The Jewish Detachment left a significant mark in history as a symbol of bravery and solidarity between two peoples.

In honor of the commander Solomon Laynberg, a street in Lviv was named after him.

In 2013, it was proposed to establish a monument to the “Jewish Detachment” in Ternopil, but the project was suspended due to the war in Donbas.

The Jewish Detachment (official name – “Shock Detachment of the 1st Corps of the Galician Army”) within the Ukrainian Galician Army (UGA) became an important element in the struggle for Ukraine’s independence in 1919. This unit became a bright example of cooperation between two peoples — the Ukrainian and the Jewish, striving for freedom and independence during the war, and we are telling its story in our regular section Jews from Ukraine.

Political Situation and Jewish Involvement

At the beginning of the 20th century, Jews made up about a quarter of the population of Lviv, and most of them were actively involved in social and political life. Lviv had many Jewish lawyers, doctors, and students. Despite relative safety in Galicia, Jews still suffered from Polish discrimination, which forced them to cooperate with Ukrainians in the struggle for independence.

With the formation of UNR and ZUNR, Jews faced the necessity of deciding whether to support Ukraine’s fight for independence. Despite the cultural autonomy offered by these states, many Jews chose neutrality.

UNR (Ukrainian People’s Republic), formed in 1917, sought Ukraine’s independence but faced numerous challenges — Bolsheviks, Whites, and Polish forces.

Meanwhile, ZUNR (Western Ukrainian People’s Republic), formed in 1918 in Galicia, sought to preserve Ukrainian identity and independence but was quickly absorbed by Polish forces. Both of these states not only recognized cultural autonomy for Jewish communities but also gave them the opportunity to participate in state affairs.

The Union of UNR and ZUNR

Union, or the unification of UNR and ZUNR, took place on January 22, 1919, and became a symbol of the desire for unity of Ukrainian lands. This act was an important step toward the creation of a unified independent Ukrainian state. However, in practice, the union turned out to be complicated. ZUNR ultimately remained under Polish control, and Ukrainian authorities of UNR faced numerous internal problems, which prevented the Union from leading to a long-term consolidation. In 1920, Polish forces finally established control over Galicia, and ZUNR was integrated into the Polish state. Nevertheless, Union remained an important symbol of unity for the Ukrainian people and continued to influence Ukraine’s national ideology in the years to come.

Union was not instantaneous. After November 9, 1918, UNRada formed the Temporary State Secretariat headed by K. Levitsky, and the “Temporary Basic Constitution” on the state independence of Ukrainian lands from the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, declaring ZUNR on the territory of Eastern Galicia, Northern Bukovina, and Transcarpathia. On November 13, the new coat of arms — a golden lion on a blue background — and the flag — blue and yellow — were approved.

At the same time, against the backdrop of military actions and Polish aggression, on November 11, the ZUNR forces were forced to leave Przemysl, which became a base for Polish forces’ attack on Lviv. A few days later, in mid-November, Romanian troops captured Northern Bukovina, and on November 22, Polish forces took Lviv.

By December 1, the ZUNR delegation signed a preliminary agreement on union with UNR. On January 22, 1919, at Sofiyskaya Square in Kyiv, the act of reunion of UNR and ZUNR took place. However, in reality, the union was postponed until the convening of the Constituent Assembly (which never occurred).

The Fate of UNR After the Union

After Union in 1919, UNR continued the struggle for independence but faced serious internal and external challenges. The Ukrainian army actively fought the Bolsheviks and tried to hold its territories against Polish aggression. Poland, strengthening its control in Galicia, captured the territory of ZUNR, and in 1920, it completed its victory on this front.

In April 1918, after the German occupation, Pavlo Skoropadsky became the Hetman of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and declared the creation of Ukrainian State — an authoritarian monarchist state. His rule was supported by Germany but faced resistance from Ukrainian socialists and nationalists who opposed dependence on foreign powers. After the German capitulation in November 1918, Skoropadsky was overthrown, and power passed to the Directory.

Directory was formed in November 1918 in response to the overthrow of Skoropadsky. It was a collective executive body composed of five leaders, including Volodymyr Vynnychenko, Symon Petliura, and other political figures.

Directory represented a more democratic and radical form of government, aimed at mass support among peasants and workers.

The main goal of the Directory was to create an independent Ukrainian state, without dependence on foreign powers such as Germany.

Directory faced several problems: internal disagreements among its leaders, an unstable political situation, and threats from Poland, Bolsheviks, and other external enemies.

However, it resisted both internal and external threats, despite military defeats.

Directory actively fought against Bolsheviks and Whites, trying to restore Ukraine’s independence.

However, in 1920, the Bolsheviks won, and Ukraine (UNR) became part of Soviet Russia.

Creation of the “Jewish Detachment”

“The Jewish Detachment”, officially known as “Shock Detachment of the 1st Corps of the Galician Army”, was formed in June 1919 during the Chortkiv Offensive (operation). It became an independent operational military unit of the 1st Corps of the Ukrainian Galician Army and played an important role in defending Ukrainian territories from Polish and Bolshevik troops.

The creation of the detachment was supported by the Jewish National Council of Ternopil, which authorized Solomon Laynberg to approach Colonel Osip Mykytka, commander of the 1st Corps of the UGA, with a proposal to form a Jewish military unit. Laynberg suggested gathering several hundred Jews from Ternopil to create a fighting unit that would become part of the Galician army.

Colonel Mykytka agreed to this proposal, and an order to form the detachment was signed. Among the commanders of the unit, in addition to Jews, were also senior Ukrainian officers. Thus, the Jewish Detachment became a symbol of the union between two peoples — Ukrainians and Jews, who fought for Ukraine’s independence.

Formation and Training

The detachment was formed in the village of Ostapye, located in the Pidvolochysk district of Ternopil region. Intensive training of soldiers began here. The unit consisted of about 1200 fighters, including riflemen, officers, as well as sappers, telephone operators, and cavalry. A feature of the detachment was the large number of intellectuals and experienced soldiers among the fighters, which allowed for the formation of a combat-ready and disciplined unit.

It is also worth noting the engineering skills of the commander — Solomon Laynberg, who, using his knowledge, created a radio station for effective communication between army units, which significantly improved coordination in combat conditions.

Furthermore, the detachment was provided with all the necessary equipment — uniforms, weapons, ammunition, forage, and food — from the 1st Corps of the UGA, which indicates its importance in the context of military operations.

Combat Path of the Detachment

On July 14, 1919, the detachment participated in battles with Polish troops at places such as Maxymivka, Romanove Selo, and Zherebky, covering the retreat of Ukrainian troops across the Zbruch River. In the following days, the detachment actively participated in battles against the Bolsheviks. It captured Mikhaylpole, defended Proskuriv (now Khmelnytsky), Vinnytsia, Fastiv, and Berdiansk.

Despite heavy losses, the detachment continued its participation in military operations, taking part in the Kiev offensive in August 1919.

Reasons for Disbandment

“The Jewish Detachment” was disbanded at the end of 1919 for the following reasons:

1. Epidemic and Losses: The epidemic of typhus and shigellosis killed about 60% of the detachment’s personnel, weakening the unit.
2. Lack of Resources: After several military operations, there was a shortage of weapons, ammunition, and food, which made it impossible to continue fighting.
3. Military Reorganization: Due to changes in the strategy of the UGA, the detachment was integrated into other parts of the army.

Why Jews Joined the Ukrainian Army

Jews who joined the “Jewish Detachment” saw their role in defending Ukrainian independence for several reasons:

1. The Idea of National Liberation: Despite striving to create a Jewish state in Palestine, many Jews saw supporting Ukraine as a chance to ensure the security of Jewish communities.
2. Solidarity with Ukrainians: In Galicia, there was a close connection between the Jewish and Ukrainian people, which strengthened their alliance in the fight for independence.
3. Response to Pogroms: In response to the pogroms in Lviv in 1918, when Polish forces carried out mass reprisals against Jews, many Jews decided to join the ranks of the Ukrainian army to defend their land.

Legacy and Memory

“The Jewish Detachment” left a significant mark in history as a symbol of bravery and solidarity between two peoples. In honor of its commander Solomon Laynberg, a street was named in Lviv. In 2013, a proposal was made to install a monument to the “Jewish Detachment” in Ternopil, but the project was suspended due to the war in Donbas.

Officially, the Jewish unit ceased to exist. On November 17, the UGA and the Armed Forces of the South of Russia signed a separate peace treaty. The Ukrainian army came under the command of Anton Denikin. The “Whites” were notorious for their extreme anti-Semitism. Some Jewish fighters refused to fight. Nearly a hundred soldiers broke through to Odessa, where, together with members of the local Jewish fighting group, they seized a ship and sailed to Palestine, where they continued to fight for a Jewish state.

Some stayed in Soviet Ukraine, while others returned to Galicia, which by then was under Polish control.

What happened to Solomon Laynberg afterwards is unknown. According to one version, he returned to Ternopil and was killed by the Poles the following year. According to another, he stayed in Soviet Ukraine, became a member of the Communist Party, served in the Red Army, and soon moved to Moscow. He was arrested twice. In 1938, he was executed in Leningrad.

The phenomenon of “The Jewish Detachment” can be compared to the Jewish Legion, which fought in the British army against the Turks in Palestine, with the difference that the Jewish fighters of the detachment fought not for their own country but for the independence of Ukraine.

NAnews and the “Jews from Ukraine” series

The article about “The Jewish Detachment” in the Ukrainian Galician Army highlights the important role of Jews in the fight for Ukraine’s independence. It is an example of solidarity and joint struggle between Ukrainians and Jews against external threats, where Jews actively participated in the creation of the Ukrainian state.

In the series “Jews from Ukraine“, we uncover the contribution of the Jewish community to Ukraine’s history, emphasizing their important role in the national struggle. NAnews – Israel News continues to cover these events, preserving the memory of solidarity and mutual understanding between the two peoples.

From the author on September 12, 2025:

“How an Israeli🇮🇱 commando from ‘Fauda’ fights for Ukraine🇺🇦, performing feats of such magnitude that a Hollywood action movie could be made. I doubted until I received a letter from SBU officers describing his merits.

One of Eyal’s most fantastic yet real achievements is the destruction of 49 Russian combat helicopters worth a billion dollars in one day. One of my most important and fascinating materials in recent years.”

BRIEFLY: what the story is about

• An Israeli veteran, referred to in Ukraine as “like from ‘Fauda'”, fights on the side of Ukraine.
• Lived in Kherson for many years; since 2022 — underground, intelligence, frontline work.
• Main point: the real bridge Israel—Ukraine is built by people and their decisions, not just agencies.
• We provide a summary for readers in Israel and direct them to Shimon Briman’s originals.

Who he is

At the center of the article is Eyal Israeli, a 52-year-old Israeli who lived in Kherson for many years and has special training; after 02/24/2022 he stayed in the city, joined the territorial defense, and then under the auspices of the SBU formed a small reconnaissance and sabotage group in occupied Kherson.

The described episodes include collecting and transmitting coordinates of Russian forces, adjusting strikes, countering collaborators, helping military families and hospitals, and on the day of Kherson’s liberation, the first Ukrainian flag was raised on his refrigerator truck.

The hero then acts in conjunction with the Ukrainian Marine Corps intelligence and the SBU, engages in launching and repairing reconnaissance drones; after the Kakhovka HPP explosion, he helps evacuate people by boat under fire.

The text emphasizes his open Israeli identity (IDF/FAUDA patches, Israeli flag, Hebrew), as well as mentions of bureaucratic difficulties (denials of assistance as “non-citizen”, attempts to obtain citizenship) and received threats after publications.

And yes — the article separately describes an episode with the airfield near Chornobaivka in early March 2022: the hero filmed enemy equipment from the roof of a high-rise building, transmitted the coordinates to the Ukrainian side, after which the object was fired upon.

“Fauda”, but without takes

In the series, there is a second take and soundtrack. On the ground — there is not.
The camera does not wait for convenience. And sometimes the best tactic is not to go outside at all.

Why this matters to Israelis

To see not a “distant” war, but people who act according to values familiar to us. Responsibility, restraint, helping one’s neighbor — this is immediately recognizable.

What the diaspora feels

Some help humanitarianly, some with words and connections, some with deeds.
And many see in him not a legend, but an example.

Where the media’s place is

We keep the focus on the Israel—Ukraine connection without myth-making. Facts, context, respect for safety and details.

Bureaucracy and reality

Queues and formalities do not disappear even for those who have done much.
It’s unpleasant, but that’s how wartime is structured. The work continues — without fanfare.

What this story teaches

Not to wait for applause. To keep the rhythm. To remember why it all started — for life and dignity.

Read the original by Shimon Briman (three languages)

We deliberately do not retell verbatim. Go to the author — there are live details and the voice of the primary source.

Ukrainian (LB.ua):
https://lb.ua/society/2025/09/12/695803_supergeroy_z_faudi_viyni_proti.html

Russian (NEWSru.co.il):
https://www.newsru.co.il/press/12sep2025/eyal_briman.html

English (The Jerusalem Post):
https://www.jpost.com/international/internationalrussia-ukraine-war/article-867213

NAnews Conclusion

This is not a plot about a series. It’s about school, discipline, and the choice of one Israeli who became part of Ukraine’s defense.

The bridge Israel—Ukraine is built by such people, not just protocols.

For NAnews — Israel News this is an important sign: solidarity has a face, a voice, and concrete actions. We recommend reading Shimon Briman’s originals in full — there you can hear that very “live timbre” that is best seen with your own eyes.

In 1734, the founder of Hasidism settled in Tovstom Israel ben EliezerIt is believed that It was here that he received his second name, Baal Shem Tov (abbreviated as Besht) and became known as a tzaddik and healer.

In his new article “Ukraine Incognita” revealed little-known facts about the Jewish history of the village of Tovste (Ukrainian: Товсто), which is in the Ternopil region. For those interested — here it is on the map.

This village is not as well known to travelers as Zalishchyky, Gorodenka or Chortkiv, but, according to researchers, it is no less interesting and definitely deserves attention.

