“Public interest” — these are rare cases when the state can intervene in private property for the sake of security, vital infrastructure, or protection of unique heritage, for example, for road, railway, or metro construction, creating a security zone, or preserving a historical object.

But this is a extreme scenario, which Israel almost does not resort to, because it:

• creates a dangerous precedent,
• hits international reputation,
• undermines the very logic of a state of law.

The shortest explanation

Land under the sovereignty of Israel — yes.
But ownership — not always state-owned.
Therefore, Israel does not “give away its own”, but decides, whose it is by law (Israeli and international).

Let’s start.

What is the Alexander Courtyard today — in fact

The Alexander Courtyard, here it is on Google map, is a historical-archaeological, cult, and museum complex in the Old City of Jerusalem, located approximately 40–50 meters from the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (1–2 minutes walk). It is not a hotel or commercial lodging: accommodation for tourists or pilgrims is not provided.

Area and location.
The complex occupies a plot of about 1,300–1,500 m², which is a significant size for the dense development of the Old City. Nearby are key shrines and locations:

• Church of the Holy Sepulchre — 40–50 m;
• route Via Dolorosa — directly adjacent (the Judgment Gate Threshold is part of it);
• district Muristan — about 100 m;
• Jaffa Gate — approximately 250–300 m.

What exactly is on the territory of the courtyard:

• House Church of St. Alexander Nevsky — a small Orthodox church of the late 19th century; services are held periodically, there is no permanent monastic community.
• Judgment Gate Threshold — an authentic archaeological object of the Roman era (1st century AD), a fragment of an ancient pavement and threshold; according to Christian tradition, associated with the path of Jesus Christ to the trial of Pontius Pilate and included in the Via Dolorosa route.
• Archaeological site — elements of ancient city walls and buildings of Jerusalem, discovered during 19th-century excavations and preserved.
• Small museum and exhibition rooms, dedicated to the history of the complex and findings.
• Inner courtyard and historical buildings, forming a closed architectural ensemble within the Old City.

What is happening there now:

• the courtyard is open to visitors as a cultural-historical object;
• tours and archaeological site inspections are conducted;
• there is a museum exhibition;
• the cult function of the church is maintained;
• work is being done on the maintenance, protection, and conservation of monuments.

What is fundamentally absent there:

• there is no hotel or hostel;
• there is no commercial tourist service;
• there is no diplomatic or state institution.

Who manages the object:

Management and daily activities are carried out by the Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS) — a non-governmental public association operating in Jerusalem within the Israeli legal framework. Administrators, guides, and caretakers work on-site; restorers and monument protection specialists are involved as needed. The State of Israel does not directly manage the courtyard but oversees it within the framework of heritage protection and security legislation.

It is the combination of significant area, archaeological value, and extreme proximity to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre that makes the Alexander Courtyard an object of special attention and explains why the dispute around it goes far beyond a usual property issue.

Let’s continue.

In November 2025, a new round of hearings on the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard took place in the Jerusalem District Court — from the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (IPPO) — to whom — Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (IPPO).

No, this is not a typo.

Why “IPPO ≠ IPPO”, if OPS was in between

(in the international-legal sense, considering the role of OPS)

In practice, it is about not two, but three different entities, which creates the main confusion. Two of them bear the same name — the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, and the third — Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS) — occupied an intermediate position during the legal gap period.

Imperial IPPO (1882–1917)

The pre-revolutionary “Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society” (IPPO) was a private public association, founded in 1882 and operating within the legal framework of the Russian Empire.

Principally important legal clarification:
the imperial IPPO did not belong to the state of the Russian Empire and was not the property of the royal family or the House of Romanov.

• the society was not a state body;
• was not part of the structure of ministries or departments;
• its property was not state property;
• it was not in the personal property of the emperor or members of the dynasty.

Imperial patronage was expressed exclusively in:

• approval of the charter,
• moral and political support,

but not in ownership rights.

All land plots and buildings in “Palestine”, including the Jerusalem courtyards, belonged to the society itself as an independent legal entity, not to the state and not to the royal family.

The term “Palestine” is used here exclusively in a historical-legal sense, as it appeared in Ottoman, European, and mandate documents of the late 19th — early 20th century, and has no relation to modern political realities or issues of Israeli sovereignty. For clarity, this name will be used strictly in the form and meaning in which it is recorded in official acts of the corresponding period.

After 1917, the Russian Empire and the imperial legal order ceased to exist. As a result, the imperial IPPO lost its legal personality and ceased to exist as a legal entity. There was no formal act of liquidation, but in the international-legal sense, the society ceased to exist.

Important for the IPPO case

Already in 1918, Soviet Russia, and then the USSR, officially renounced succession in relation to the Russian Empire, which was recorded by the decree of the Council of People’s Commissars on the annulment of state debts and the rupture of imperial legal and contractual obligations. This renunciation meant not only the non-recognition of imperial state debts but also the absence of succession for private imperial societies, including the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society. Accordingly, the property of the IPPO abroad was not considered inherited by the USSR and was not under the protection or management of the Soviet state, which cemented the international-legal gap in the fate of the society and its property.

OPS as a period of factual continuation

In the legal vacuum that arose after 1917, the activities and management of the property of the former IPPO in the Holy Land effectively passed to the Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS)— a Jerusalem Orthodox organization formed in the emigrant community from the Russian Empire in the 1920s. People, local structure, archives, and actual management of the courtyards moved to OPS.

Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS) — is a non-governmental public association operating in Jerusalem and associated with the historical tradition of the pre-revolutionary Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, but legally independent and not representing any state. It operates within the Israeli legal framework and manages historical objects, including the Alexander Courtyard. In this article, OPS is mentioned only as one of the parties to the property dispute, without delving into its history.

At the same time, OPS was not and was not recognized as the legal successor of the imperial IPPO. It did not receive the property by an act of inheritance or transfer and acted in the international-legal logic as a factual holder and custodian, not as a legal owner.

Russian IPPO (since the 1990s)

The modern Russian “Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society” (IPPO) was created in the 1990s and registered under Russian Federation law. In a legal sense, this is a new legal entity, not identical to the pre-revolutionary society.

The Russian IPPO declares itself the successor of the imperial IPPO, relying on historical continuity, mission, traditions, and the restoration of the name. However, from the point of view of international and Israeli law, the coincidence of the name and appeal to historical identity does not create automatic succession.

International-legal conclusion

In international-legal logic, automatic succession is possible only if there is continuity of the same legal entity or an internationally recognized act of transfer of rights. In the case of the IPPO, such conditions did not exist. An additional factor cementing the gap is the existence of OPS as an independent factual holder of property in the period between 1917 and the 1990s.

Final formula

The Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society was a private public association and did not belong to either the state of the Russian Empire or the royal family; its property was not state property. In the international-legal sense, the modern Russian IPPO is not an automatic successor of the pre-revolutionary IPPO, as there is no continuity of the legal entity and there was no internationally recognized act of transfer of rights.

What is the legal collision

In December 2019, Israeli media reported on the registration of the Alexander Courtyard for Russia in the Israeli real estate register. It was this entry that created the impression that the object had already been transferred. However, the registration was carried out administratively, without completing legal proceedings and without resolving objections from the Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS).

OPS, led by Nikolai Vorontsov-Hofman, filed a protest, after which the Jerusalem District Court imposed a temporary ban on the transfer of the object to the Russian IPPO, effectively freezing the situation.

Administrative decision of 2020

In 2020, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu signed an administrative document categorizing the Alexander Courtyard as a “place of Christian worship”.

This decision was not an act of property transfer and did not replace legal proceedings, but it placed the object in a special legal regime, where questions of its status could be considered at the government level, not exclusively within the framework of ordinary civil litigation. Thus, the executive branch received an additional tool for resolving the dispute outside the classic judicial path.

Current legal status

The Jerusalem District Court ruled to maintain the status quo until a political-administrative decision is made.