In Hasidism this is called the “Besht's revelation.”that is, the moment when he revealed to people his true face as a great tzaddik.

Hasidic traditions describe it this way:

“Then he (Israel ben Eliezer) settled in the holy community of Tlusta, where he was also a melamed (teacher in a cheder – religious school), and could not gather a minyan in his home, but received people and prayed with them.

He wore a “tuzlik” (Ukrainian) (a woolen bag for salt), and his toes stuck out of the holes in his shoes, because he was very poor. He used to immerse himself in the mikvah even in the month of Tevet (December-January according to the Gregorian calendar), and sweat would come out in drops the size of peas. Then people began to come to him, but he did not want to receive them.

One day, a madman or madwoman was brought to him, and he refused to let them in. At night, he was told that he had turned 36. In the morning, he began to count and discovered that this was indeed true. He accepted the madman, cured him, and left his occupation as a melamed, taking my father-in-law, of blessed memory, as a sofer. People from different places began to come to him.”

The term “baal-shem” was used by the people to refer to a person who knows the hidden name of God, has the power and means (“kelim”) with which he can address the Almighty. In another meaning, among Kabbalists, “baal-shem” is someone who uses the formulas of magic (practical Kabbalah) and natural remedies for healing. Baal Shem began as a professional healer, combining the knowledge of a doctor, psychologist and folk healer. He treated infertility, mental illness, exorcised demons and devils, and made amulets and potions.

Besht lived in Tlust (as Tovsta was called until 1944) almost until his move to Medzhybizh.

Hasidic traditions should be treated with great caution, as they contain many frankly fabulous and logical inconsistencies. But the fact remains that Hasidism, as a new religious movement, originated in Tovstom.

By 1930, the local Jewish community numbered 2,600 people, more than two-thirds of the entire population of the village. But by 1939, it had significantly decreased to 1,196 people.

The German occupation put an end to the history of the Jewish community of Tlusty. The Nazis created a ghetto in the village, where, in addition to locals, they drove Jews from neighboring Zalishchyky, Horodenka, Yagilnitsa, Chortkiv and others.

On May 27 and June 6, 1943, the entire population of the ghetto was exterminated in two mass executions. Taking into account the executions of previous years, almost 5,000 people were tortured in the village in total.

Traces of this tragedy can be seen in the old Jewish cemetery. In addition to the mass graves of the tortured, there are bullet holes on the matzevah gravestones.

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Among the signatories are the memorials of Auschwitz-Birkenau, Babi Yar, Buchenwald, Dachau, Bergen-Belsen, Sachsenhausen, Ravensbrück, Stutthof, Westerbork, and the House of the Wannsee Conference.

The authors of the document demand to ensure the programmatic, organizational, intellectual, and financial independence of memorial institutions. In their opinion, places of memory should have the opportunity not only to tell about the crimes of the past but also to openly respond to modern manifestations of anti-Semitism, racism, xenophobia, dehumanization, and hate speech.

Ukraine is represented among the signatories by the National Historical and Memorial Reserve “Babi Yar”.

Among the 32 signatories, there is not a single institution from Russia. Why?

In the list of organizations that signed the declaration on July 15, 2026, there is not a single Russian museum, memorial complex, or research center. Meanwhile, there are sites of mass killings from the time of Nazi occupation on Russian territory, including the Zmievskaya and Petrushinskaya ravines, Palmnicken, memorials in Mineralnye Vody, Krasnodar, and Bryansk region.

There is no official explanation for this absence yet. The publication by Auschwitz-Birkenau includes the text of the declaration and a list of 32 participants but does not specify who formed this circle, whether invitations were sent to Russian institutions, and whether the organizers received refusals. It is also not reported whether other memorials will be able to join later. Therefore, it cannot be asserted that institutions from Russia were officially excluded precisely because of the war.

However, the political and institutional context is obvious.

After the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, relations between the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum and official Russia were effectively severed. In January 2023, the museum for the first time did not invite Russian representatives to the anniversary of the camp’s liberation, directly explaining the decision by Russian aggression against a free and independent Ukraine.

The Russian delegation did not receive an invitation to the central ceremony of the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz on January 27, 2025. The museum director, Piotr Cywiński, explained that the event was dedicated to liberation and the value of freedom, and the presence of representatives of a state conducting an aggressive war would look cynical. He also reminded that among the Red Army soldiers who liberated the camp in 1945, there were not only Russians but also Ukrainians.

In February 2025, Putin called the absence of the Russian side at the anniversary ceremony “strange” and “shameful.” Thus, by the time the declaration appeared on July 15, 2026, there was already a long-standing public conflict between one of its main participants and disseminators — the Auschwitz-Birkenau museum — and the Russian authorities.

The content of the declaration itself also makes the participation of Russian state institutions politically sensitive. The document requires that memorial sites maintain programmatic and intellectual independence from national, regional, and local authorities, be able to critically assess contemporary political processes, and not be subjected to budgetary pressure.

For many Russian memorials, which are under the jurisdiction of regional authorities, municipalities, or state museums, independently signing an international statement demanding independence from political power could require coordination with the founders. This is a likely organizational factor but not an officially confirmed reason.

A simpler explanation cannot be ruled out: the declaration was prepared not as an open document for all memorials in Europe but within a certain network of institutions already connected by joint projects and professional contacts. The list does not include not only Russia but also memorials from Belarus, the Baltic states, Hungary, Romania, Greece, and several other countries. Therefore, the 32 signatories do not represent all European places of memory.

Nevertheless, the absence of Russian organizations is particularly noticeable. Russia constantly emphasizes the role of the USSR in the defeat of Nazism and the liberation of Auschwitz, yet no Russian institution was among the memorials that demanded to protect historical truth from political and budgetary control.

The most correct conclusion is as follows: there is no direct evidence of an official ban or refusal by Russian organizations yet, but their absence occurs against the backdrop of an open conflict between Auschwitz-Birkenau and the Russian authorities, the war against Ukraine, and the fundamental requirement of the declaration for the independence of historical memory from the state.

What 32 European memorials demanded

The document was titled “European Memorial Sites: Core Declaration”. Its full text was published on July 15, 2026 by the Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum, after which the declaration was disseminated by other institutions, including the Babi Yar Reserve. The signatories remind that memorials created on the sites of camps, places of mass shootings, deportations, prisons, and extermination centers are not just museums.

Here it is – https://www.auschwitz.org/en/museum/news/european-memorial-sites-core-declaration%2C1851.html

These are material witnesses to the crimes that shaped the post-war Europe.

As the generation of Holocaust survivors, former inmates of Nazi camps, and direct witnesses of World War II fades away, the responsibility for preserving the evidence passes to archives, researchers, museums, and memorial complexes.

The authors of the declaration highlight several main tasks of memorial institutions:

• preserve verified historical facts;
• conduct independent scientific research;
• counter denial and distortion of Nazi crimes;
• help society understand the connection between the past and the present;
• respond to anti-Semitism, racism, and xenophobia;
• warn about the danger of dehumanizing certain peoples and social groups;
• preserve the right to critically assess political processes.

The formulation that memorial sites should remain spaces for “complex questions” is particularly important.

This means that their task is not limited to organizing ceremonies, conducting tours, and preserving buildings. Memorials should have the opportunity to speak about collaborationism, the responsibility of state institutions, the participation of the local population in crimes, societal indifference, and propaganda mechanisms — even when such topics are inconvenient for the current authorities.

Independence from authorities at all levels

The declaration explicitly states that memorial institutions must have programmatic independence from political power — local, regional, national, and European.

Their intellectual and practical autonomy should not become the object of political or budgetary pressure. The formulation is of fundamental importance.

Many European memorials are state-owned or receive a significant portion of their funding from state budgets. Authorities can influence them through the appointment of leadership, approval of programs, allocation of funds, changes in the composition of supervisory boards, or reduction of funding.

The signatories effectively declared: state support should not turn into the right of the state to determine which pages of history are allowed to be studied and shown to visitors.

Financial dependence is especially dangerous in cases where researchers raise questions about the role of national administrations, police, political movements, or individual public groups in the persecution and extermination of people.

The declaration does not contain examples of specific interference and does not name any government. However, the very need for a collective appeal by 32 institutions indicates that the participants consider the problem of political pressure to be pan-European.

Babi Yar represents Ukraine

Ukraine is represented in the declaration by the National Historical and Memorial Reserve “Babi Yar”.

It is important that this refers specifically to the state reserve, not the private Holocaust Memorial Center “Babi Yar”.

The State Historical and Memorial Reserve was established by a resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 308 on March 1, 2007. The complex of monuments in the Babi Yar ravine was transferred to the management of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Ukraine. On February 4, 2010, by a decree of the President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko No. 258/2010, the reserve was granted national status. The decree emphasized the significance of Babi Yar for perpetuating the memory of the victims of Nazi persecution. Ukraine’s participation in the declaration means the inclusion of the state reserve in the united voice of leading European places of memory.

Babi Yar placed its signature alongside Auschwitz, Dachau, Buchenwald, Bergen-Belsen, Ravensbrück, Sachsenhausen, and other symbols of Nazi crimes.

33,771 people in two days

Babi Yar is one of the main symbols of the so-called Holocaust by bullets — the mass extermination of Jews in occupied territories through shootings near cities and settlements.

German troops occupied Kyiv on September 19, 1941.

On September 28, 1941, announcements were posted throughout the city ordering all Jews of Kyiv and its surroundings to appear the next morning at a designated place, bringing documents, money, valuables, and clothing.

People were not informed that they were being led to their deaths.

During September 29 and 30, 1941, units of Einsatzgruppe C, with the participation of other German formations and collaborators, shot 33,771 Jewish men, women, and children in Babi Yar. This figure was recorded by the Nazi structures themselves and is confirmed by materials from Yad Vashem and UNESCO. Mass killings in Babi Yar continued even after September 1941.

According to the National Reserve, during the German occupation, more than 100,000 people were killed here. Among the victims were Jews, Roma, Soviet prisoners of war, underground fighters, hostages, psychiatric hospital patients, Ukrainian nationalists, and representatives of other groups. For the Israeli audience following the Ukrainian-Israeli agenda together with NAnews — Israel News, Babi Yar’s participation in the European declaration holds special significance.

This is a reminder that the history of the Holocaust is not limited to the territory of death camps in occupied Poland. Hundreds of thousands of Jews from Ukraine, Belarus, Lithuania, Latvia, and other territories of the USSR were exterminated near their own cities, towns, and villages.

Babi Yar is under enhanced UNESCO protection

On December 12, 2024, the UNESCO Committee for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict granted the National Reserve “Babi Yar” temporary enhanced protection.

This status provides the highest international level of immunity for a cultural object from attack or use for military purposes.

UNESCO separately noted that Babi Yar is one of the largest sites of mass killings during the “Holocaust by bullets” and has international significance for preserving memory and understanding the history of the Holocaust. The provision of protection occurred during the full-scale Russian war against Ukraine.

However, the declaration of July 15, 2026 does not directly mention the Russian invasion. The document also does not refer to any specific political events, conflicts around the leadership of memorials, or specific cases of funding cuts.

Therefore, it cannot be asserted that the declaration was adopted in connection with one specific incident.

Full list of 32 memorial institutions that signed the declaration

The joint declaration of July 15, 2026 was signed by 32 memorial institutions from nine European countries.

Poland

1. Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum.
2. Museum of the Martyrdom of the Citizens of Wielkopolska Fort VII.
3. Gross-Rosen Museum in Rogoźnica.
4. Museum of the Former German Extermination Camp Kulmhof in Chełmno nad Ner.
5. KL Plaszow Memorial Museum in Kraków.
6. Stutthof Memorial in Sztutowo.
7. Martyrs’ Museum in Żabikowo.

Ukraine

8. National Historical and Memorial Reserve Babyn Yar.

Germany

9. Death March Memorial in Below Forest.
10. Bergen-Belsen Memorial.
11. Memorial to the Victims of the Euthanasia Murders Brandenburg an der Havel.
12. Brandenburg-Görden Prison Memorial.
13. Buchenwald Memorial.
14. Dachau Concentration Camp Memorial.
15. Flossenbürg Concentration Camp Memorial.
16. Memorial and Museum Jamlitz in Lieberose.
17. Memorial Leistikowstraße Potsdam.
18. Mittelbau-Dora Memorial.
19. Neuengamme Concentration Camp Memorial.
20. Memorial Museum Ravensbrück.
21. Memorial and Museum Sachsenhausen.
22. House of the Wannsee Conference Memorial and Educational Site.
23. Wolfenbüttel Prison Memorial.

Czech Republic

24. Hodonín u Kunštátu. Memorial to the Holocaust of the Roma and Sinti in Moravia.
25. Lety u Písku. The Memorial to the Holocaust of the Roma and Sinti in Bohemia.

France

26. Maison d’Izieu.
27. Internment and Deportation Memorial – Royallieu Camp.

Netherlands

28. Camp Vught National Memorial.
29. Memorial Center Camp Westerbork.

Austria

30. Memorial Site Hartheim Castle.

Belgium

31. Kazerne Dossin.

Italy

32. Fossoli Foundation — Fossoli Foundation.

Thus, the largest group among the signatories is represented by memorial institutions from Germany — 15 organizations. Seven institutions from Poland signed the declaration, two each from the Czech Republic, France, and the Netherlands. Ukraine, Austria, Belgium, and Italy are each represented by one memorial institution.

The full list shows that institutions associated with various forms of Nazi crimes have joined the declaration: concentration and extermination camps, mass shootings, deportations, prisons, ‘death marches’, persecution of Roma and Sinti, killings of people with disabilities, and the destruction of Jewish children.

The presence of Auschwitz, Babi Yar, Dachau, Buchenwald, Ravensbrück, Sachsenhausen, Westerbork, and the House of the Wannsee Conference in one list gives the declaration a special pan-European weight. These institutions represent different countries and different pages of history, yet they have come forward with a unified demand: historical memory should not depend on political conjuncture, government composition, or decisions on state funding.

This is the main meaning of the document, which NANews — Israel News draws attention to: the independence of memorial institutions is necessary not for the sake of the museums themselves, but for society’s ability to recognize the mechanisms of hatred before they once again lead to mass violence.

Why the declaration appeared right now

The authors speak of ‘growing challenges to democracy and peace’, but deliberately do not name specific countries or political forces.

European societies are experiencing a generational change. There are fewer and fewer direct witnesses of the Holocaust and Nazi persecutions. At the same time, the influence of social networks is growing, where historical facts often give way to propaganda, conspiracy theories, and politically convenient interpretations.

In these conditions, memorials become the last institutional keepers not only of documents but also of the physical space of crimes.

Camp barracks, gas chambers, execution sites, prison cells, railway platforms, and personal belongings of the deceased cannot be replaced by political speeches or commemorative ceremonies.

That is why the signatories demand the right to independently determine the content of research, exhibitions, and educational programs.

The declaration of July 15, 2026 is not only an appeal to governments.

It is an appeal to journalists, educators, public organizations, politicians, and visitors to memorials.

Its main idea is that the memory of Nazi crimes should remain a living social institution capable of asking uncomfortable questions of the present.

Babi Yar, Auschwitz, Dachau, and other places of memory warn: when historical facts begin to depend on political conjuncture and budgetary decisions, not only the past is at risk.

The ability of society to timely recognize the repetition of old mechanisms is at risk — the search for internal enemies, dehumanization of people, spread of anti-Semitism, justification of violence, and the gradual destruction of democratic constraints.

The German newspaper Die Zeit on July 12, 2026 published a large article titled “Der Tod von oben” — “Death from Above.” Its authors Kai Biermann, Hauke Friederichs, and Olivia Kortas described how drones have changed the war in Ukraine and created a huge strip of almost continuous surveillance along the front line.

According to Die Zeit, in some areas, the depth of this dangerous territory already reaches 40 kilometers and continues to grow. The publication also provides an estimate: about ten drones per square kilometer may be in the air simultaneously.

This does not mean that the entire territory 40 kilometers from the line of contact is completely deserted. There remain positions, observation posts, small infantry groups, and supply routes. However, any movement of a car, armored vehicle, motorcycle, or group of servicemen can be detected by a reconnaissance drone, after which an FPV drone, heavy bomber, or artillery is directed at the target.

How the “death zone” grew from 10 to 50 kilometers

The expansion of the zone occurred gradually and directly depended on the range of drones, the appearance of relays, the development of fiber optic systems, and the increase in the number of devices at the front.

March 3, 2025: Ukraine launches the “Drone Line”

March 3, 2025 The Ministry of Defense of Ukraine officially announced the launch of the “Drone Line” project. The initiative was to unite the most effective drone system units and create a permanent strip of destruction in front of Ukrainian positions.

An additional 4.6 billion hryvnias was allocated for the development of the project. The funds were intended for the purchase of drones, vehicles, electronic warfare equipment, and mobile group equipment.

Initially, it was about a controlled zone with a depth of approximately 10–15 kilometers, where Russian troops could not advance without significant losses.

July 17, 2025: Reuters describes the first outlines of the new war

In a Reuters article from July 17, 2025, the dangerous strip was estimated at about 10 kilometers on each side of the line of contact.

Even then, Ukrainian military personnel reported that large equipment was quickly detected by drones. Therefore, the Russian army began to use small groups of two to six people, motorcycles, ATVs, and light vehicles more often.

The mass concentration of armored vehicles necessary for a classic breakthrough of the front was becoming increasingly dangerous: a column could be detected even before it reached the line of attack.

In August 2025, Volodymyr Zelensky estimated the depth of such a zone at approximately 10–20 kilometers from the front line. However, in the following months, the range of drones continued to increase.

February 2, 2026: ten drones per square kilometer

The estimate of ten drones per square kilometer appeared not only in Die Zeit.

February 2, 2026 Estonian Defense Forces staff officer Major Taavi Liyas stated in an interview with ERR that in some saturated areas of the front, about ten drones per square kilometer could be in the air.

Most of them are not strike drones but reconnaissance devices. They stay in the air longer, monitor roads, plantings, and destroyed settlements, and after detecting movement, call in FPV drones or bomber drones.

Liyas also reported that artillery had to be moved further from the front line. If earlier guns could be placed four to six kilometers from the front, now they are kept about 10–12 kilometers away, almost at the limit of effective range.

According to him, it is practically impossible to secretly assemble a large armored group unless reconnaissance drones, communication, and enemy targeting means are suppressed in advance.

It is important to understand that ten drones per square kilometer is not an official average value for the entire front line. This is an estimate of drone density in the most active directions.

Tanks have not disappeared, but the traditional armored warfare has ended

Reuters on February 24, 2026, on the fourth anniversary of the start of the full-scale Russian invasion, published a report from the Kharkiv region.

Ukrainian tank platoon commander Valentin Bogdanov said that his captured Russian T-72 remains camouflaged most of the time. In fact, the tank is used as a stationary artillery piece, as going out into open terrain almost inevitably attracts FPV drones.

This does not mean the complete disappearance of tanks. Armored vehicles continue to be used in urban areas, in difficult weather, and during certain mechanized operations. However, their role has sharply decreased, and massive armored attacks have largely been replaced by the actions of small infantry groups.

According to Reuters, along the front line stretching about 1200 kilometers, thousands of reconnaissance and strike drones were present daily. The share of losses related to drones increased from less than 10% in 2022 to a figure that in certain directions in 2025 could reach 80%.

NAnews — Israel News notes: statements about the complete “disappearance of armored vehicles” are exaggerated. It is more accurate to say that drones have deprived tanks of their former freedom of movement and forced both sides to completely restructure the use of heavy machines.

Evacuation takes several days instead of an hour

Drone warfare has changed not only offensives but also medical assistance.

In the same Reuters report from February 24, 2026, the head of one of the military hospitals in the Kharkiv region, Vyacheslav Kurny, reported that the average evacuation time for the wounded in some areas exceeded three days.

Military medicine traditionally relied on the “golden hour” principle: it was believed that a seriously wounded person should be delivered to doctors within about 60 minutes. In the modern zone of destruction, a vehicle or armored vehicle sent for the wounded can itself become a target.

Therefore, ground robots and heavy cargo drones are increasingly used for evacuation, delivery of water, food, and ammunition. Only in January 2026, according to the Ukrainian Ministry of Defense, ground unmanned complexes completed more than 7000 missions.

Spring and summer 2026: the zone continues to expand

April 9, 2026 The Ministry of Defense of Ukraine reported that more than 1000 crews are participating in the “Drone Line” project.

The officially declared depth of constant destruction was 10–15 kilometers. According to the department, the project’s units hit every fourth recorded target on the front. During the winter period, they were credited with hitting more than 30,000 Russian servicemen, and in March alone — more than 10,500.

These are official Ukrainian military data, so it is impossible to independently verify each claimed target. However, they show the scale of the transition from individual operator groups to a centralized system of drone warfare.

May 23, 2026 Reuters wrote that the standard zone of increased danger reached about 15 kilometers on both sides of the front, that is, about 30 kilometers in total width.

Ukrainian military personnel reported that heavy Vampire drones are used not only for attacks but also for delivering water, food, and medicine to areas where it is too dangerous to send people or vehicles.

June 12, 2026 Deputy Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine David Aloyan, speaking at a drone summit in Latvia, reported that in certain directions, the depth of the destruction zone reaches 50 kilometers.

According to him, where the density of reconnaissance and strike drones is especially high, a vehicle can be detected and destroyed within minutes.

Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Alexander Mishchenko gave a more cautious estimate — from 20 to 40 kilometers. He emphasized that drones make large offensive operations significantly more difficult, as it is impossible to gather troops unnoticed in one area.

That is why the figure of 40 kilometers provided by Die Zeit on July 12, 2026 looks realistic. But it applies to certain directions and cannot automatically be transferred to the entire front.

Why advancement is measured in tens of meters per day

The American Center for Strategic and International Studies — CSIS — in a report from July 1, 2026 linked the slowdown in hostilities to minefields, fortifications, artillery, and the saturation of the front with drones.

According to CSIS, in the first half of 2026, the average speed of Russian advancement was:

• about 50 meters per day near Kostiantynivka;
• about 70 meters per day in the Pokrovske direction;
• about 90 meters per day in the direction of Sloviansk.

For comparison: during the maneuver phase of the war in 2022, individual groups could advance 3000–7000 meters per day.

Analysts note that both sides now cannot, without enormous risk, gather enough infantry and armored vehicles within a more than 20-kilometer zone for a rapid operational breakthrough. Instead, the Russian army tries to infiltrate with small groups that occupy individual plantings, buildings, or positions.

NAnews — Israel News emphasizes: drones have not made the war less bloody. They have made it more fragmented. Instead of rapid offensives, thousands of small skirmishes, attacks, and infiltration attempts occur, each of which can cost human lives.

The next stage — drones that do not need a connection with the operator

Artificial intelligence is already used at the front, so calling it exclusively the “next stage” is not entirely correct.

Back on March 25, 2024 Reuters reported that Ukraine and Russia are developing drones with computer vision. Such a device can recognize a target, capture its image, and continue the attack without constant connection with the operator.

A regular FPV drone can be stopped by jamming the radio channel. But if the drone has already captured the image of a vehicle, tank, or other target, the onboard system can independently adjust the flight on the final segment.

November 29, 2025 Reuters described a Ukrainian unit’s strike on a presumed Russian tank at a distance of about 20 kilometers.

After the operator indicated the target, the software helped the drone keep it in the frame. Even after losing connection, the device could continue the flight autonomously.

The Ukrainian side states that the final decision to attack should be made by a human. AI is used for recognition, tracking, and targeting, not for independently choosing people to be destroyed.

By the end of November 2025 Ukraine deployed dozens of such systems, with individual solutions already installed on thousands of drones. Developers admitted that the effectiveness of computer vision depends on weather, lighting, camouflage, and image quality.

What the appearance of a 40-kilometer zone means

The “death zone” is not a continuous desert where no one can be.

Military personnel continue to serve on its territory, observation posts operate, rotations are conducted, and cargo is delivered. But the risk sharply increases as one approaches the line of contact.

The main change is that the front has ceased to be a narrow strip of trenches. It has turned into a deep territory of constant surveillance, which can begin tens of kilometers from the immediate site of battles.

Drones have forced headquarters, warehouses, artillery, and command posts to move back. They have made the evacuation of the wounded more difficult, limited the use of tanks, and made the unnoticed preparation of a classic large offensive almost impossible.

But technological advantage does not remain constant. Each new means of protection leads to the emergence of a new method of attack: electronic warfare led to the spread of fiber optic drones, anti-drone nets to repeated attacks along the same route, and the loss of radio communication accelerated the development of autonomous targeting.

Therefore, the publication Die Zeit from July 12, 2026 describes not a completed technological revolution, but another stage of it. The boundary of the “death zone” continues to move away from the front line, and the war is increasingly turning into a confrontation of reconnaissance systems, algorithms, and mass-produced unmanned machines.

The main idea of the material is simple and harsh: even if the media agenda changes, Russia’s war against Ukraine has not stopped for a single season, and the Jews of Ukraine remain among those who “hold the line” since 2022, going through winter after winter.

Drone reconnaissance commander from Nikolaev: “fight for your country”

One of the key figures in the report is Moshe Bizsemov, the commander of a small group of reconnaissance drones. He has been serving in the Ukrainian army since 2018 and witnessed the phase of battles often associated in Ukraine with the war in Donbas after 2014. Bizsemov is a resident of Nikolaev, a father of two, and was supposed to complete his service in April 2022, shortly after the full-scale invasion began.

However, circumstances unfolded differently. At the moment when his unit came under attack, Bizsemov was in the process of being discharged. Many of his soldiers were captured in Mariupol, and as noted in the material, seven had not been released at the time of publication. He extended his contract and remained in service. When asked about his motivation, the answer is extremely short: “fight for your country.”

The report also highlights another detail: Bizsemov was wounded at the beginning of the war and had grounds to leave the service with an honorable discharge. Instead, he continued working specifically in drone reconnaissance — where the price of a mistake is measured not in statistics but in human lives on the ground.

BMP driver and “the man who stopped”: the story of Andre Chernecki

The second figure is Andre Chernecki, a driver of an armored vehicle (BMP). The text states that he has been serving since March 22 (the year is not specified in the material) and has gone through some of the bloodiest episodes of the war, including Bakhmut. Chernecki fought there twice, with one rotation, according to him, lasting seven months.

The strongest fragment of the report is an episode that Chernecki recounts as an illustration of a choice made “inside the war.” Returning from the Bakhmut direction and already about a kilometer from a safe area, he noticed a Ukrainian soldier trapped by debris in a destroyed building. According to protocol, the armored vehicle should not stop: the risk is too high for the crew and equipment. Chernecki stopped.

He ran out, bandaged the wound, and then effectively amputated the destroyed limb that was holding the soldier under the rubble, after which his team loaded the wounded onto the armored vehicle. The material emphasizes: by this act, he put himself and his people at risk, but he believed that otherwise, the soldier would have been “left behind,” and then almost certainly forgotten.

Chernecki speaks about his Jewish identity directly and without embellishment. He did not hide that he was Jewish and perceived it as part of his service: “if you represent a people — you must keep the bar higher.” He notes that he was wounded three times and explains why he continues to fight: so that no one can say that Jews do not fight.

Not everyone is on the front line — and this is also part of the truth

The Jerusalem Post text does not romanticize. It states directly: as among other citizens of Ukraine, among Jews, there were those who did not go to fight — who hid at home, fearing mobilization, or tried to avoid conscription. One of the Jewish leaders admits regret about this part of reality, but other community representatives emphasize: there are many servicemen, it’s just difficult to name the exact number.

The reason lies in the structure of the community and society. Some are actively involved in Jewish life and are visible, while others live outside community frameworks, and even people who usually “keep their finger on the pulse” may not know about their service.

The cost of war: the dead, the wounded, returning and dying on position

The report lists specific cases of losses among Jewish fighters. One of them is Tzvi-Hirsch (Grisha) Zvergazda, a cook and father of two. He died in June in the Kherson direction. The article notes his dream — to open a kosher restaurant in Odessa and someday receive a Michelin star.