According to the court’s decision, the courtyard temporarily remains under the management of the OPS (Orthodox Palestine Society) — that is, the structure that carries out the actual ownership and management of the object at the moment — until a special interdepartmental commission of the Israeli government makes a final decision on the ownership issue.

The court did not recognize any of the parties as the final owner, emphasizing the limited jurisdiction in this situation.

Positions of the parties

• The Russian side claims that Israel should fulfill previous political commitments and complete the transfer process in favor of the Russian IPPO, which is considered by it as a historical successor.
• OPS (Orthodox Palestine Society) insists that the courtyard is its historical property, which Russia or Russian structures never directly owned, and disputes the very idea of transfer.
• The Israeli government takes an intermediate position, trying to balance between external political pressure, internal legal risks, and international criticism, avoiding a unilateral decision without the conclusion of a specialized commission.

What’s next

The court directly indicated that the final decision is within the competence of the governmental interdepartmental commission, not the court and not the prime minister individually.

Until such a decision is made, the situation remains legally suspended. At the same time, continued pressure from the Russian side is expected, especially given the current geopolitical context, while the Israeli government continues to postpone the final decision, striving to minimize legal and political consequences.

By the way –

there is material about the modern Russian IPPO from the Israeli publication “Details”

“The Alexander Courtyard is wanted to be transferred to a structure, accusing Israel of the “October 7 massacre” and promoting more than 170 exhibitions about the “genocide of Palestinians”

And here is the video Sergey Auslender – Nikita Aronov on this issue:

Ancient Hebrew period (10th century BC — 70 AD)

Land was regulated by the norms of ancient Hebrew law (din Torah), as well as city and royal administration. The plot was outside the sacred zone of the Temple Mount, so the temple property regime (קדשי המקדש) did not apply to it. Ownership was secular and could be private, communal, or administrative within the framework of ancient Hebrew property law.

Specific owners are not known by name, as cadastral fixation of property in the modern sense did not exist. After the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD and the liquidation of the city structure, the former ancient Hebrew property titles effectively lost legal force.

Roman period (70 AD — 4th century AD)

After the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD, the territory came under the direct control of the Roman Empire and was regulated by the norms of Roman law (ius Romanum). Land was considered either state property (ager publicus) or private property (dominium privatum), transferred to Roman citizens or municipal structures of the city.

Specific owners of the plot are not recorded in surviving sources. Property rights of the previous population were terminated as a result of war and deportations, and subsequent ownership was determined by decisions of the Roman administration and city management (municipium).

Byzantine and early Christian period (326–637 AD)

In 326–335 AD, at the initiative of Empress Helena, mother of Emperor Constantine the Great, and by direct order of the imperial authority, the territory in the area of the future Church of the Holy Sepulchre was withdrawn from the usual city circulation. This decision was part of the state policy of Christianizing Jerusalem after the legalization of Christianity. Land, previously part of secular urban development, was transferred to the status of sacred property (res sacrae) according to the norms of Byzantine and Roman imperial law (ius Romanum, ius Byzantinum).

The legal holder of rights to the plot became the Jerusalem Church (ecclesia Hierosolymitana), that is, the local Christian institution under the management of the Bishop of Jerusalem, operating under imperial patronage (imperial patronage). The transfer was not formalized by a purchase-sale agreement, as the mechanism of imperial withdrawal and sacralization of land, characteristic of the 4th century, was applied. Private individuals were not owners, and the alienation of the plot was taken out of the civil circulation.

The formation of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the adjacent territory secured a stable Christian status for this area, which was maintained throughout the Byzantine period. Documentary confirmation of this is provided by contemporaneous sources of the 4th century, primarily the testimonies of Eusebius of Caesarea (Vita Constantini), as well as subsequent Byzantine church management practices. By the time of the Arab conquest of Jerusalem in 637 AD, the plot was recognized as church property, under institutional, not private ownership.

Early Islamic period (from 637 AD — 10th century)

After the capture of Jerusalem in 637 AD by the troops of Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab, the city came under the rule of the Rashidun, and then the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates. Upon the change of sovereignty, Christian shrines and church possessions were not confiscated. The rights of the Jerusalem Church to the plot in the area of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre were preserved within the framework of Islamic law.

The legal basis was the granting of Christians the status of dhimmi (ahl al-dhimma), which guaranteed the protection of the person, cult, and property upon payment of a poll tax (jizya). Church property was recognized as legal and inviolable, and the land continued to be owned by the Christian institution as a religious collective. The caliphate did not convert such plots into waqf and did not include them in the state land fund (bayt al-mal).

Thus, in the early Islamic period, there was no redistribution of property, but a confirmation of the previously established Byzantine church title. By the 10th century, the plot remained part of the Christian confessional zone around the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, with continuous institutional ownership and without a break in legal status.

Medieval period: Crusaders, Ayyubids, Mamluks (11th–15th centuries)

In 1099, Jerusalem was captured by the Crusaders, and the city came under the control of the Latin Kingdom. Christian property in the area of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was redistributed within the Christian world: management and ownership of plots passed to Latin church institutions under canon law (ius canonicum). At the same time, the category of church sacred property was preserved, and the land was not turned into secular private property.

After the return of Jerusalem under the control of the Ayyubids in 1187 and the subsequent establishment of Mamluk control, there was a rollback of Latin dominance. Muslim authorities restored the principle of protecting Christian shrines and property within Islamic law. Church plots around the Church of the Holy Sepulchre were preserved for Eastern Christian communities, including Greeks and Copts, as recognized religious corporations. Property was considered collective confessional ownership and was not included in the state land fund.

By the end of the Mamluk period, the plot on which the Alexander Courtyard later arose was part of a stable Christian property mass in the Old City. The legal status was determined not by a specific purchase-sale agreement, but by continuous recognition of religious property with the change of political regimes.

Ottoman period (1517 — mid-19th century)

After the conquest of Jerusalem by the Ottoman Empire in 1517, the city was included in the Ottoman administrative-legal system. Christian communities were recognized by the state as religious corporations within the millet system, which gave them the right to collective ownership of real estate and independent management of internal affairs. The property of Christian denominations, including land plots in the area of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, was regulated by the norms of Ottoman law, combining sharia and imperial legislation (kanun).

At the early stage of Ottoman rule, the rights of religious communities were primarily fixed in fiscal-land registers (defter). These documents reflected the recognition of a specific community’s ownership of a plot and its responsibility to the state, but did not represent an individual title deed in the modern sense. It was about state confirmation of existing confessional ownership, not the creation of new property rights.

With the development of the Ottoman land system and the implementation of reforms in the 18th–19th centuries, religious possessions in Jerusalem were more formally registered in the tapu land certificate system. It was the tapu senedi that became the first type of document that can be considered a full-fledged title deed, recognized by the state and allowing for the alienation of property.

Within this registration, part of the Christian plots around the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was secured for the Coptic Orthodox community of Jerusalem as an independent legal entity.

It is important to emphasize that the Ottoman authorities did not “transfer” the land to the Copts. Their right was based on continuous confessional ownership, which the state recognized and formalized through registration. The Ottoman administration considered the Coptic community as a legitimate owner, capable of disposing of real estate, including its sale, subject to the established procedure and obtaining permission from the authorities.

By the mid-19th century, the Coptic community had a formalized and state-recognized title of ownership, confirmed by tapu documents. It was the emergence of this formalized Ottoman title deed that became the first case of documentary securing of property rights to the plot in a legal sense and created the legal possibility of its lawful sale to the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in 1859–1860.

Purchase of the plot by the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission (1859–1860)

In 1859–1860, the land plot in the area of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, previously registered for the Coptic Orthodox community of Jerusalem, was alienated in favor of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem. The transaction was formalized as a private purchase-sale between two religious corporations and was carried out within the framework of the existing Ottoman law. The seller was the Coptic church institution, possessing a formalized title of ownership, confirmed by the tapu system, and the buyer was the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, acting through its head, Archimandrite Antonin (Kapustin).