Around the same time, Andrey Korovsky, a 32-year-old Chabad school teacher, died. He was a drone operator, had previously returned to service after a combat wound, and died on the front from a heart attack. In this fragment, the “rear” side of the war is especially noticeable: even when a person does not die from a bullet or shrapnel, the war continues to wear down the body.

Another hero is Maksim Nelipa, a 44-year-old Ukrainian actor and TV presenter. The material states that he left television at the beginning of the invasion and went to fight, and in May he was killed in battle. A separate detail strengthens the Ukraine-Israel connection: according to the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine, Nelipa’s son was at that time fighting as part of the Golani Brigade in Gaza and received news of his father’s death right on duty.

How many are there: assessment of losses and scale of participation

There is no official “Jewish statistics” for the Ukrainian army, and the report emphasizes that the numbers vary. But an estimate by Jewish representatives is provided: since 2022, the number of Jewish citizens of Ukraine who died in the war may range from 100 to 200 people, with dozens dying just last year. Against this background, another estimate is heard: now about twice as many Jews serve in the army as those who have already died.

This is not accounting and not a dispute over numbers. Rather, it is a marker that we are talking not about isolated stories, but about a noticeable layer of society that bears the same cost of war as the rest.

The role of communities: funerals, family assistance, chaplain on the front line

An important block of the report is about how Jewish structures in Ukraine take on what would be taken for granted in peacetime. The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine (FJCU) reports that it helps organize Jewish funerals together with Chabad emissaries, supports families financially, and conducts prayers and Kaddish readings for the deceased.

The article also mentions Hungarian Jewish volunteer Binyamin Aser — an example of how the war attracts people to Ukraine from abroad, and the issue of a dignified burial becomes part of humanitarian work.

The work of military chaplain, Rabbi-Lieutenant Yakov Sinyakov, associated with FJCU, is described separately. He visits the trenches, brings soldiers sweets “the taste of home,” distributes books of psalms to those who ask, talks to recruits who see the front for the first time and do not always cope psychologically. Sinyakov has a master’s degree in psychology, and the material emphasizes that he knows how to “connect” with people not through slogans, but through human conversation.

His thought is also presented, explaining the moral complexity of war: some soldiers find it difficult to accept the very idea of killing, but in the “reality of evil,” he says, protecting family and country makes this choice inevitable.

Why this is important for Israel

The report includes a phrase of gratitude to Israel for accepting Ukrainian refugees at the beginning of the war. But the key meaning is broader: for the Israeli audience, Ukraine increasingly becomes an “external topic,” while for people on the front line, it is a matter of life and death, without pauses for changes in the news cycle.

The story of Jewish fighters of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is simultaneously about Ukraine and about Israel: about shared memory, about the reaction to violence, about family ties that ended up on both sides of the fronts and borders, and about how war tears apart “ordinary life” in the most unexpected places — from Nikolaev and Kherson to Holon and IDF bases.

That is why such texts are important not as an emotional gesture, but as a document of the time: names, facts, direct words of people who fight, bury, return after injuries, and go back to positions. In the Russian-speaking Israeli agenda, this layer of reality must remain visible — and this is exactly what NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency works for.

Original from January 15, 2026, The Jerusalem Post (Eng.) report by journalist Michael Starr:

https://www.jpost.com/international/internationalrussia-ukraine-war/article-883460

Exactly three years ago, the Defense Forces liberated Kherson. On November 11, 2022, Ukrainian troops entered the city, where they were greeted by locals with blue and yellow flags — the very ones that had been hidden from the occupiers. These fearless people immediately showed Putin’s army that it had come to the wrong place on tanks: “Kherson is Ukraine.” Many of them remain in the city today and do everything to ensure that, despite daily shelling by Russia, Kherson continues to live. Glory to all who fight! We remember those who gave their lives in battles for Ukraine.

Symbol of liberation: how the ATB truck appeared in the city

On the same day, November 11, 2022, when the Armed Forces of Ukraine entered liberated Kherson, residents saw an unexpected symbol of life returning on the streets — a truck with the logo of the Ukrainian retailer “ATB.”
The vehicle moved through the central streets, and people with flags waved at it and cried. This moment was captured on video, which spread across the country.

Everyone who saw the truck was joyful and confident that this was indeed the end of the occupation, even though Defense Forces units were only entering the outskirts of the city. Therefore, after some time, locals with blue and yellow flags were already waiting for Ukrainian defenders in the city center.

According to 24 Channel, behind the wheel was Eyal Israeli — an immigrant from Israel who has been living in Ukraine since the early 2000s.
When Russian troops left the city, he returned the truck stolen by the occupiers and drove through the streets with a Ukrainian flag.

Eyal and his friends drive around the city in the ATB truck, stopping at every billboard to remove the posters left by the Russians. “Kherson forever with Russia” — a fiction that disappears piece by piece from the streets to the cries of “Glory to Ukraine” and “Putin is a h***o!” On the billboards remain only the firmly glued pieces — the torn remnants of the “Russian world.”

We have already written about Eyal Israeli in the article – “Superhero ‘like from ‘Fauda” in the war against Russia: Israeli veteran on the banks of the Dnipro“

Eyal Israeli — the man who returned the symbol

According to colleagues and locals, Eyal had long worked in logistics and was a partner of the ATB network in the region.
During the occupation, he refused to leave the city, helped residents, and on the day of liberation — simply took and returned the truck.

Some Ukrainian publications write that in Israel he served in special units and from the first days of the invasion helped Ukrainian military with intelligence and volunteering.
But for the residents of Kherson, he became not a scout, but a person who first opened the streets for life and flags.

“Eyal heard a lot about how Ukrainians are called ‘neo-Nazis’ and now he already knows that he saw Nazis in Ukraine while he was in occupation. While the Russians were in the city, he did everything to make their life unbearable. And when collaborators stole ATB trucks, Eyal decided he would return them. And now he drives around the city in one of them. And on it is the first Ukrainian flag that appeared in Kherson. The first banner of freedom on the truck of the company that Eyal will always be grateful to, because in Kherson he was hired by ATB long ago without knowing the language — they taught him and did everything so that he could work.”

“On the streets, Eyal is now met by joyful and surprised people. Those who have not yet seen the military in the city were definitely sure that Kherson was free if ATB had already entered here. The truck drove into Freedom Square. There are no military here yet, but there are already people waiting for them. All in flags. Seeing the truck, the crowd began to chant ‘ATB! ATB!’, and when men in balaclavas got out of it, people thought they were military and chanted ‘AFU!’. But it was not them yet. Or rather, they were not yet in the center.”

Why this story is important

• Liberation is not only about the army and weapons, but also the courage of citizens who believe and act.
• The truck of the store chain became a symbol of the return to normalcy — food, work, life.
• An Israeli who decided to stay in a Ukrainian city during the occupation showed how the destinies of people from different countries unite in the struggle for freedom.
• For Ukrainians and the Jewish diaspora, this story is an example that true loyalty to a country is measured not by a passport, but by actions.

Strength in people

Kherson residents continue to live under daily shelling, but blue and yellow flags still hang on the houses.
The ATB truck that day became a sign that life is returning, and the people are unbroken.

This story remains in the memory of millions: not only as a video with flags but as proof that liberation always begins with one decisive person.

What you need to know about the liberation of Kherson?

• Kherson was the only regional center of Ukraine that the Russians occupied after the start of the full-scale invasion.
• After a long operation by Ukrainian troops, the Russian defense collapsed, causing the enemy to begin a panicked retreat to the left bank of the Dnipro, where they entrenched. Now Kherson is separated from the occupiers by the river and islands where battles are taking place. The city is under daily artillery fire, MLRS, KABs, and especially drones.
• Recently, Angelina Jolie visited Kherson. This happened despite the fact that Kherson is currently one of the most dangerous cities in Ukraine.

NANews — News of Israel and Ukraine.

This time, the official representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova, entered the information battle. The occasion was a remark by former Ukrainian Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk about the possible name ‘Rus’.

“So, has the Kyiv regime already abandoned the ‘Ukrs’? Now they are ‘Rus’?” Zakharova inquired.

The joke was supposed to show Kyiv’s confusion, the crisis of Ukrainian identity, and another ‘split’ within Ukraine. However, as a result, Russian propaganda primarily demonstrated its own inability to read sentences in full.

Because there was no decision to rename Ukraine. There was no bill, presidential decree, government initiative, or even a political campaign.

There was a hypothetical question from a journalist. There was a conditional answer from a former diplomat. And there was the Russian information machine, which once again needed to urgently defeat its own invention.

How the word ‘if’ disappeared on the way to Moscow

The interview with Borys Tarasyuk was published by RBC-Ukraine on July 14, 2026. The conversation mainly concerned Ukraine’s relations with Poland, Hungary, and Slovakia, historical conflicts, and obstacles to the country’s accession to the European Union.

The journalist recalled North Macedonia, which had to change its state name to resolve a dispute with Greece, and asked whether Ukraine might face similar demands from neighbors.

Tarasyuk responded very clearly: no one is demanding that Ukraine change its name.

And only after that did he add that in a hypothetical situation, he would propose the name ‘Rus’, as he considers it the original name of the Ukrainian state and the heritage of Kievan Rus.

In normal journalism, this phrase would sound something like this:

‘Tarasyuk: no one is demanding to rename Ukraine, but hypothetically I would propose the name ‘Rus”.

But Russian propaganda is arranged differently. The conditional ‘if’ is an unnecessary detail for it, hindering the production of sensation.

Therefore, the word ‘if’ first disappeared from the sentence. Then the phrase ‘no one is demanding to change the name’ disappeared. After that, the personal reflection of the former minister turned into ‘Kyiv’s idea’. And a few hours later, Russian media already reported that ‘Kyiv authorities wanted to rename Ukraine’.

This is how the information conveyor works: at the entrance is a real quote, and at the exit is a convenient opponent that can be ceremoniously defeated.

The former minister suddenly became the ‘Kyiv regime’

Russian media treated Borys Tarasyuk’s status especially touchingly.

He indeed headed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine twice and has extensive diplomatic experience. But at the time of the interview, Tarasyuk did not hold the position of head of the Foreign Ministry and did not represent the current Ukrainian government.

Moreover, on August 20, 2025, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky relieved him of his duties as Ukraine’s permanent representative to the Council of Europe. The corresponding decree is published on the official website of the president.

But for Russian propaganda, this does not matter.

As soon as any former Ukrainian official utters a phrase suitable for a headline, he instantly turns into ‘Kyiv’, ‘Kyiv authorities’, or ‘Kyiv regime’.

Apparently, by the same logic, any statement by a former Russian minister should be considered a new state course of the Kremlin. But for some reason, Russian state media are in no hurry to use their own rules against Russia itself.

Zakharova argued with a character invented by Russian propaganda

After the necessary processing of the quote, Maria Zakharova appeared on the scene.

TASS reported that the representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry reminded the ‘Kyiv authorities’, who allegedly wanted to rename the country, that they used to consider themselves heirs of the mythical ‘Ukrs’.

Here, Russian propaganda performed an especially beautiful somersault.

First, it attributed to the Ukrainian authorities a proposal that the Ukrainian authorities did not make.

Then it declared Ukrainians ‘Ukrs’.

After that, it decided that Ukraine allegedly abandoned the name invented by Russian propagandists.

And finally, it mocked Kyiv for a contradiction entirely created within the Russian information system.

This is no longer just a dispute with a straw man. This is a full-fledged state theater of one actor, where the propagandist independently writes the opponent’s lines, independently gets outraged by them, and independently declares themselves the winner.

NAnews — Israel News notes: Zakharova’s phrase says much more about the Russian attitude towards Ukrainians than about Ukraine’s position.

The word ‘Ukrs’ is not an official self-designation of the Ukrainian people. It is a mocking designation that has been spread for years precisely in the Russian propaganda environment.

The Ukrainian state could not ‘abandon’ this word because it never accepted it.

With the same success, one could ask why the French suddenly stopped calling themselves ‘frogs’, or why Americans no longer consider themselves ‘pindos’. The answer is obvious: offensive nicknames exist primarily in the mind of the one who uses them.

Propaganda lost its own historical line

But the main problem for Zakharova lies even deeper.

For years, Russian state propaganda has claimed that Russia and Ukraine are supposedly ‘one people’, that Ukrainian identity is artificial, and that the historical heritage of Rus belongs to Moscow.

And suddenly, when a Ukrainian diplomat talks about Ukraine’s right to the heritage of Rus, the representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry responds: ‘Now they are Rus?’

It turns out to be quite awkward.

If Ukrainians, according to the Kremlin, are part of some ‘single Russian people’, why does Zakharova find it surprising that a Ukrainian politician refers to the history of Rus?

If Ukrainians have no relation to Rus, then on what basis does the Russian government continue to talk about ‘one people’?

Russian propaganda simultaneously tries to prove two opposing ideas:

Ukrainians are ‘actually Russians’, so Ukraine has no right to separate statehood.

Ukrainians have no right to call themselves heirs of Rus because Rus supposedly belongs exclusively to Russia.

Both constructions are used alternately — depending on which one is more convenient to pronounce in a particular television program.

Logic in this case is considered an unnecessary luxury.

No one is renaming the state — but propaganda is already having fun

The story becomes even more absurd if we recall the legal side of the issue.

The name of Ukraine is related to the provisions of the Constitution. A real renaming of the country would require a complex constitutional procedure.

At the same time, Article 157 of the Constitution of Ukraine establishes that the Constitution cannot be changed under conditions of martial law or a state of emergency. This has been repeatedly confirmed by the Constitutional Court of Ukraine.

So even if such an initiative did appear in Ukraine, it would be impossible to implement it under current conditions.

But discussing real legal procedures is not interesting to Russian media.

It is much more convenient to create a picture in which the ‘Kyiv regime’ woke up in the morning, urgently decided to abandon Ukraine, chose a new name for itself, informed a former minister about it, and immediately received a witty response from Zakharova.

This construction has nothing to do with reality, but it is perfectly adapted for distribution in Telegram channels and television talk shows.

NAnews — Israel News notes another characteristic detail: Russian media were almost not interested in the content of Tarasyuk’s interview itself.

He spoke about problems in Ukraine’s relations with neighbors, Polish-Ukrainian historical disputes, the need for compromises for EU accession, and how the Kremlin uses conflicts between European states.

But from the large conversation, one conditional phrase was extracted.

Because discussing the complex relations between Ukraine and Europe is difficult. It requires facts, context, and at least minimal respect for the reader.

And writing ‘Ukraine decided to rename’ is much easier.

When propaganda tries too hard

Russian propaganda constantly strives to present Ukraine as a state without its own history and identity.

However, every time Ukrainians discuss their own history, Moscow starts to get nervous.

If Ukraine recalls Kievan Rus — it is declared ‘theft of Russian history’.

If Ukraine emphasizes its own national identity — it is accused of ‘artificial separation’ from Russia.

If Ukrainians talk about a European future — it is called ‘rejection of roots’.

If Ukrainians talk about their own roots — they are told that these roots have already been privatized by Moscow.

As a result, Russian propaganda finds itself in a trap it built itself.

It wants to simultaneously deny the existence of an independent Ukraine and be outraged by every manifestation of Ukrainian independence.

Therefore, Zakharova’s response looks less like mockery of Tarasyuk and more like a symptom of its own ideological confusion.

The Russian Foreign Ministry tried to joke about the ‘crisis of Ukrainian identity’, but accidentally demonstrated a crisis of the Russian propaganda manual.

What actually happened

No renaming of Ukraine is happening.

Former Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk was answering a hypothetical question about possible demands from neighboring countries during negotiations on joining the European Union.

He stated directly that no one is demanding that Ukraine change its name.

After that, Tarasyuk added that personally, in a conditional situation, he would propose the name ‘Rus’.

Russian media removed the conditional context from his response, turned the personal opinion of a former diplomat into an initiative of the current government, and passed the resulting construction to Maria Zakharova.

Zakharova, in turn, mocked Ukrainians for rejecting a word that Ukrainians never called themselves.

The whole story took less than a day.

First, Russian propaganda invented an event.

Then it spread it itself.

Then it reacted to it itself.

And in the end, it congratulated itself on the victory.

A rare case when the information machine simultaneously acted as the author of the news, the source of indignation, the main commentator, and its own victim.

In Israel, the 29th day of the month of Tammuz, the day of his death, has been declared Jabotinsky Day. In 2025, it falls on the evening of Thursday, July 24, 2025 – Friday, July 25, 2025.

Jabotinsky’s advocacy laid the foundation for the modern State of Israel, and his vision continues to shape Jewish identity to this day.

Why This Day Matters for Israel and Ukraine

The 29th of Tammuz is a special day in the Jewish calendar, when speeches are heard across the country, memorial candles are lit, and Ze’ev Jabotinsky’s legacy is discussed. People far from politics might wonder: why even remember this man?

But look closer — and you’ll immediately realize: thanks to people like Jabotinsky, we have Israel as we know it. His ideas about national dignity, self-respect, and respect for others still resonate not only for Jews, but for everyone fighting for the right to be themselves.

Interestingly, this day often becomes a reason for personal memories. The older generation recalls how families used to argue about Jabotinsky’s views, while young people, reading his biography, are surprised: it turns out he supported Ukrainians even in the early 20th century, when it was neither popular nor safe.

Odessa Roots and Political Instinct: The Beginning of the Journey

Born in Odessa, a city where Jewish, Ukrainian, Greek, Russian, and Armenian destinies mixed in a unique way, Jabotinsky learned early to listen to and understand other perspectives. His childhood was filled with the ringing of trams and the cries of street vendors in different languages, in courtyards where boys would sometimes fight, sometimes become friends. Maybe that’s why he became a committed opponent of any kind of national hatred.

When, in 1907, Jabotinsky ran for the Russian Empire’s parliament from the Volyn province, he had to build bridges between Jewish and Ukrainian voter groups from scratch. Back then, this seemed like an impossible task: distrust, stereotypes, pressure from the authorities… Yet even after losing, he was not disappointed — instead, he began to speak publicly that only together can minorities break the imperial machine of oppression.

Friends and contemporaries recalled that after this defeat, Jabotinsky became much closer to Ukrainian intellectuals. He read Ukrainian poetry, was interested in folk songs, even tried to understand dialects. For him, Ukrainians were never “younger brothers” — he saw them as equal partners.

Putin vs. Common Sense: Why Deny Ukraine?

Why does the Kremlin so fear Ukrainian identity? You can search for explanations for a long time, but essentially, it boils down to this: acknowledging the existence of Ukraine makes imperial claims meaningless. Putin’s 2021 article and his ongoing rhetoric are an attempt to impose the “same old song”: Ukrainians supposedly invented by the Bolsheviks, there is no nation, and anyone who disagrees is an enemy.

But as early as 1911, Jabotinsky publicly stated: “Ukrainians are a people, a separate nation, and that’s the only way to view them.” He didn’t just say this at rallies — but in articles for different audiences, in Russian, Yiddish, and Ukrainian.

Jabotinsky understood Ukrainian and could get by in conversation, but he was not a native speaker and did not speak publicly in Ukrainian. He was fluent in Russian, Hebrew, Yiddish, Italian, French, and several other languages. He learned Ukrainian through practical communication and interest in culture, but did not use it as a language for political speeches or articles.

• Contemporaries noted that he “could support a conversation in different Ukrainian dialects,” understood linguistic features, but did not write or publish materials in Ukrainian.
• Most of his texts on Ukrainian topics were written in Russian or Hebrew, sometimes in Yiddish.

Friends recalled that Jabotinsky easily found common ground with Ukrainians — sometimes even using Ukrainian words or phrases in conversation to win over his interlocutor.

This debate with imperial thinking was personal — he could not accept the idea of “dissolving” people in a faceless mass.

Let’s remember, Jabotinsky loved genuine public debates — and was not afraid of tough topics. He argued with intellectuals like Pyotr Struve, passionately insisting that every people has its own path, and no one has the right to turn diversity into a monotonous imperial “porridge.” In life, he could easily argue in the street, in an editorial office, or even at a banquet — if it was about people’s right to be themselves.

Quotes That Cannot Be Forgotten

Jabotinsky was no armchair theorist. His writings are always full of life and directness. Here are a few of his thoughts that still resonate today:

• “Behind these cities (Ukraine) rolls a continuous, almost thirty-million-strong Ukrainian sea…” An ordinary trip from Odessa to Kharkiv or Poltava was not just a route for him, but a real study: where “khokhly” live, where “katsapy,” why they don’t mix, and what is the secret of Ukrainian distinctiveness.
• “Shevchenko… is a vivid symptom of the national and cultural vitality of Ukrainianism…” He studied the poet’s biography, read his poems in the original language, could spend hours explaining to friends why Shevchenko is not just a writer, but a symbol of the nation.
• “Ukrainian parties recognize the right of Jews to national culture…” For Jabotinsky this was a matter of principle. He knew Ukrainian intellectuals, communicated with socialists, debated with radicals — but always noted: a real Ukrainian patriot will not demand that a Jew abandon his language or traditions.
• “I know well this type of Ukrainian nationalist-intellectual…” This is not just a friendly recognition, but also a subtle rebuke to those who try to portray Ukrainians as enemies of Jews — Jabotinsky’s real experience fully refutes such myths.

Political Father of Likud: Why This Line Remains Unbroken

Few people remember that Jabotinsky was not only an ideologist, but also a practical leader of the Zionist movement, leaving a mark not only in Israel, but in the fate of real families. Benzion Netanyahu, the father of the current Prime Minister of Israel, in his youth was the assistant to Jabotinsky’s personal secretary. He absorbed these views and passed them on to his son. At political meetings in Israel, people still recall how Benzion could quote Jabotinsky from memory — in arguments with opponents and even in daily conversations.

Many Likud leaders consider Jabotinsky their teacher, and his ideas the standard of true political courage. Even those who did not always agree with him admitted: this was a man who was not afraid to go against the tide. Hence, the question for the current leadership of Israel: will they have the courage to look at Ukraine through his eyes, and not through the prism of temporary interests or pressure from powerful states?

One can imagine a hypothetical conversation between Jabotinsky and today’s politicians:

— Are you sure that true strength is in denial, not in acknowledging the truth?
— Why not recall old lessons and build alliances with those who follow their own path, not copy someone else’s history?

The memory of Jabotinsky is also an internal challenge for every Israeli.

When Myths Are More Dangerous Than Rockets: Why the Kremlin Fights the Past

How many times in recent years have Ukrainians heard from Kremlin propagandists: “You don’t exist,” “Your history is fiction,” “Your language is artificial”? But if you believe this, it turns out that peoples can be “canceled” by a simple decree, and borders — erased from the map. That’s why Kremlin propaganda is so obsessed with history: don’t recognize Ukraine — and any crime becomes justified.

Jabotinsky understood this mechanism perfectly. He traveled a lot around Ukraine, talked to ordinary people, observed how villages lived where, on one side of the river — Ukrainians, on the other — Russians. No one mixes, no one forgets their customs. It’s such details that give a real understanding of the national question, which cannot be seen from a Moscow office.

No wonder his texts have so many vivid ethnographic descriptions: costumes, wedding traditions, kitchen conversations, even household anecdotes. History, according to Jabotinsky, is not just dates and wars, but, first of all, people, their speech, their habits, and their ability to support each other in difficult times.

What the Memory of Jabotinsky Teaches Us Today

Today, the memory of Jabotinsky is not only a state ceremony but also a conversation in every family that remembers that freedom is never final. In Israel, people often recall how he gathered all sorts of people around him, argued passionately, but always remained open to dialogue. His lesson is simple: “True self-respect begins with respect for others.”

His life is an example of how you can be a Jew, a Ukrainian, a European — and not lose your essence. He dreamed of a state where everyone has a place, where languages are not forbidden but preserved, where history is not a reason for war, but for seeking understanding.

In these days, when people once again discuss who is with whom and against whom, it’s worth recalling that a hundred years ago there was someone who could say what others were afraid to even think. Maybe now his experience is more important than ever.

Main conclusions for those who want to see beyond the headlines

The memory of Jabotinsky is a challenge for every generation: if you’ve forgotten why rights and freedoms are needed, read his texts, talk to those who still remember his lessons. History is always on the side of those who are not afraid to be honest — with themselves and with others.

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Details of the program were reported on July 15, 2026, by the local news site Haifa news haifaru. Israeli doctors will perform a series of complex surgeries on the patients, related to the reconstruction of the eye socket and facial tissues after severe injuries. Simultaneously, the Ukrainian medical team will participate in the treatment and adopt methods that are planned to be applied in Lviv in the future.

Thus, it is not only about helping seven specific people. The project is intended to become the foundation for creating Ukraine’s own system of treatment, eye prosthetics, and rehabilitation for patients with the consequences of mine-explosive, shrapnel, and other severe injuries.

From the arrival of the delegation to the start of operations

The Ukrainian delegation arrived in Israel on July 5, 2026, as part of cooperation with the UNBROKEN rehabilitation project.

Initially, it was reported that Ukrainian patients would undergo examinations and eye prosthetics at the Bnei Zion Medical Center, and doctors from Lviv would gain practical experience in oculoplasty and recovery from severe facial injuries. The main task of the program was stated to be the transfer of Israeli technologies to Ukrainian specialists, rather than organizing a one-time medical mission.

Now the project has moved from the organizational stage directly to treatment.

7 victims arrived in Haifa with injuries sustained during the war. Details about their identities, the nature of their injuries, and their affiliation with military or civilian structures are not publicly disclosed for understandable medical and ethical reasons.

It is known that the patients will require complex reconstructive interventions. Depending on the nature of the injury, they may include the restoration of the eye socket, eyelids, tear ducts, surrounding tissues, and preparation for the installation of an individual eye prosthesis.

The medical direction of the project is associated with Dr. Yoav Verdizer, a specialist at Bnei Zion in oculoplasty, orbital surgery, eyelids, and tear ducts.

Dr. Verdizer’s cooperation with Ukrainian specialists did not start now. As early as 2024, he visited Ukraine as part of a joint program between Bnei Zion and the organization Lev Echad, consulting patients and participating in the development of assistance for people with severe eye and facial injuries. At that time, the doctor emphasized that the goal of the project is to restore the quality of life and hope for the future to the victims.

What eye prosthetics means

It is important to understand that a regular eye prosthesis does not restore lost vision.

Its task is to restore the appearance of the eye and face, maintain the correct shape of the eye socket, protect tissues, and reduce the physical and psychological consequences of the injury.

Before installing the prosthesis, the patient often requires several operations.

Surgeons must restore damaged tissues, form the eye socket, eliminate the consequences of inflammations, and prepare the site for the future individual prosthesis. After healing, an ocularist specialist creates an artificial eye taking into account the shape of the face, the size of the eye socket, and the color of the healthy eye.

Modern eye prostheses are not just cosmetic products. They help fill the space left after tissue loss, support the anatomical structure of the face, and can significantly improve a person’s psychological state. Medical specialists also note their importance for long-term physical and social rehabilitation.

For a person who has sustained a severe injury in the war, such treatment means the opportunity to freely leave the house again, communicate, work, and not perceive their own reflection as a constant reminder of the trauma experienced.

Israeli knowledge should work in Ukraine

Along with the patients, three Ukrainian doctors and one nurse from Lviv arrived in Haifa.

They will be present during examinations and operations, familiarize themselves with Israeli methods of reconstructive surgery, learn to work with a damaged eye socket, and participate in preparing patients for prosthetics.

This is a fundamental part of the program.

Seven operations can change the lives of seven people. Trained doctors returning to Ukraine with new knowledge will be able to help dozens and hundreds of patients.

In Lviv, it is planned to create a specialized direction, and in the future, a medical center for eye prosthetics, working with the use of Israeli experience and with the support of specialists from Haifa. Such a center will allow Ukrainians to receive complex assistance closer to home, without the need to organize an expensive trip abroad each time.