The legal basis of the transaction was a purchase-sale agreement concluded under the norms of sharia and kanun with the mandatory administrative permission of the Ottoman authorities for the alienation of real estate to a foreign religious entity. Such a procedure was standard for Jerusalem in the mid-19th century and applied to all foreign Christian missions. The Ottoman administration considered the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission not as a state body of the Russian Empire, but as a church institution, which excluded the qualification of the transaction as interstate.

The financing of the purchase was carried out at the expense of donations and church funds, but the source of the money did not affect the legal status of the property. In Ottoman documents and registers, the owner of the plot was recorded as the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem, not the Russian Empire, not the imperial family, and not the treasury. No acts transferring the plot to the state property of Russia were formalized.

The conclusion of the transaction in 1859–1860 created a new initial title of ownership, recognized by the Ottoman state and valid in subsequent periods. From this moment, the plot was in the private church ownership of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, which became the legal basis for the subsequent construction and formation of the Alexander Courtyard, but did not generate any rights for the Russian Empire as a state.

Development of the plot and formation of the Alexander Courtyard (1860s — 1890s)

After the completion of the purchase-sale in 1859–1860, the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem began the development of the plot as the legal owner under Ottoman law. The use of the land was carried out based on the formalized tapu title and was not accompanied by any acts of alienation or change in the legal status of ownership. The Ottoman authorities considered construction and archaeological work as permissible disposal of private church property (mulk).

In the 1860s–1870s, the plot was cleared and adapted for religious and pilgrimage purposes. In the 1880s–1890s, an architectural complex was formed here, which received the name Alexander Courtyard. This name had a memorial character and did not reflect the form of ownership or state affiliation of the object. The right of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission to the plot continued to be preserved without changes and did not require re-registration.

Transfer of management of the Alexander Courtyard to the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (late 19th century)

By the end of the 19th century, the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem decided to transfer the economic and pilgrimage management of the Alexander Courtyard to the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society. The basis for this was the statutory goals of the IPPO, aimed at organizing pilgrimages, maintaining Russian institutions in Palestine, and exploiting religious real estate. The transfer was carried out in the form of an internal order between affiliated church-public structures and was not formalized as a civil-law transaction of alienation.

From a legal point of view, it was about delegating management and use functions (administratio), not about transferring ownership rights (dominium). The Russian Ecclesiastical Mission retained the title of owner, based on the Ottoman tapu, while the IPPO acted as the managing organization, carrying out actual possession, maintenance, and exploitation of the object. No purchase-sale, donation, or other title deed in favor of the IPPO was formalized, and the change of owner was not registered in either Ottoman or subsequent registers.

The transfer of management did not require separate permission from the Ottoman authorities, as it did not affect the title of ownership and was considered an internal order of the owner within his powers. In legal terms, the IPPO acted as a lawful possessor (lawful possessor), having gained access to the object based on the owner’s consent.

It was this status that later became key for assessing the continuity of possession after 1917, but it did not itself turn the IPPO into an owner at this stage.

1917–1922: cessation of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, renunciation of succession, and creation of a legal vacuum

After the revolutionary events of 1917, the pre-revolutionary church-state order of the Russian Empire was destroyed. The Holy Synod, through which the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem operated, was abolished, centralized management and financing of the mission ceased, and the Soviet government refused to recognize pre-revolutionary church institutions as holders of property rights abroad. As a result, the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission lost its legal personality and ability to act as an active owner of real estate.

The cessation of the mission’s activities was not accompanied by an act of liquidation, confiscation, or transfer of property. The Alexander Courtyard was not transferred to either the state or another church structure. In 1918–1922, Soviet Russia officially renounced succession for foreign private and church property of the Russian Empire, which excluded the emergence of a title for the RSFSR or the USSR. Thus, the title of ownership, formalized in the 19th century for the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, was “orphaned”: it was not annulled but lost its active holder.

The Moscow Patriarchate, restored in new conditions, did not become the successor of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in a property sense. It arose as a new church structure within the Soviet legal framework and did not receive automatic international recognition as the heir to pre-revolutionary foreign assets. Neither the Soviet state nor foreign authorities formalized acts of succession linking the patriarchate with the mission’s rights to real estate in Jerusalem.

In these conditions, the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, which even before 1917 carried out lawful management and use of the Alexander Courtyard based on the owner’s consent, continued actual possession of the object. This possession was qualified as lawful and continuous (lawful possession), as the IPPO did not enter arbitrarily, did not displace another owner, and acted within the framework of previously obtained powers. The absence of a successor for the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission and the refusal of the USSR to make claims created a legal vacuum in which the IPPO remained the only subject exercising possession, forming the basis for subsequent recognition of the title based on the principle of continuity of possession (continuity of possession).

British Mandate period (1917–1948): administrative practice and recognition of the IPPO

During the British Mandate in Palestine (1917–1948), the new authorities adopted the principle of preserving existing property rights and titles formed before the change of sovereignty. Regarding the Alexander Courtyard, the British administration did not carry out expropriation, sequestration, or nationalization and did not declare the object ownerless (bona vacantia). The absence of an active owner, which arose after the cessation of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, was not filled by transferring the property to the mandate state.

The practice of management and administrative interaction was built directly with the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society. All official correspondence, permits, and orders for the operation and maintenance of the courtyard were addressed to the IPPO as the responsible owner and manager. British authorities did not require the IPPO to present an act of transfer of ownership and did not initiate re-registration of the title, which meant tacit recognition of the established possession through the administrative behavior of the authority (recognition by conduct).

Legally, this period became key for consolidating the status of the IPPO. Continuous and lawful possession (lawful possession) in the absence of a competing owner and in the absence of state actions to expropriate the property led to the crystallization of the title. The British Mandate did not create new property rights but confirmed the existing situation based on continuity of possession (continuity of possession), which was later accepted by subsequent sovereign authorities.

Jordanian period (1948–1967): preservation of the status quo of ownership and applicable law

After 1948, East Jerusalem came under Jordanian control, which applied the principle of preserving the existing property order (status quo), used in international practice during the change of sovereignty. The applicable law included the norms of Ottoman land law (Ottoman Land Code 1858), which continued to operate in East Jerusalem, as well as the provisions of mandate law, inherited from the British administration. These sources were considered as a continuing legal order and did not require automatic re-registration of ownership.

Regarding the Alexander Courtyard, Jordanian authorities did not carry out confiscation, sequestration, or recognition of the property as ownerless (bona vacantia). The absence of such actions meant the preservation of the previous title. Administrative interaction was carried out with the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society as the factual owner and manager, without requiring an act of transfer of ownership. In these conditions, the principle of lawful and continuous possession (lawful possession, continuity of possession) was applied, where the right is not created anew but preserved in the absence of competing claims.

Former Russian state property in West Jerusalem after 1948

After the declaration of independence of the State of Israel in 1948 and the establishment of its control over the western part of Jerusalem, Israel came under its jurisdiction a number of objects that previously belonged to the Russian Empire as a state. The issue of their fate was not resolved automatically but under active external political pressure from the Soviet Union.

The USSR became one of the first states to recognize Israel and used this recognition as a tool of political pressure. Soviet diplomacy directly insisted on the transfer of former imperial state real estate to the USSR as the successor of the Russian Empire. For the young Israeli state, which was in international isolation and dependent on external support, this factor was decisive.

As a result, in 1949–1951, Israel recognized the USSR’s rights to objects that before 1917 were state property of the Russian Empire and were located within western Jerusalem. Such objects included the complex of the Russian Compound (Migraash ha-Rusim), buildings of the former Russian hospital, as well as administrative and representative buildings, constructed and registered to the state treasury. These objects did not belong to church property and were not owned by public or religious organizations.

Legal formalization was carried out by administrative decisions of the Israeli government and subsequent registration in property bodies. The basis was Israel’s recognition of the USSR as the state successor of the Russian Empire exclusively in terms of state property, as well as diplomatic agreements between the parties. A separate special law was not adopted; the legal effect was achieved through a combination of executive acts and international obligations.