The war has already led to a huge number of severe eye and facial injuries. They are caused by rocket and drone fragments, artillery shells, explosive waves, building debris, and mine-explosive injuries.

After saving a life, an equally complex path of recovery begins. It can last for months and even years, requiring several surgical interventions, prosthetics, psychological help, and social adaptation.

Therefore, the transfer of technologies is not an addition to treatment, but one of the main results of the entire program.

Who participates in the project

The organizer of the medical internship and cooperation with Bnei Zion was the Israeli humanitarian organization לב אחד — Lev Echad — ‘One Heart’.

Representatives of Israeli Friends of Ukraine joined the delegation’s accompaniment and volunteer support. The project was also assisted by the Embassy of Ukraine in Israel, the Ukrainian ambassador Yevgeny Korniychuk, consul Alex Zernopolsky, and the Ukrainian volunteer center ‘Razom’ from Haifa.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency has already reported on the arrival of the Ukrainian delegation and plans to create an eye prosthetics direction in Lviv.

New information shows that the project has not remained at the level of statements: patients are in Haifa, Ukrainian medics have begun training, and Israeli specialists have started practical medical work.

This is exactly the format of international assistance that can maintain significance for many years.

Diplomats help establish connections. Volunteers accompany patients and solve organizational issues. Israeli doctors perform operations and share experience. Ukrainian specialists gain knowledge that will then work within Ukraine.

The connection between Haifa and Lviv, built not on statements

For Ukraine, the project means the emergence of an additional opportunity to restore people after some of the most severe consequences of the war.

For Israel, it is an opportunity to transfer accumulated experience to a country where the need for reconstructive surgery and rehabilitation continues to grow.

Israeli medicine is well acquainted with treating people after terrorist attacks, explosions, combat injuries, and mass emergencies. This experience cannot simply be transferred in the form of instructions or textbooks. Ukrainian doctors need to see operations, participate in decision-making, and work alongside Israeli colleagues.

That is why the arrival of the medical team from Lviv is no less significant than the treatment of seven patients.

NANews — Israel News notes: real Ukrainian-Israeli cooperation is manifested not in protocol photographs, but in such projects — when a specific person receives help, a doctor gains knowledge, and a medical system capable of continuing this work independently appears in Ukraine.

The seven patients who arrived in Haifa are seven human stories behind the general statistics of the war.

For each of them, surgery at Bnei Zion can be a step towards restoring their face, confidence, and normal life.

And for Ukrainian medicine, this project can become the beginning of a direction that will help significantly more victims in the future.

Dozens of American refueling planes stationed at Ben Gurion Airport occupied parking spaces needed by passenger airliners. When the United States, due to a new escalation with Iran, halted the withdrawal of its planes and returned additional aircraft to Israel, the Airports Authority warned of possible cancellations of civilian flights.

The most serious scenario involved the cancellation of about ten flights a day starting from July 23, 2026. Approximately 50,000 airline tickets per month were at risk.

Transport Minister Miri Regev attempted to limit the number of American planes, but the decision caused sharp dissatisfaction with the US Army’s Central Command. By July 15, the ban on refueling landings was lifted, and Israeli agencies began seeking a new compromise.

Why American planes are at Ben Gurion

Refueling planes allow combat aviation to conduct long operations far from their own bases. They refuel fighters and bombers directly in the air, increasing their range and flight duration.

American refuelers began arriving in Israel during the US’s preparation for a possible operation against Iran. The first large groups of transport planes and refuelers were spotted at Ben Gurion in February 2026.

After the expansion of hostilities, the number of American planes sharply increased. By mid-June, about 74 American refuelers were at Ben Gurion Airport. They occupied a significant portion of the parking spaces intended for passenger planes.

It was not just about a few temporarily arrived aircraft. In fact, a large logistical base for American aviation was created at Israel’s main civilian airport.

For the US, stationing planes in Israel has obvious advantages. Ben Gurion has the necessary infrastructure, maintenance equipment, fuel supplies, and crew accommodation capabilities. Moreover, from Israel, American aviation can more quickly engage in operations related to Iran and the Persian Gulf.

However, the same advantages turned into a serious problem for civilian aviation.

Large military planes occupy parking spaces needed by airlines between landing and the next departure. They also require ground services, refueling, and escort. When performing military tasks, such aircraft may receive operational priority, further complicating the schedule of passenger flights.

In June, the entire summer season was at risk

The first major crisis arose in mid-June.

On June 15, it was reported that 74 American refueling planes were at Ben Gurion. Israeli authorities considered a plan to first move 20 aircraft to Israeli Air Force bases and relocate or withdraw another 17 by early July.

At that moment, the trips of millions of passengers were at risk. The Airports Authority had to allocate takeoff and landing times for airlines for July and August but could not guarantee the necessary number of parking spaces.

Preliminary estimates changed with the situation. Initially, there were talks of possible problems for 2.4 million passengers during the summer season. Then the cancellation of up to 400,000 tickets in July was discussed. After the start of the withdrawal of American planes, the estimate was reduced to about 100,000.

On June 16, six refuelers flew from Ben Gurion to the Ramon base. In the next stage, the Americans planned to withdraw about 20 more planes. US Army representatives warned that refuelers might return to the region if the operational situation required their presence.

By early July, the situation seemed resolved. Dozens of American planes left civilian parking spaces, and foreign airlines were able to increase the number of flights.

This period saw a noticeable increase in passenger traffic. In July 2026, about 2.3 million passengers were expected to pass through Ben Gurion, compared to 1.67 million in July 2025. About 14,500 takeoffs and landings were expected for the month.

But a new escalation between the US and Iran changed the plans.

Americans halted the withdrawal and returned planes

On July 8, it became known that the US began returning refuelers to Israel and other Middle Eastern areas that had previously been relocated to Europe.

The decision was related to a new exchange of strikes between the US and Iran. In Israel, meetings were simultaneously held with the participation of Chief of General Staff Eyal Zamir, intelligence, air force, and operational management leaders. Israeli military maintained constant contact with the Pentagon and the US Army’s Central Command — CENTCOM.

By July 14, the American side halted further withdrawal of refuelers from Ben Gurion. By the end of the week, about eight more planes were supposed to leave the airport, but this plan was frozen.

Moreover, on the night before the decision, four additional refuelers arrived in Israel. According to Israeli media, after this, there were 33 American planes at Ben Gurion. Other reports indicated 34 refuelers stationed in total at Ben Gurion and Ramon Airport.

The difference of one plane was likely explained by the fact that some aircraft used the airport only for refueling and did not remain there permanently.

Airports Authority Director General Sharon Kedmi sent a letter to the Director General of the Ministry of Transport Moshe Ben-Zaken.

Kedmi warned that if the agreed plan for the withdrawal of planes was not fulfilled, a serious shortage of parking spaces for civilian airliners would arise at Ben Gurion from July 23.

According to his estimate, the airport would have to cancel about ten flights daily. This could affect approximately 50,000 airline tickets over the month.

The risk arose during the busiest period of the year. On most weekdays in the second half of July, more than 80,000 passengers were expected to pass through the airport.

On July 16, about 91,000 passengers were expected, and on July 26, approximately 90,000. The monthly maximum was planned for July 30: about 94,000 passengers and 560 takeoffs and landings in one day.

For Israelis, this meant that the dispute between government agencies and American military could directly affect long-planned vacations, family trips, and returns from abroad.

Miri Regev closed the airport to new refuelers

On July 14, Transport Minister Miri Regev ordered a temporary ban on the landing of additional American refueling planes at Ben Gurion.

Regev stated that no more than 20 American refuelers should remain at the civilian airport. The rest of the planes, she said, should be stationed at Israeli Air Force bases.

The minister emphasized that hundreds of thousands of Israelis had already purchased tickets for summer flights, and the state was obliged to ensure their execution.

At the same time, it was not about a complete closure of airspace to American aviation. One plane received permission to land after the restriction was introduced because it needed refueling and did not intend to stay at the airport.

NANews — Israel News notes: formally, the dispute was not about the right of American planes to operate from Israel, but about the number of aircraft that could permanently occupy civilian parking spaces at Ben Gurion.

However, CENTCOM perceived Regev’s decision as a threat to the operational capabilities of the American group.

Senior representatives of the US Central Command appealed to the leadership of the IDF and the Israeli Ministry of Defense. The American side stated that the restriction hindered the fulfillment of military tasks during the escalation with Iran.

Representatives of the Israeli security system effectively supported the US position.

One senior military official called the American demand justified and stated that refuelers are a strategic asset of the US in the region and an integral part of the joint preparation of Israel and the United States for possible actions against Iran.

The ban was lifted, but the final decision has not yet been made

On the morning of July 15, the Airports Authority issued a new order to air control units: landings of American refueling planes at Ben Gurion were again permitted.

Thus, the restriction introduced the day before effectively lasted less than a day.

The US demanded the lifting of the ban on the landing and parking of refuelers due to the ongoing escalation around Iran. Israel agreed to meet this demand, despite warnings from the Airports Authority about possible reductions in civilian flights.

Miri Regev announced after negotiations that the “refueler saga” was over. According to her, by next Tuesday, July 21, 2026, the number of American planes permanently stationed at Ben Gurion should be reduced to the agreed 20.

Some of the remaining aircraft are expected to be moved to Israeli Air Force bases.

However, the Ministry of Defense almost immediately clarified that the final decision has not yet been made and consultations are ongoing. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu demanded that the agencies resolve the issue.

Therefore, it is too early to talk about the complete resolution of the crisis.

At the moment, American refuelers can continue to land at Ben Gurion for operational tasks. The main question is how many of them will remain on permanent parking spaces and whether the parties will be able to free up the necessary spaces by July 21-23.

Why this dispute is more important than an ordinary parking problem

The story with American planes shows how closely civilian life in Israel is connected with military events in the region.

Ben Gurion simultaneously became the country’s main international airport and an important platform for American military aviation.

For the security system, the presence of refuelers means the ability to quickly support operations against Iran, protect American forces, and ensure aviation operations over long distances.

For civilian aviation, the same planes mean occupied parking spaces, the inability to add flights, and the potential cancellation of tens of thousands of tickets.

NANews — Israel News notes that the government is trying to maintain two strategic directions at once: cooperation with the US during the conflict with Iran and uninterrupted connection of Israel with the outside world.

The compromise implies that American aviation will continue to use Israel, but most of the planes will be stationed at military facilities rather than the main passenger airport.

For travelers, there is no message yet about mass flight cancellations. However, the threat will only disappear after the actual reduction in the number of American planes at Ben Gurion.

The key dates remain July 21, when the number of permanently stationed refuelers should decrease to 20, and July 23, when, according to the Airports Authority’s warning, an acute shortage of civilian parking spaces could begin.

Until then, the situation remains dependent on the development of the conflict with Iran and the decisions of the American military command.

Abba Hushi played a key role in the formation of modern Israel. His contribution to the development of Haifa, where he was mayor from 1951 to 1969, will forever go down in history.

Abba Khushi, a famous Israeli politician and public figure, was born on May 23, 1898 in the city of Turka, Lviv region, Ukraine (at that time – Austria-Hungary).

His real name is Abba Schneller. He was born into a middle-income Jewish family. Mother, Liba, grew vegetables and fruits, and stepfather, Alexander Shneler, was a haberdasher. The family raised six children.

From childhood, Abba showed curiosity and a penchant for learning. He graduated from cheder, then attended high school, where he studied Latin, Greek, German, Ukrainian, Polish and Hebrew. His dream was to become a doctor, and he even signed his notebooks as “medical student.” However, the First World War ruined his plans, forcing the family to fight for survival.

Participation in the Jewish movement in Poland

After the end of the war and his return to Turku in 1918, Abba faced new challenges. Turka found itself under the control of Poland, where anti-Semitism was gaining strength. This prompted young Abba to join “Ha-Shomer ha-Tza'ir” – Zionist youth movement.

Organization “Ha-Shomer ha-Tza'ir” was engaged in protecting the Jewish population from pogroms. Under the leadership of Abba and his associates in Turk, attacks on Jewish families were stopped. They created a Jewish guard force that protected the community while pogroms continued in other cities in Poland.

On August 4–5, 1918, the “Ha-Shomer ha-Tza’ir” conference was held in Turk, where Abba spoke as one of the leaders of the movement. It was here that he first expressed his desire to emigrate to Palestine to build a Jewish national home.

Literary talent and inspiration

In 1920, at a conference in Lvov, Abba Khushi publicly read his poem “In Galilee, in Tel Hai” for the first time. It was dedicated to Yosef Trumpeldor, a hero of the Jewish resistance in Palestine. This work inspired many young people to repatriate.

Abba Khushi was not only an activist, but also a poet, his words instilled hope in the hearts of Jewish youth who dreamed of returning to their historical homeland. His participation in Hashomer HaTza'ir was an important step in the formation of his leadership qualities.

Emigration to Palestine

In the spring of 1920, Abba and his comrades emigrated to Palestine. The first years of life in the new land were difficult: Khushi worked on road construction, led labor battalions and participated in creating the infrastructure of the future state.

However, his connection with Ukraine remained forever. Abba returned to Poland and Ukraine several times to raise funds to purchase land and establish kibbutzim in Israel. He also inspired Jewish youth to immigrate by talking about the importance of the Jewish state.

Abba Hushi in the history of Israel

The Power and Meaning of Hashomer HaTza'ir

The Hashomer HaTza'ir organization played a key role in protecting the Jewish population of Ukraine in the early 20th century. Thanks to the efforts of Abba Hushi and his associates, many Jewish communities were spared the tragedies that befell other regions.

On the website NAnews – Israel News you will find more materials about the contribution of Jews from Ukraine to the formation of Israel.

Haifa under the leadership of Abba Khushi

In 1951, Abba Khushi was elected mayor of Haifa, and his reign lasted almost two decades. These years became a turning point for the city, which, under his leadership, became one of the leading cultural and economic centers of Israel.