This mechanism did not extend to objects that before 1917 belonged to the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, monasteries, or public structures, as they were not state property and did not fall under the principle of state succession.

“Orange Deal”. Redemption by the State of Israel of former Soviet real estate in West Jerusalem (1964)

In 1964, the State of Israel redeemed from the Soviet Union a significant part of the real estate in West Jerusalem, previously recognized for the USSR as state property of the Russian Empire. The deal was formalized within the framework of an interstate agreement and received the unofficial name “orange deal”.

The subject of the redemption was exclusively objects that had the status of state (treasury) property before 1917 and were located on territory under Israeli control. These included the main buildings of the Russian Compound (Migraash ha-Rusim), administrative and economic buildings, as well as buildings of the former Russian hospital and accompanying infrastructure. After the completion of the deal, the USSR’s ownership of these objects was terminated, and they passed into the full ownership of the State of Israel.

The decision to redeem was due to several reasons. The formal ownership of the USSR of large objects in the center of Jerusalem was considered by Israel as a problem of sovereignty and internal security. Legally, Israel could not nationalize foreign state property without serious international consequences, so redemption was chosen as a legal way of final settlement. In addition, the USSR was interested in converting unused foreign real estate into economic compensation, and Israel — in gaining full control over the territory for the placement of state, judicial, and municipal institutions.

The 1964 deal did not extend to objects located in East Jerusalem, did not concern church and public property, and was not related to objects that before 1917 belonged to the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, monasteries, or the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society. The Alexander Courtyard was not included in this process.

1967: extension of the Israeli land registration system and fixation of IPPO ownership

After the Six-Day War of 1967 and the establishment of Israeli control over East Jerusalem, Israel extended its civil and property law to this territory. For the first time for the Old City, a unified national system of real estate registration was applied — the Israeli land registry Tabu (Lishkat rishum mekarkein).

Before this, other forms of land accounting existed in Jerusalem: Ottoman tapu records, as well as mandate and Jordanian practices of preserving these records. However, none of them represented a modern state cadastre with mandatory fixation of the current owner. The Israeli Tabu, unlike previous systems, fixes property rights as a legal fact recognized by the state.

When including objects of East Jerusalem in Tabu, Israel did not carry out nationalization, did not create new titles, and did not change owners. The principle of preserving previously existing property rights (status quo / continuity of title) was applied: if an object had a legal owner and was not alienated, its right was preserved and subject to fixation in the register.

The Alexander Courtyard was entered into the Israeli real estate register (Tabu) with the indication of Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS) as the owner of the plot. The basis was Ottoman purchase-sale documents, the lawful entry of the pre-revolutionary Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society into possession, continuous actual management of the object by the local structure after 1917, and the absence of any act of alienation in favor of the state(?). The object was not registered for the State of Israel and was not considered state property.

Thus, after 1967, the property rights to the Alexander Courtyard were first formally fixed in a modern state register precisely for OPS. It was not about the emergence of a new right, but about the state fixation of an already existing historical title, which in Israeli law is a full confirmation of private property.

1967–1990: absence of disputes and the beginning of Russian claims

From the moment of the inclusion of East Jerusalem in the legal field of the State of Israel in 1967 until the early 1990s, the issue of the ownership of the Alexander Courtyard was not raised or disputed.

During this period, the Soviet Union did not make property claims to the Alexander Courtyard, which corresponded to its previously declared renunciation of succession for foreign private and church property of the Russian Empire.

1991–1996: first practical steps of Russia

In 1991–1992, after the collapse of the USSR, Russian diplomatic missions in Israel began raising the issue of the status of certain objects of so-called “Russian real estate”, including the Alexander Courtyard, within the framework of working contacts with Israeli departments. These actions were informal and consultative in nature and were not accompanied by the filing of lawsuits, official statements of ownership rights, or attempts to change the entry in the real estate register.

In 1993–1996, the Russian side sent administrative requests to Israeli bodies asking to clarify the legal status of the object and the possibility of its re-registration. In response, Israeli registering bodies pointed to the presence of a valid entry in Tabu, as well as the absence of title documents necessary for changing the register. Formal procedures for reviewing the entry were not initiated.

During this period, no legal proceedings were conducted, no transfer decisions were made, and no changes in the real estate register occurred. All actions were limited to correspondence and consultations at the interdepartmental level.

Late 1990s — early 2000s: transition to formalized demands

In the late 1990s — early 2000s, the Russian Federation moved from consultations to formalized appeals to Israeli bodies demanding a review of the status of the Alexander Courtyard.

During this period, the Russian side began officially declaring that the object is “Russian property” and insisting on its re-registration in the state registers of Israel.

Israeli registering bodies refused to change the entry in Tabu, citing:

• the absence of proper title documents;
• the absence of a continuous and recognized chain of title;
• the presence of a valid registration for another entity.

No legal decisions were made during this period, and the entry in the real estate register remained unchanged.

2019–2022: administrative decisions and their review

In 2019, an administrative process related to changing the status of the Alexander Courtyard was initiated in Israel. The consideration of the issue took place not in a judicial order, but at the level of executive power and registration bodies.

In December 2019, within this process, an attempt was made to administratively formalize the rights of the Russian Federation to the object. These actions were of a political-administrative nature and took place against the backdrop of negotiations between Israel and Russia on the case of Israeli citizen Naama Issachar, convicted in the Russian Federation.

It is important to emphasize that it was not about judicial recognition of ownership rights. Registration actions were carried out administratively, without considering the issue of a continuous chain of title and without canceling the previously existing entry in the real estate register, which created a legal collision.

In 2020, a separate administrative decision was simultaneously made to categorize the Alexander Courtyard as a “place of Christian worship”, which transferred the object to a special legal regime, but was not an act of property transfer and did not replace legal proceedings.

In 2022, Israeli bodies canceled the administrative decisions of 2019–2020 related to changing the status of the object. The cancellation was carried out administratively, based on the results of an internal review of the legality of registration actions, without issuing a court decision on the merits of the ownership dispute.

During the review, it was established that the changes in the status of the Alexander Courtyard were made:

• without proper legal basis;
• without a court decision;
• without confirmation of a continuous and recognized chain of title.

After the cancellation of administrative decisions, the entry in the real estate register was returned to the state that existed before 2019.

2022 — present: status quo and awaiting decision

Currently, the legal status of the Alexander Courtyard remains uncertain. The object continues to be in a status quo mode until a final decision is made by the authorized bodies of the State of Israel. The process is not complete: further steps depend on the conclusions of the governmental interdepartmental commission and possible new legal actions.

Ultimately, the key decision remains with the government of Israel, not the court. The courts only fixed the status quo and directly indicated that the final answer should be developed by the interdepartmental commission and then approved by the executive branch. Thus, the issue goes far beyond a private property dispute and becomes a test of the ability of the Government of Israel to withstand external pressure without destroying the internal logic of a state of law.

Whether Benjamin Netanyahu will ultimately be able to protect the interests of the State of Israel — standing firm against the persistent demands of Putin — or whether the country will confirm its commitment to historical-legal facts, law, and democratic procedures, will be an indicator of which principle will be decisive: “political expediency” or “rule of law”.

This choice and its consequences continue to be closely monitored by NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency.

Public reaction: petition on risks to Israel’s security

Amid the ongoing dispute over the Alexander Courtyard, a public initiative emerged in Israel in the form of a petition posted on the Atzuma platform under the name Threat from Russia. The authors of the appeal urge the Israeli government to stop any forms of transferring the Alexander Courtyard to structures associated with the Russian Federation, considering such a step as a potential risk to national security.