Abba Khushi's main achievements in Haifa:

1. Creation of the University of Haifa

   Education has always been a priority for Abba Khushi. He was at the forefront of the creation of the University of Haifa, which became an important academic center in Israel.

2. Museums and cultural institutions
   • The Museum of Japanese Art was founded.
   • The Mane-Katz Museum, a famous Israeli artist, was created.
   • Theaters and cultural venues are supported.
3. Infrastructure and transport
   • The Carmelite Line, Israel's first and only underground railway, was built, connecting the city's districts and making Haifa more accessible.
4. Residential and cultural areas

   During his reign, new districts were built, including Neve Sheananwhere the Culture and Leisure Center later appeared, named in his honor. This center includes:

   • Hall for cultural events with 500 seats.
   • Lecture hall for 100 seats.
   • Classrooms and gyms.
5. Economic development

   Abba actively supported industry and trade, which helped create jobs and attract investment to Haifa.

Recognition and legacy

Abba Hushi left Haifa as a city that became an example for other municipalities in Israel. His influence was not limited to infrastructure and culture. He always believed that the most important task was the integration of new repatriates. Thanks to his efforts, many Jews who arrived from Europe and Arab countries were able to find their home in Haifa.

Abba Khushi died on March 24, 1969.

Conclusion

The story of Abba Khushi is an example of how ties between Ukraine and Israel become the basis for great things. His childhood in Turk, participation in Hashomer HaTza'ir, and helping to defend the Jewish communities of Ukraine shaped his leadership skills, which he later used to build modern Haifa.

Read more about prominent Jews of Ukraine and Israel on the website NAnews – Israel News.

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But what exactly are they studying?

• Do yeshiva students really read the Torah all day?
• Why are the books of the Prophets almost not taught in some ultra-Orthodox educational institutions?
• How does a Lithuanian yeshiva differ from a Hasidic, Sephardic, or religious-Zionist one?
• And can it be said that people who dedicate their lives to “studying the Torah” are actually studying the Talmud predominantly?

There is no definitive answer, as there is no unified program for all yeshivas in Israel. Under one name, completely different educational systems are hidden.

What is called the Torah in the religious environment

First of all, it is necessary to understand the terms.

In everyday language, the Torah usually refers to the Pentateuch of Moses — the first five books of the Hebrew Bible: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy.

But in traditional religious language, the word “Torah” is used much more broadly.

It can mean the Written Torah, the entire TANAKH, the Oral Torah, the Talmud, Midrash, Halacha, the commentaries of medieval rabbis, Kabbalah, and all subsequent rabbinic literature.

Therefore, when a representative of the Haredi world says that a young man “sits and studies the Torah,” it does not necessarily mean that he is reading stories about Abraham, the Exodus from Egypt, or King David.

Most often, it refers to the study of the Gemara — the main part of the Talmud — along with the commentaries of Rashi, Tosafot, and later rabbinic authorities.

Within the framework of the traditional worldview, the study of the Talmud is not opposed to the study of the Torah. The Talmud is considered the most important part of the Oral Torah, without which it is impossible to correctly understand the Written.

How the path of a Haredi yeshiva student is arranged

The educational path of a Haredi boy usually does not begin with a yeshiva, but with a cheder or Talmud Torah — a religious elementary school.

There, the child learns to read in Hebrew, becomes acquainted with the Pentateuch, Rashi’s commentaries, the Mishnah, the basics of Halacha, and gradually begins to study the Gemara.

The older the student becomes, the more the Talmud occupies his schedule.

After the bar mitzvah, around 13–14 years old, the boy enters a yeshiva ketana — a “small yeshiva.” It roughly corresponds to the upper grades of school, but its program may almost entirely consist of religious subjects.

Around 17–18 years old, the student moves to a yeshiva gedola — a “large yeshiva.” There, the study becomes more independent, and the young man can remain in the yeshiva until marriage.

After the wedding, some continue to study in a kollel — an educational institution for married men.

The Israel Democracy Institute characterizes yeshiva ketana and yeshiva gedola as virtually all-encompassing educational spaces. Classes continue from morning until late evening, and the main subject is the Gemara. In some yeshiva ketana, the school day ends no earlier than 9:00 PM.

What a typical day in a yeshiva looks like

The school day is divided into several large periods, called “seder” — the order of classes.

Usually, there is a morning seder, an afternoon seder, and an evening seder.

Most of the time, students study in pairs — chavrutas.

A chavruta is not just joint reading. Two students analyze the text, translate Aramaic expressions, try to reconstruct the line of reasoning, argue, ask questions, and check each other’s arguments.

Therefore, it is usually noisy in the yeshiva hall. Students are not required to silently listen to the teacher. On the contrary, loud debate is considered part of the process.

After independent work, a rabbi or teacher conducts a shiur — a lesson during which he offers his own analysis of a Talmudic topic.

A student may not have the usual school notes, homework, and regular exams. Especially in large Lithuanian yeshivas, education is built around personal discipline, reputation, relationships with teachers, and the ability to independently analyze the text. Studies of the Haredi system note that in many such institutions, there is no unified program with clear measurable goals, mandatory assignments, and standard exams.

What is the Gemara and why does its study take so much time

The Talmud consists of the Mishnah and the Gemara.

The Mishnah is a systematic collection of legal rulings and discussions, formed approximately at the beginning of the 3rd century.

The Gemara is a multilayered discussion of the Mishnah, recorded mainly in Aramaic. It contains legal disputes, explanations of biblical verses, parables, stories about sages, medical views, discussions about prayer, family law, property, sacrifices, damages, holidays, and dozens of other topics.

At the same time, the Talmud is not like a modern textbook.

It rarely offers a simple question and a ready answer. One topic can suddenly transition into another, and the final decision is sometimes found in later halachic codes.

To understand one page, a student must establish:

• who exactly is speaking;
• to which era the statement belongs;
• whether it is a law or an assumption;
• on which biblical verse it is based;
• whether it contradicts another place in the Talmud;
• how it was understood by medieval commentators;
• what practical decision was made by later authorities.

Therefore, even a small fragment can be studied for several days.

What is on a page of the Talmud

In the center of a traditional page is printed the text of the Mishnah and the Gemara.

Next to it is the commentary of Rashi — Rabbi Shlomo Yitzhaki, who lived in France in the 11th century. Without Rashi, it is extremely difficult for a beginner student to understand a significant part of the Talmud.

On the other side of the page are the Tosafot — the commentaries of medieval rabbis from France and Germany.

If Rashi often helps to understand the immediate meaning of the text, then the Tosafot compare different tractates and ask complex questions: why does it say one thing here and another elsewhere? Can two contradictory statements be reconciled? Does one Talmudic dispute not refute another?

Then students turn to the Rishonim — medieval authorities, among whom are Rambam, Ramban, Rashba, Ritva, and Rosh.

After them, they study the Acharonim — rabbis of a later period.

Thus, a student works not with one book, but with a huge library of texts written over many centuries.

Iyun and bekiut: two ways to study the Talmud

There are two main modes of study in yeshivas.

Iyun — in-depth analytical study.

Students can spend weeks analyzing a few pages, comparing commentaries, formulating contradictions, and trying to understand the principles hidden behind a specific dispute.

The main goal of iyun is not to cover as much text as possible, but to learn to think within the Talmudic system.

Bekiut — faster and broader study.

In this mode, a student tries to cover a significant amount of the Talmud without dwelling in detail on each contradiction.

In some yeshivas, the main indicator of level is the ability for deep iyun. In others, more attention is paid to the volume of material covered, repetition, and memorization.

Do Haredi yeshivas study the TANAKH

The answer depends on which yeshiva is being discussed.

In classical male Lithuanian Haredi yeshivas, systematic study of the books of the Prophets and Writings indeed usually occupies a very small place or is absent.

It is assumed that the main knowledge of the Torah and the TANAKH should have been acquired in childhood.

In practice, this often leads to a paradoxical situation: a young man may analyze a property dispute recorded in Aramaic in the tractate Bava Kamma in detail, but poorly remember the sequence of events in the books of Judges, Kings, or Chronicles.

However, the statement that Haredim do not read the Written Torah at all is incorrect.

The weekly Torah portion is read publicly on Saturdays, holidays, Mondays, and Thursdays. Biblical passages are constantly present in prayers. The Pentateuch with Rashi, Psalms, holiday texts, and commentaries related to the TANAKH are studied.

But liturgical reading or quoting individual verses is not the same as the sequential study of the entire TANAKH as a single historical, literary, and religious corpus.

Why the Talmud became more important than the books of the Prophets

This situation arose for more than one reason.

First of all, the Talmud became the foundation of rabbinic Judaism after the destruction of the Second Temple.

It is through rabbinic literature that the rules of the Sabbath, prayer, kashrut, marriage, divorce, holidays, blessings, and everyday behavior are determined.

The TANAKH tells about the history of the people of Israel, kings, prophets, wars, the Temple, agriculture, and life in the ancient Jewish state.

But modern religious practice is based not only on the literal text of the Bible but on how this text was interpreted by the Mishnah, the Talmud, and subsequent generations of rabbis.

In addition, in the Eastern European Jewish world, knowledge of the Talmud became the main indicator of a man’s intellectual and social status.

An expert was not someone who could retell all the books of the Prophets, but someone who could independently analyze a complex sugya — a Talmudic discussion.

The yeshiva gradually became not a school of general Jewish education but a specialized academy of Talmudic analysis.

Did the Volozhin yeshiva create the modern system

The Volozhin yeshiva is often called the “mother of Lithuanian yeshivas.”

It was founded by Rabbi Chaim of Volozhin at the beginning of the 19th century and became a model of a centralized educational institution where hundreds of young men could constantly study the Talmud regardless of the local community.

Yeshivas existed before, so Volozhin cannot be called the first yeshiva in Jewish history.

However, it indeed became the prototype of the modern Lithuanian model: a long school day, concentration on the Talmud, the high status of independent analysis, and the formation of a special world of yeshiva students.

In 1892, the authorities of the Russian Empire ordered the closure of the yeshiva. Formally, the reason was the failure to comply with the requirements for state control and the teaching of secular subjects.

The popular version that the leadership categorically refused to teach the Russian language and consciously preferred closure simplifies the more complex conflict between the yeshiva and the imperial power. Subsequently, the Volozhin yeshiva reopened but never regained its former status.

Was the yeshiva a response to the Haskalah

The modern Lithuanian system was formed during the spread of the Haskalah — the Jewish Enlightenment.

Supporters of the Haskalah paid great attention to the language of the TANAKH, grammar, European sciences, history, and the immediate meaning of the biblical text.

For part of the traditional society, this created a threat. Independent study of the Bible without rabbinic commentaries could be associated with secularization, academic biblical studies, a Christian approach to Scripture, or a rejection of the authority of the Oral Torah.

However, to say that yeshivas appeared solely out of fear of science or biblical criticism is incorrect.

Yeshivas existed long before the Haskalah. The modern Lithuanian model became a response to a broader crisis of traditional society: the weakening of communities, modernization, changes in the economy, the spread of secular education, and the emergence of new Jewish movements.

What is said in “Pirkei Avot”

In the tractate “Pirkei Avot,” a well-known sequence is indeed given:

“At five years old — to Scripture, at ten — to the Mishnah, at fifteen — to the Talmud.”

But this phrase does not mean that after fifteen years a person should stop studying Scripture.

Moreover, in the tractate Kiddushin, it is said that a person should divide their study time into three parts: a third dedicated to Scripture, a third to the Mishnah, and a third to the Talmud.

Later commentators tried to reconcile this principle with real practice.

One explanation was that the Babylonian Talmud already includes all three elements: biblical verses, the Mishnah, and Talmudic analysis. Therefore, its study can be considered simultaneous study of Scripture, the Mishnah, and the Talmud.

It was this understanding that helped justify the concentration of the curriculum around the Gemara.

Are all Haredi yeshivas the same?

No.

Even within the Haredi world, there are significant differences.

Lithuanian yeshivas

The main focus is on the Gemara with Rashi, Tosafot, Rishonim, and Acharonim.

Separate classes on Mussar — ethical and spiritual self-improvement — are often held.

Study of the TANAKH is usually limited, and secular subjects in classical yeshiva ketana may be almost absent.

Hasidic yeshivas

In Hasidic educational institutions, the Talmud and Halacha are also studied, but more time is devoted to the teachings of a specific Hasidic dynasty, the instructions of its Rebbe, Hasidic stories, customs, and spiritual preparation.

In different communities, the ratio of these disciplines can vary significantly.

Chabad yeshivas

In the Chabad system, a significant part of the school day is devoted to Chassidut — Chabad Hasidic philosophy, including the ‘Tanya’ and Maamarim.

The historical schedule of ‘Tomchei Temimim’ could provide for seven hours of Talmud and Jewish law and another four hours of Hasidism per day.

Additionally, in Chabad, there is a daily cycle of Chitas: Chumash with Rashi’s commentary, Tehillim, and ‘Tanya’. Therefore, describing the Chabad system as exclusively Talmudic would be particularly inaccurate.

Sephardic yeshivas

In the Sephardic world, the Gemara remains the most important subject, but often more attention is paid to practical Halacha and the decisions of Sephardic authorities.

The Jerusalem yeshiva ‘Porat Yosef’, for example, defines the Gemara and Halacha as central parts of its program.

The Sephardic tradition may differ from the Lithuanian in its method of analysis, pronunciation, system of authorities, attitude towards Kabbalah, and greater attention to practical rulings.

What is studied in religious Zionist yeshivas

Religious Zionist yeshivas differ significantly from classical Haredi ones.

The Talmud also occupies a central place in them, but alongside it, the TANAKH, Halacha, Jewish philosophy, history of Jewish thought, works of medieval authors, and writings of rabbis associated with religious Zionism are systematically studied.

In the yeshiva ‘Har Etzion’, the basis of the program is called the traditional study of the Talmud, supplemented by in-depth study of the TANAKH, Halacha, and Jewish philosophy. The yeshiva’s leadership emphasizes that these disciplines are not a secondary addition but a necessary part of a complete Jewish education.