“להגן על ישראל מהאיום הרוסי: לעצור את העברת חצר אלכסנדר לתומכי חמאס”
“Protect Israel from the Russian threat: stop the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard to Hamas supporters”

here it is (Hebrew) – https://www.atzuma.co.il/threatfromrussia

The text of the petition emphasizes that it is not just about a property or historical dispute. According to the initiators, the possible transfer of the object could lead to “institutional consolidation of Russian presence in a sensitive area of Jerusalem”, which is seen as a factor of political and symbolic influence, going beyond religious use.

A separate emphasis is placed on the risk of using religious and public structures as a “tool of external influence”, including promoting “political narratives and informal contacts that do not coincide with Israel’s interests”. The authors of the petition point out that similar “influence mechanisms” have already been used by Russia in other countries under the guise of cultural and religious institutions.

The appeal also emphasizes the geopolitical context: “active interaction of Russia with states and structures hostile to Israel, including Iran and related forces”. In this light, the transfer of the object in Jerusalem is perceived as a “potential channel of external pressure”, not as a neutral legal act.

Finally, the authors consider dangerous the very “precedent of a political decision bypassing a full legal procedure”, as it, in their opinion, “undermines trust in state institutions and creates vulnerability for future external pressure on Israeli decisions”.

At the same time, the petition is not a legal document and has no binding force. It reflects the position of part of Israeli society and serves as a form of public pressure on the executive branch, complementing the legal and political context around the Alexander Courtyard.

Film “Vkorineni” (Russian: “Rooted”) is the first project of the Post Bellum Ukraine team, dedicated to preserving the history of small national communities of Ukraine. Based on interviews recorded in 2024 in cities such as Lviv, Odessa and Belgorod-Dnestrovsky, the film reveals the fates of representatives of four national communities – Crimean Tatars, Bulgarians, Jews and Hungarians.

These stories show how the lives of these people passed during Soviet times and after Ukraine gained independence.

The film premiered in Ukraine in November 20224.

Life stories and memories

In the film, four characters tell their stories: Lerana Khanum Kurtneby Kiza (Crimean Tatar), Valentina Nikiruy (Bulgarian), Peter Gergely (Hungarian) and Pavel Kozlenko (Jew). They share memories of their past in the Soviet Union, deportation and life in exile, the return to Crimea for the Crimean Tatars and how they survived the changes that Ukraine's independence brought.

“We record the memories of eyewitnesses to make Ukrainian voices in world history louder and ourselves stronger,” says the Post Bellum Ukraine team. This film is part of their project aimed at preserving the memory of national communities.

Important points and questions

The film touches on important issues such as the life of national communities during the Soviet period, their attitude towards their culture and language, and their reaction to the changes that occurred after the restoration of Ukrainian independence in 1991. One of the key issues is the issue of patriotism, and how it is perceived by representatives of different ethnic groups in Ukraine.

“The film will try to answer the following questions: how did national communities actually live in Soviet times? What was it like for the Crimean Tatars to return to their native Crimea after deportation? And what does patriotism mean to these communities?” – say the filmmakers.

Legacy and future

The documentary film is not limited only to historical facts, but also reflects on the future of Ukraine and the role of national communities in this process. He emphasizes the importance of winning the war with Russia and how it will affect the further development of all national groups in Ukraine.

The Post Bellum Ukraine team recorded 15 interviews with people of different generations living in different parts of Ukraine – Transcarpathia, Bessarabia, Odessa, Crimea and Lviv. These testimonies highlight the multi-ethnic nature of Ukraine and the importance of a shared future for all ethnic groups.

Why is preserving history important?

Civil organization Post Bellum Ukraine was created in order to preserve the memory of the events experienced and to make these stories accessible to future generations. The project also promotes the dissemination of information about the significance of Ukrainian history in the international arena.

“We talk about the past to make our future better,” say the organizers.

Directing and technical support

The film was shot under the direction of director Maxim Gnip, who, together with assistant editor Victoria Solovyuk, did a great job to convey all the emotions and experiences of the characters. Great attention was paid to the quality of editing, sound and direction to make these memories as vivid and truthful as possible.

Table: Representatives of national communities in the film “Vkorineni”

Conclusion

“Vkorineni” is not just a film about four national communities of Ukraine. This is an in-depth study of historical memory, national identity and the future of Ukraine as a multinational country. The film helps to understand how important victories in the war with Russia are and how they determine the future of Ukraine for all its citizens.

Material published on the website NAnewswhere you can find more detailed information about Ukrainian national communities and cultural projects.

Movie trailer – https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KULA5ij162M

Leave a comment in Telegram – NAnews channel↓

In March and April, the world learned about the civilians and soldiers trapped at Azovstal. While the evacuation of Mariupol civilians was successful, Ukraine was unable to liberate the military by force, and Russia refused any proposals except surrender. The soldiers had no choice but to continue fighting and hold their positions until the end.

The defenders of Mariupol held back 20,000 Russian troops, destroyed around 6,000 of them, approximately 78 tanks, and more than 100 armored vehicles. They helped the Ukrainian Armed Forces better prepare the defense of Donbas by delaying significant Russian forces for nearly three months.

As of early May, there were no civilians left at Azovstal.

On the evening of May 16, the commander of the Azov Regiment, Denys Prokopenko, delivered a statement:

“The defenders of Mariupol fulfilled their order. Despite all the difficulties, for 82 days they held back superior enemy forces and gave the Ukrainian army time to regroup, train more personnel, and receive a large amount of weapons from partner countries.”

A few days earlier, one of the defenders of Mariupol, Azov fighter Vitalii Barabash, recorded a video message on behalf of the Ukrainian Jews at Azovstal, appealing to the Israeli government for help in evacuating all remaining service members from the plant.

Barabash was seriously wounded and suffered a concussion. Another soldier helped him read the appeal on behalf of all Ukrainian Jews at Azovstal.

Full text of the appeal:

“I am Vitalii Oleksandrovych Barabash, call sign Benya. It is hard for me to speak due to serious injuries, concussions, and illnesses, so my brothers in arms will speak for me and on behalf of all Ukrainian Jews here at Azovstal.

Everyone needs a peaceful sky above.

I begin this appeal to Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, the Knesset, the people of Israel, journalists, the ‘Bein Stern Shulman’ synagogue in Kryvyi Rih, and Rabbi Liron Ederi.

I hope our plea will also reach Yuli Edelstein, Yulia Malinovska, Yevgeny Sova, and Alex Kushnir.

Here, in Ukrainian Mariupol, on the ruins of the Azovstal plant, are Jews just like me and you. We all remember how our Ukrainian ancestors suffered from Stalin’s genocide, and how our Jewish ancestors suffered from Hitler.

Today, we face a new threat — in the form of putin — who unites and revives the actions of those two tyrants of the past.

I speak on behalf of all Jews at besieged Azovstal. I am wounded, which is why I can record this video. The rest of my comrades are on the battlefield, defending every inch of land the Ukrainian people have always shared with our ancestors.

For the third consecutive month, Russians have been destroying everything connected to our shared roots and our history. Our peoples have endured terrible tragedies in the past, but today we must fight for our land and our country. Ukraine has never turned its back on Jews, and we believe that Israel will not turn its back on Ukrainians but will stand with us against the Russian occupiers who have brought a new tragedy to our land.

We need help from Israel to extract the Mariupol military garrison. We are asking you to save us.

You, more than anyone, have the power to do this. We, more than anyone, place our hopes in you. We are waiting for you. We are already writing history.”

At the time, Bennett asked putin “to consider various options for evacuation from the Azovstal plant in Mariupol.”

“President putin promised to allow the evacuation of civilians, including the wounded, through UN and Red Cross humanitarian corridors,” said Bennett’s office.

On that day, May 16, 2022, the withdrawal of Ukrainian defenders began from the underground shelters of Azovstal. Those who had endured hell during the defense of Ukraine’s last stronghold in destroyed Mariupol were ordered to lay down their arms to save lives.

The heroic defense of Mariupol and Azovstal lasted 86 days. The defenders, including Azov Regiment fighters, sacrificed themselves to hold back large Russian forces and delay their advance in southern Ukraine during the most difficult stage of the full-scale war. And they succeeded in that mission.

Hundreds of Azovstal defenders, including Azov fighters, are still held in Russian prison camps, subjected to inhumane torture.

More stories about the defenders of Azovstal:

Ukraine: In Uman, an Azov fighter with the call sign “Ravvin” embraces his Jewish pilgrim friend during Rosh Hashanah 5784

Azov Regiment delegation visits Israel: “Mariupol is our Masada”

From the Holocaust to Russian Bombings: The story of Elvira Borts and her grandson — an Azovstal defender — how a Jewish family in Mariupol survived two genocides + video

“Here, in Ukrainian Mariupol, on the ruins of the Azovstal plant, there are Jews just like you and me” — Azov fighters of Jewish descent appeal to the Israeli government

40 “Jewish heroes” are fighting at Mariupol’s Azovstal — says Davyd Arakhamia

NAnews — Israel — Ukraine believes:

• The defense of Azovstal became a symbol of resilience and self-sacrifice that changed the course of the war.
• The appeal of Jewish fighters to Israel was a historic cry for help that should not have been ignored.
• Israel must acknowledge the role of Jews in Ukraine’s defense and push for the release of prisoners.
• Silence in response to such pleas is a denial of historical memory.
• We must remember: among the heroes of Mariupol were Jews. And they believed in Israel.

In November 2026, performances of the play “Odessa Alarm or How One Mishpucha Gathered in a Shelter” will take place in Israel with the participation of People’s Artists of Ukraine Oleg Filimonov and Diana Malaya. This is a tour across six cities — Haifa, Ashdod, Rishon LeZion, Be’er Sheva, Petah Tikva, and Netanya.

Formally — a comedy in Russian with an Odessa “pronunciation”.
In essence — a stage conversation about life during the war.

The play begins with a phrase that has long ceased to be a theatrical convention: “The event will continue if the alarm lasts no more than an hour…” This line sets the tone for the entire action. The audience immediately understands that it is not about a fictional alarm, but about the everyday reality of recent years.

Duration — 1 hour 40 minutes. Age restriction — 12+. Price range depending on the city — approximately 186–256 shekels.

Tour geography: cities, dates, audience

The performances are spread across the country — from north to south.

Netanya — Thursday, 05.11.2026, 19:00
Arik Einstein Auditorium, Netanya

Haifa — Friday, 06.11.2026, 19:00
Krieger Center for the Performing Arts, Haifa

Be’er Sheva — Saturday, 07.11.2026, 20:00
Tamuz Beit Ha-Musika

Rishon LeZion — Monday, 09.11.2026, 19:00
Mofet, Rishon LeZion

Haifa — Wednesday, 11.11.2026, 19:00
Beit-Nagler, Haifa

Petah Tikva — Friday, 13.11.2026, 19:00
Sharet, Petah Tikva

Ashdod — Saturday, 14.11.2026, 19:00
Matnas Duna-Yud, Ashdod

Tickets are already available –

https://nikk.kassa.co.il/announce/85289

Cast:

Husband – Oleg Filimonov, Ukrainian theater and film actor, People’s Artist of Ukraine, member of the KVN team “Odessa Gentlemen”, host of the TV show “Gentlemen Show”, “Filimonov and Company”, “Camera of Laughter” and others.
Wife – Diana Malaya, Ukrainian theater and film actress, People’s Artist of Ukraine, serves in the Ukrainian Music and Drama Theater named after V. Vasylko, starred in films “Deja Vu”, “Liquidation”, “Island of Unwanted People” and others.

The organizers emphasize: the production was conceived as a gesture of solidarity with the Israeli reality, where sirens and shelters are part of everyday life. That is why the tour in Israel is perceived not as a standard tour, but as an accurate hit in the context.

For the Russian-speaking audience of Israel, it is also a return to the Odessa cultural code — humor, intonation, family “mishpucha”, where in the cramped space of the shelter, characters suddenly reveal themselves.

Production team:

Scriptwriters: Alexander Tarasul, Viktor Yavnik, Evgeny Khait
Director: Igor Slavinsky
Assistant Director: Ekaterina Lebedeva
Set Designer: Emzari Kiknavelidze
Music Editor: Sergey Dmitriev
Choreography: Pavel Ivlyushkin
Vocals: Margarita Chernik
Lighting: Vladimir Dubovenko
Photo: Artem Pelevan
Producers: Alexander Tarasul, Viktor Yavnik, Evgeny Khait

What the play is about and why it emerged after 2022

War as a domestic backdrop

After February 24, 2022, Odessa found itself in the zone of regular missile attacks. Air alarms, infrastructure destruction, damage to the historic center — this is not an abstraction, but the backdrop in which artists continue to live and work.

Oleg Filimonov in a 2023 interview directly stated: comedy during war is not frivolity, but a way of psychological protection. According to him, if people are not given the opportunity to laugh, “one can go insane.” This position became the dramatic basis of the new production.

Diana Malaya during the same period continued to serve in the Odessa Academic Ukrainian Music and Drama Theater named after V. Vasylko. In 2022, the theater relaunched its work in the format of “theater in a shelter” — rehearsals and performances took place in protected premises. This was a forced but principled step: cultural life does not stop.

“Odessa Alarm” as a stage response

The play is not about the front and not about politics. It’s about an hour in a shelter.

About a family forced to wait out the siren together.
About irritation, fear, domestic conflicts.
And about laughter that arises where it seemingly has no place.

In 2024, the play was shown in Odessa on February 24 — on the anniversary of the full-scale invasion. In 2025, it was already openly called “a comedy about life in wartime conditions.” This is not an advertising formula, but an accurate definition of the genre.

This is the material the artists are now bringing to Israel.

Helping Ukraine after 2022: the stage as a form of resilience

Public position and personal experience

Filimonov did not hide that his family experienced missile attacks in Odessa. In 2025, there were reports in the media that he installed a concrete shelter on his property — a measure of personal safety that shows the degree of reality of the threat.

This is not a declaration, but everyday life.

Theater work during the war

The Odessa Ukrainian Theater, where Diana Malaya serves, did not cease its activities after the invasion began. It switched to working in a shelter format, continued to release premieres and maintain its repertoire.

Maintaining the stage in a city under attack is also a contribution.
Not in the form of collections, but in the form of resilience of the cultural environment.

International tours as a continuation of the conversation

When a play about alarm and shelter takes the Israeli stage, it ceases to be a local story of Odessa. It becomes a shared experience.

In the middle of the material, NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers this tour not only as a poster but as a cultural bridge between Ukraine and Israel — two societies for which the siren and shelter have become part of reality.

The tours perform several functions at once:
support Ukrainian cultural visibility abroad,
create emotional contact with the diaspora,
transfer the conversation about the war from the plane of news to the plane of human experience.

Why this tour is important right now

The Israeli audience understands the dramaturgy of alarm without explanations.
The Ukrainian audience lives it every day.

“Odessa Alarm” does not try to explain the war. It captures its domestic layer — an hour in a shelter, where people remain themselves.

In conditions where news about the war becomes the backdrop, it is precisely such plays that remind us: culture does not fade into the shadows even under sirens.

And perhaps this is the main contribution of the artists after 2022 — to continue playing when it would have been easier to remain silent.

How to buy tickets

The performances are spread across the country — from north to south.

Netanya — Thursday, 05.11.2026, 19:00
Arik Einstein Auditorium, Netanya

Haifa — Friday, 06.11.2026, 19:00
Krieger Center for the Performing Arts, Haifa

Be’er Sheva — Saturday, 07.11.2026, 20:00
Tamuz Beit Ha-Musika

Rishon LeZion — Monday, 09.11.2026, 19:00
Mofet, Rishon LeZion

Haifa — Wednesday, 11.11.2026, 19:00
Beit-Nagler, Haifa

Petah Tikva — Friday, 13.11.2026, 19:00
Sharet, Petah Tikva

Ashdod — Saturday, 14.11.2026, 19:00
Matnas Duna-Yud, Ashdod

Tickets are already available –

https://nikk.kassa.co.il/announce/85289

Concerts, theater performances, cinema, and educational events – choose and book easily.

Where to Buy Tickets for Concerts and Shows in Israel? Ose Haim Offers Service in English!

Israel is a country where culture unites people of different nationalities. Concerts, theatrical performances, festivals, film screenings, and educational events are available throughout the country. Now, you can easily purchase tickets using the convenient service Ose Haim, which also operates in English.

What is Ose Haim?

Ose Haim is a ticketing service that helps event organizers sell tickets and allows visitors to quickly and easily book their seats.

Main Features of Ose Haim:

• ✔️ Music Events – concerts of Israeli and international artists.
• ✔️ Theatrical Performances – shows in Hebrew, Russian, English, and Ukrainian.
• ✔️ Film Screenings – premieres and retrospectives of popular films.
• ✔️ Educational Programs – lectures, seminars, and courses.
• ✔️ Festivals and Cultural Events – large-scale events in various cities of Israel.

Now, all information about upcoming events is available in English, making the ticket booking process even more convenient.

Why Are English-Language Services Important in Israel?

According to Israel’s Ministry of Aliyah and Integration, more than 15,000 immigrants have arrived in Israel since 2022. Additionally, about 14,000 temporary residents from different countries, including Ukraine, actively participate in the country’s cultural life.

The launch of businesses aimed at an English-speaking audience has become a key trend, and Ose Haim is one such service that eliminates language barriers.

“We see a growing demand for cultural events among English-speaking audiences. People need access to information in their native language, and we are happy to provide such a service,” – note the representatives of Ose Haim.

How to Buy Tickets at Ose Haim?

The ticket booking process is extremely simple and takes only a few minutes:

1. 1️⃣ Select an event on the Ose Haim website.
2. 2️⃣ Choose the number of tickets and preferred seats.
3. 3️⃣ Pay online securely.
4. 4️⃣ Receive an e-ticket via email or SMS.

The Ose Haim ticket office is located in Rishon LeZion (Netanya St. 13), but all services are available online, allowing ticket purchases from anywhere in Israel.

NAnews – News of Israel: Supporting Cultural Initiatives

NAnews – News of Israel regularly publishes information about key cultural events in Israel and supports businesses catering to English-speaking audiences.

Cultural events in Israel are not just entertainment but also a crucial way for new immigrants to integrate and communicate. Ose Haim is an example of a business that makes this process more comfortable and accessible.

Conclusion

If you are looking for a **convenient way to buy tickets** for concerts, theater performances, film screenings, or educational events in Israel, Ose Haim offers a service in **English**, making the booking process easy and accessible.

Don’t miss the chance to attend the best cultural events in Israel! Book your tickets with Ose Haim today.

🔹 Address: Rishon LeZion, Netanya St. 13
🔹 Categories: Music | Theater | Cinema | Education

📌 More details and ticket purchases – on the Ose Haim website!

In Israel, this method is actively used at the David Sendler Pain Treatment Clinic. Detailed information about the clinic’s approach, treatment directions, and appointment possibilities is available on the official website:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/.
This is where patients can get an initial understanding of the method and therapy possibilities.

Treatment Geography: Where Shockwave Therapy is Conducted in Israel

The David Sendler Pain Treatment Clinic works with patients throughout Israel, providing access to shockwave therapy in different regions of the country. The reception geography is structured so that patients can receive treatment as close to their place of residence as possible, without the need for long trips.

The main region of the clinic’s work is Haifa and the Krayot agglomeration. This area includes Kiryat Ata, Kiryat Bialik, Kiryat Motzkin, Kiryat Yam, and Kiryat Haim. Here, patients with chronic pain in the heel, knee, shoulder, and tendons, who require a regular course of ESWT, are most often treated.

Special attention is given to patients from Nesher and Tirat Carmel. For residents of these cities, treatment is convenient as it does not require long commutes, and the clinic’s work format allows for an individual visit schedule considering the patient’s availability.

The clinic also accepts patients from Acre and Nahariya. In these cities, people often seek help for pain associated with prolonged stress, working on their feet, and the consequences of old injuries. Shockwave therapy in such cases is considered a way to reduce pain and restore mobility without surgery.

Residents of Afula and Yokneam often turn to the clinic with chronic pain syndromes of the musculoskeletal system. For this category of patients, comprehensive treatment is important, where ESWT is combined with recommendations on loads and lifestyle.

In the central regions of Israel, the clinic works with patients from Petah Tikva, Netanya, Hadera, and Kfar Saba. Here, shockwave therapy is often used for prolonged pain that did not yield results with standard medication or physiotherapy.

For patients with limited mobility or severe pain syndrome, a home demonstration of the procedure is possible — by prior arrangement. This format is especially convenient at the stage of initial acquaintance with the method and assessing the body’s reaction to therapy.

Regardless of the city of residence, each patient undergoes an individual assessment of their condition, after which the optimal course of shockwave therapy is selected, taking into account the diagnosis, duration of pain, and overall level of physical activity.

What is Shockwave Therapy and What is Its Essence

Shockwave therapy (ESWT) is a method of affecting tissues using high-energy acoustic waves. These impulses penetrate deep into the tissues and stimulate natural recovery processes without damaging healthy structures.

A detailed description of the technology, indications, and principles of ESWT devices is presented on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/ubt/.
It explains in detail why the shockwave triggers regeneration and reduces chronic inflammation.

A separate material is dedicated to the specific pain syndromes where the method is applied and which areas are treatable.
This information is collected on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/gde-udarno/,
where the most common clinical cases are described.

For patients who find it more convenient to receive information in English, a full English version of the site is provided:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/.
It is especially useful for new immigrants and foreign patients.

There is also a separate English section that explains in detail where exactly shockwave therapy is applied and in which conditions it is most effective:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/where-shockwave/.

Heel Pain and Heel Spur

Heel pain is one of the most common reasons for visiting a pain clinic. Complaints about sharp pain during the first steps in the morning or after prolonged sitting are especially characteristic. Most often, it is about plantar fasciitis or a heel spur.

On the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bolit-pjatka/
the causes of heel pain, typical symptoms, and treatment approaches using ESWT are thoroughly analyzed.

A separate material is dedicated specifically to the heel spur and its treatment features in Israel.
It is available at
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/pjatochnaja-bol-i-pjatochnaja-shpora-v-izraile/,
where it is explained in detail why ESWT often allows avoiding surgeries.

Practical issues of assistance with heel pain while walking are covered on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/pomoshh-pri-boli-v-pjatke-pri-hodbe-uvt/.
Real treatment scenarios and patient expectations are considered there.

For English-speaking patients, similar information is presented on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/heel-pain-when-stepping/,
where the causes of heel pain and therapy possibilities are described.

A separate English material on heel spur and chronic heel pain is available at
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/heel-pain-and-heel-spurs/.

A practical guide for patients experiencing pain while walking is posted on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/help-with-heel-pain-when-walking-eswt/.

Knee Pain

The knee joint experiences significant stress daily. Knee pain can be associated with overloads, microtraumas, age-related changes, or the consequences of old injuries.

On the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bol-v-kolene/
the main causes of knee pain are thoroughly examined, and it is explained in which cases ESWT can be an effective solution.

For the English-speaking audience, similar material is available here:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/knee-pain-why/.

Shoulder Pain

The shoulder joint is highly mobile, but for this reason, it often suffers from overloads and inflammatory processes. Chronic shoulder pain can limit movement and interfere with daily activities.

The causes of shoulder pain and treatment options are described on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bolit-plecho/,
where the role of shockwave therapy is separately considered.

Additional material on chronic shoulder pain is available at
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bol-v-pleche/.

For patients who prefer English, the information is posted on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/shoulder-pain/.

An analytical material on the causes of shoulder pain and treatment options is available here:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/shoulder-pain-why/.

Pain in the Achilles Tendon

The Achilles tendon is one of the most stressed structures of the musculoskeletal system. Chronic pain in this area is often found in people with an active lifestyle.

A detailed analysis of the problem is presented on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/bol-v-ahillovom/,
where symptoms and treatment possibilities using ESWT are described.

The English version of the material is available at
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/en/achilles-tendon/.

Clinic Geography and Treatment Organization

The David Sendler Pain Treatment Clinic accepts patients in different cities of Israel. Information about treatment in Haifa is available on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-hajfe/,
where the reception conditions and therapy possibilities are described.

Patients from Petah Tikva can learn about the clinic’s work features via the link
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-petah-tikve/.

A separate page for residents of Netanya is located here:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-netanii/.

Information for patients from Hadera is available on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-hadere/.

For residents of Kfar Saba, a separate section is created:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/klinika-boli-v-kfar-save/.

Confidentiality and Authorship

The clinic pays special attention to protecting patients’ personal data. A detailed privacy policy is published on the page
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/privacy-policy/.

Medical and informational materials on the site are published by the clinic’s official team.
Information about the author is available here:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/author/admins56ni9mns4/.

All articles on health and medicine are collected in the corresponding section:
https://uvt.nikk.co.il/category/medicina-i-zdorove/.

Contacts and Working Hours

David Sendler Pain Treatment Clinic
Phone: 055-951-4135
Contact via website: 24/7
Home visit by agreement

Working hours:
Sunday–Thursday: 10:00–19:00
Friday and pre-holiday days: 09:00–14:00
Saturday: closed

In the Israeli publication ‘Basheva’, an important text by Leonid Baratz was published under the headline ‘What Have We Not Learned from Ukraine?‘. The material was published on May 31, 2026, and raises a painful question for Israel: why a country with one of the strongest defense industries in the world has become vulnerable to Hezbollah’s cheap FPV drones.

For the Israeli audience, this topic no longer seems theoretical. In recent months, reports beginning with the words ‘allowed for publication’ are increasingly associated with drone strikes. What Ukrainian soldiers experience every day on the front against Russia is gradually becoming part of Israel’s northern reality — only now through the threat from Hezbollah.

Ukraine saw this war earlier

FPV drones as a mass weapon have shown their destructive effectiveness precisely in the war of Russia against Ukraine. There, they have turned not into an exotic, but into a daily tool of the front: cheap, accurate, massive, and psychologically heavy for soldiers.

That is why repatriates from Ukraine, seeing the footage of October 7, 2023, and subsequent attacks in northern Israel, asked the same question: how did a country that closely follows wars and technologies not learn the main lesson from the largest war in Europe in the last eight decades?

According to military observer David Hendelman, Israel did study this topic. And not superficially. One of the recently retired officers, as noted in the publication, wrote 54 documents solely on the topic of FPV drones.

The Alma Center, which researches security threats to Israel in the northern direction, warned of this danger back in September 2024. In May 2025, the head of the operational management issued a clear directive for preparation. On paper, everything looked serious.

But then began the part that is too well known in Israel: a lot of understanding, a lot of documents, a lot of approvals — and too few quick practical solutions.

Expensive systems do not always save from a cheap threat

Israel has invested billions of dollars for decades in advanced electronic warfare systems, protection against ballistic missiles, suppression of enemy air defenses, and complex technological solutions. This is logical for a country accustomed to thinking in terms of large threats: missiles, aviation, long-range systems, state armies.

The problem is that the FPV drone breaks the usual logic of defense.

It is not a ballistic missile, not a fighter jet, and not an expensive strategic-class drone. Often it is a simple construction from available components, including Chinese-made ones, which can cost tens and hundreds of times less than the means used to intercept it.

The economy of war works against Israel

In such a situation, a dangerous asymmetry arises. Hezbollah can use cheap drones to exhaust Israel, while the IDF and the security system are forced to respond with expensive means, spending ammunition, resources, and time.

This is not only a military problem but also an economic one. If the enemy launches a cheap device, and a means costing tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars is required to destroy it, it already imposes an inconvenient model of war on Israel.

For readers of NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency the Ukrainian experience is especially important here. Ukraine has already gone through the stage when it became clear: small threats cannot be answered only with large systems. Separate detection means, cheap and massive solutions, mobile protection for units, and quick adaptation to a specific front are needed.

In this, Ukraine today can be not just an object of support, but a source of practical knowledge for Israel.

What Ukrainians are already using on the front

The ‘Basheva’ publication includes a conversation with Igor Kraiss — a Ukrainian Jewish military and drone defense instructor. He talked about the means that have already become almost mandatory equipment on the Ukrainian front not only for soldiers but also for volunteers, journalists, and civilians working near the line of hostilities.

One example is the ‘Chuyka’ system produced by BlueBird Tech, which has NATO codification. It is installed in a vehicle or at a position, passively scans radio frequencies, and displays on the screen the video signal transmitted by the drone. That is, the soldier can see approximately what the enemy FPV operator sees.

Another example is ‘Dziga’, a system with acoustic and radio sensors. It warns several fighters at once and indicates the direction of the approaching threat. It is not a ‘magic button’, but such solutions give the infantry precious seconds, which often decide the question of life and death on the front.

There is also a more complex threat — drones on fiber optics. They do not transmit a radio signal, so conventional electronic warfare means and radio interception systems are almost powerless against them. To combat such devices, Ukrainians use acoustic sensors, thermal imaging means, and field methods, including attempts to physically cut the cable.

Israel needs to buy, learn, and quickly produce its own

The main conclusion from this story is unpleasant but simple: Israel cannot wait for a perfect domestic solution if the threat is already at the border. When soldiers in the north face Hezbollah’s FPV drones, bureaucracy, departmental disputes, and technological pride become too expensive a luxury.

Ukraine has already created a whole set of means for the real war of small drones. These solutions were born not in presentations, but in trenches, under strikes, in conditions of constant adaptation of the enemy. That is why they have special practical value.

What can be done right now

Israel has money, technological capabilities, and a strong defense industry. Therefore, the logical path looks dual: to purchase Ukrainian solutions now and simultaneously create Israeli analogs adapted to the frequencies, tactics, and conditions of Hezbollah.

One of the devices mentioned in the material costs about 750 dollars. In Ukraine, such means are often bought by the military or volunteers themselves. For Israel, with its defense budget, this is not an unaffordable amount, especially if it concerns the protection of soldiers, vehicles, strongpoints, and civilian areas at the border.

But it’s not just about purchases. Israel will have to change its mindset.

A cheap threat no longer means a secondary threat. A small drone can stop a unit, destroy equipment, strike an observation post, disrupt a column’s movement, and create psychological pressure disproportionate to its price.

Three lessons from the Ukrainian front

The Ukrainian experience also provides simple tactical rules.

If an FPV drone is already approaching, you cannot run in a straight line — this makes a person an easy target for the operator. You need to change direction sharply, seek cover, and break the line of sight of the camera.

At night, the danger does not disappear, and often increases. Thermal imaging cameras allow seeing people in complete darkness, so the usual feeling that night protects no longer works in modern warfare.

And one more rule: you cannot approach a fallen drone, even if it looks ‘dead’. The operator may be waiting for the moment to detonate, and the device itself may remain dangerous.

For Israel, this is not Ukrainian exoticism, but a practical scenario for the near future. Hezbollah is learning, Iran is supplying technology and experience to its proxies, and the Russian-Iranian connection has already shown how quickly drone warfare changes the battlefield.

Israel knows how to create complex systems, but now it needs not only great technological superiority but also quick grassroots protection. Such that can be placed on a vehicle, in a strongpoint, in a unit, next to a soldier.

While the big answer is still being developed, the Ukrainian lesson sounds harsh and simple: those who survive are those who notice the drone faster, hide faster, jam faster, learn faster, and do not wait until the threat becomes a national tragedy.