In ‘Merkaz HaRav’, alongside the Gemara, Jewish thought, ‘Kuzari’, works of Maharal, and writings of Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook are studied. In institutions associated with this direction, TANAKH, Halacha, and the basics of faith may be regularly taught.

Yeshivas where the entire TANAKH is studied

In some religious Zionist institutions, the study of the TANAKH occupies a particularly important place.

In programs associated with the yeshiva ‘Maale Gilboa’, students may go through two chapters of the TANAKH daily and participate in an in-depth class once a week.

This regime allows for a relatively short time to sequentially read the entire TANAKH, rather than being limited to weekly Torah portions and texts read on holidays.

Teachers at ‘Maale Gilboa’ use literary analysis, study the structure of the narrative, and discuss the relationship between traditional faith and modern biblical studies.

This direction shows that a deep religious attitude towards the TANAKH does not necessarily imply a rejection of historical, literary, or linguistic questions.

What is a hesder yeshiva

A separate group consists of hesder yeshivot.

In them, religious education is combined with service in the Israel Defense Forces.

A student spends part of the program in the yeshiva, part in the army, and then returns to studies.

In such institutions, the Talmud, Halacha, TANAKH, and Jewish philosophy are usually studied. At the same time, questions of the state, army, society, citizen responsibility, and the religious significance of Israel’s existence are discussed.

For a Haredi yeshiva, the ideal space is often the autonomous world of the Beit Midrash, as separated as possible from the outside society.

For a religious Zionist yeshiva, the connection between text, state, army, and social life can be part of the religious education itself.

How are biblical heroes viewed in yeshivas

The TANAKH portrays its heroes not only as impeccable symbols.

Abraham fears and doubts. Jacob deceives his father. Moses gets angry. David commits actions that raise serious moral questions. Kings wage wars, prophets argue with God, brothers betray each other, and family stories are filled with jealousy and conflict.

In the traditional system, these episodes are usually studied through the commentaries of the sages.

The rabbinic tradition warns against judging biblical characters by the standards of an ordinary modern person.

Therefore, a hero’s action may be explained as a subtle mistake of a righteous person, a test, or an event whose significance is revealed only through Midrash and the Oral Torah.

In part of the religious Zionist world, there is an approach sometimes called ‘TANAKH at eye level’. Its supporters consider it permissible to talk about real human conflicts, weaknesses, and mistakes of biblical heroes.

Opponents fear that such reading erases the distance between the modern reader and the greatest characters of Jewish tradition.

Thus, the debate is not only about the number of TANAKH lessons but also about how exactly it is allowed to be read.

Are there prayers, rabbis, and Jews in the TANAKH

Sometimes one can hear the assertion that the world of the TANAKH is completely unlike modern religious Judaism: it supposedly lacks prayers, synagogues, rabbis, and even the word ‘Jew’.

Partially, this observation is true, but it cannot be understood literally.

There are many prayers in the TANAKH: the prayer of Hannah, the prayer of King Solomon, the prophets’ appeals to God, and the entire book of Psalms.

The word ‘Yehudi’ — Jew or Jewish — appears in the later books of the TANAKH, particularly in the book of Esther.

At the same time, the familiar modern system of synagogues, daily fixed prayers, rabbis, yeshivas, and detailed halachic regulation indeed developed mainly later.

The TANAKH describes a world of the Temple, prophecy, royal power, tribes, wars, and agriculture.

Talmudic and rabbinic literature reflects another era — the life of the Jewish people after the loss of political independence and the destruction of the Temple.

Do girls study the Talmud

A classical yeshiva is primarily a male educational institution.

Haredi girls usually study in schools and seminars where the program may include TANAKH, Halacha, Jewish history, ethics, preparation for family life, and secular subjects.

In many Haredi women’s institutions, systematic study of the Gemara is absent.

In the religious Zionist and modern Orthodox world, the situation is different. There are women’s midrashot and programs where women study the Talmud, Halacha, and rabbinic literature in depth.

Therefore, the question ‘what is studied in yeshivas’ is almost always simultaneously a question about the gender division of religious education.

Can one graduate from a yeshiva and have poor knowledge of the TANAKH

Yes, it is possible.

Especially if it is a classical Haredi yeshiva where a student has specialized for many years in a limited number of Talmudic tractates.

He may possess outstanding skills in textual analysis and simultaneously have incomplete knowledge of some biblical books.

But this does not mean that the student is uneducated.

It is about a different type of education and a different system of priorities.

From the perspective of modern secular education, the program may seem extremely narrow.

From the perspective of the yeshiva world, the ability to analyze the most complex texts in Hebrew and Aramaic for many years, compare dozens of commentators, and independently construct legal arguments is considered the highest form of scholarship.

So what is really studied in the yeshivas of Israel

The most accurate answer is:

In classical male Haredi yeshivas, especially of the Lithuanian direction, most of the day is spent studying the Babylonian Talmud with the commentaries of Rashi, Tosafot, medieval and later rabbis.

In Hasidic yeshivas, the Talmud is supplemented by the teachings of a specific Hasidic tradition, spiritual discussions, and the works of its leaders.

In Chabad, significant emphasis is placed on Chassidut, ‘Tanya’, Chumash, and daily study cycles.

In Sephardic yeshivas, alongside the Gemara, practical Halacha and the decisions of Sephardic authorities are especially important.

In religious Zionist yeshivas, much more attention is paid to the TANAKH, Jewish philosophy, the works of Rabbi Kook, and questions of the state, society, and military service.

Therefore, the phrase ‘yeshivas only study the Talmud’ contains both a part of the truth and a serious distortion.

It accurately conveys the center of the program of many Haredi male yeshivas but does not at all describe the entire diversity of religious education in Israel.

The main paradox indeed exists: the TANAKH retains the highest sacred status, but in some of the most prestigious yeshivas, direct study of the books of the Prophets and Writings is given much less time than complex Talmudic discussions.

However, this is not the result of a simple ‘cancellation’ of the Jewish Bible.

We are faced with the result of centuries of development of rabbinic Judaism, in which the Written Torah is perceived through the Oral, and the highest intellectual art becomes not the retelling of biblical history, but the ability to independently enter into the debate of the sages, which has continued for almost two thousand years.

The camp will be held on Fridays — July 10, 17, and 24, 2026 — at the Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv, located at Yirmeyahu / ירמיהו 22, Tel Aviv-Yafo. Each meeting will last from 11:00 to 14:00.

For Ukrainian families in Israel, this is not just another summer activity for the child. It is an opportunity to spend part of the holidays in a warm environment where children can meet, play, create, communicate, and feel connected to two important worlds at once — Ukraine and Israel.

What is “Bright Summer”

Organizers describe the camp as a series of thematic meetings during the summer holidays. The idea of the project is to create a safe, friendly, and lively space for children where they can find new friends from the community, try their hand at creativity, participate in team games, and simply have a good time among peers.

Participants can expect creative workshops, active and team games, activities for acquaintance and interaction, a light snack, and an atmosphere where the child feels comfortable being themselves.

It is particularly important that the organizers consciously make a small group — about 12–15 children. This format allows attention to be given to each child, without turning the camp into a noisy mass platform where someone quickly gets lost or stays on the sidelines.

For parents, this is especially important: in the summer in Israel, many families are looking not just for “where to take the child for a few hours,” but a place that is warm, calm, understandable in terms of values, and close in cultural environment.

When and where the camp will take place

The Ukrainian children’s camp “Bright Summer” will be held in Tel Aviv on three Fridays in July:

July 10, 2026
July 17, 2026
July 24, 2026

Time of each meeting: 11:00–14:00.

Venue — Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv, ירמיהו 22 / Yirmeyahu 22, Tel Aviv-Yafo.

The event organizer is Ukrainian Meetings in Israel, a community that has long been creating a space for Ukrainian families in Israel. Now special attention is being paid to children — those who especially need communication, movement, creativity, and a sense of belonging during the summer holidays.

Why this is important for Ukrainian families in Israel

After moving, war, adaptation, and living between languages, children often lack their understandable circle. Israel provides safety and new opportunities, but it is important for children to maintain the Ukrainian part of their identity — not through heavy conversations, but through friendship, games, creativity, songs, shared memories, and simple summer meetings.

That is why the format of “Bright Summer” seems especially relevant. It is not a school lesson or an official event. It is a light summer program where a child can communicate, get to know other children, participate in activities, and feel that the Ukrainian community in Israel is not only adult meetings, news, and help, but also children’s joy.

For NAnews — News of Israel, such events are also important because they show the lively side of the Ukrainian-Israeli community. Behind big topics — war, politics, repatriation, security — there is the ordinary life of families, children, parents, and local initiatives.

The summer camp in Tel Aviv is just such a story: small in scale, but very human in meaning.

What will be in the program

Organizers promise participants:

• creative workshops;
• active and team games;
• activities for acquaintance and interaction;
• a light snack;
• a safe and friendly atmosphere;
• a space for communication for children 7–12 years old.

Details about the program of each meeting, the daily schedule, the team, participation conditions, frequently asked questions, and the registration form are published on the camp’s website. Parents can view the information and register their child on the project page: https://sites.google.com/view/bright-summer-camp

The number of places is limited, as the group is small. Organizers advise not to delay registration if the family plans to participate.

Event poster

Event: Ukrainian children’s summer camp “Bright Summer”

City: Tel Aviv

Dates: July 10, 17, and 24, 2026

Time: 11:00–14:00

Venue: Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv

Address: Yirmeyahu / ירמיהו 22, Tel Aviv-Yafo

Age: children 7–12 years old

Group: up to 12–15 children

Organizer: Ukrainian Meetings in Israel

Registration and details: https://sites.google.com/view/bright-summer-camp

Summer for children should not only be a time without school, but also a time of new acquaintances, discoveries, movement, and joy. In July 2026, Ukrainian families in Israel will have another opportunity to give children just such a summer — bright, warm, friendly, and connected with Ukraine.

For readers of NAnews — News of Israel, this event can be seen as part of a broader picture: the Ukrainian community in Israel not only preserves memory and responds to the events of the war but also builds everyday life in which children have their place, their circle, and their summer stories.

Cosmetologist in Haifa: how Sol Clinics helps skin look fresher, younger, and more well-groomed

When someone types the query “cosmetologist Haifa” into Google, it almost always reflects more than just a desire to “do something for the face.”

More often, there is a specific problem behind it.

• The skin has become dull.
• Wrinkles have appeared.
• The facial contour has become less defined.
• Sun-induced pigment spots have become more noticeable.
• Acne persists, even though the teenage years are long gone.
• After acne, traces, scars, or uneven texture remain.
• The skin has lost density.
• A double chin has appeared.
• The body has become swollen, and cellulite is more noticeable.

At this moment, a person needs not a random salon or a “magic procedure,” but a specialist who will calmly assess the skin condition, explain what is happening, and offer a clear action plan.

This is the approach of Sol Clinics — a cosmetic center for face and body in Haifa.

Here, the focus is on cosmetologist consultation, computer skin diagnostics, hardware cosmetology, care procedures, and personalized program selection for face and body.

More about Sol Clinics: https://cosmetology.nikk.co.il/

The center has been operating since 2016 and is located at: Haifa, Histadrut, 44, Check-Post.

Cosmetic center in Haifa: why it is important to start with skin diagnostics

The main mistake in cosmetology is choosing a procedure by name.

A friend did RF-lifting — so I need it too.

Someone praised IPL on Instagram — so it will solve any pigmentation.

The ad said “rejuvenation” — so the procedure suits everyone.

In practice, everyone’s skin is different.

One client has a problem related to age-related loss of tone.

Another has issues with acne and inflammation.

A third has pigmentation after sun exposure.

A fourth has sensitive skin, rosacea, or couperose.

A fifth has swelling, lymph issues, cellulite, and sagging body skin.

Therefore, a good cosmetologist in Haifa should start not with selling a procedure, but with the question: what exactly is happening with the skin and what result does the person want to achieve.

At Sol Clinics, the first visit revolves around consultation, computer skin diagnostics, and selecting an individual plan.

This is especially important for Israel, where the skin faces strong sun, humidity fluctuations, air conditioning, stress, hormonal changes, and aging processes daily.

Cosmetology in Haifa is not just about beauty.

It’s about proper care, prevention, recovery, skin tone, and a safe approach to procedures.

What problems most often lead to a cosmetologist

People rarely come to a cosmetologist with an abstract phrase: “I want to do something.”

Usually, the request is much more specific.

“What to do about wrinkles?”

“Why does my face look tired?”

“How to remove pigment spots?”

“Can the facial contour be tightened without surgery?”

“Why have pimples reappeared after 30?”

“What helps with post-acne?”

“How to remove a double chin?”

“Are there procedures for cellulite?”

“How to prepare the skin for summer?”

“Can IPL be done in Israel?”

On the Sol Clinics website, the main problems clients address include skin aging, pigmentation disorders, double chin, dull complexion, rosacea, dermatitis, wrinkles, acne, scars, blackheads, sagging skin, and cellulite.

These are exactly the requests most often sought by residents of Haifa, Kiryat, Nesher, Tirat Carmel, Akko, and northern Israel.

Hardware cosmetology in Haifa: when a cream is not enough

Home care is important.

Good cleansing, SPF, hydration, restoring the skin barrier, the right serums, and regularity really matter.

But there are conditions where home care alone is no longer enough.

If the skin has lost tone, pronounced wrinkles have appeared, pigmentation has become denser, acne has left marks, the facial contour has changed, and cellulite does not respond to creams, a person begins to seek hardware cosmetology in Haifa.

Sol Clinics offers various directions in aesthetic and hardware cosmetology: RF-lifting, IPL rejuvenation, IPL for acne, IPL for pigmentation, mesotherapy, MesoStrip, pressotherapy, lymphatic drainage, cellulite therapy, working with skin tone of the face and body.

The main point of this approach is not to prescribe one trendy procedure to everyone.

The point is to select a method for a specific problem.

NAnews — Israel News notes: an advertising article about a cosmetic clinic should be useful for the reader. Therefore, it is important not just to list procedures, but to explain in which cases a person starts looking for a cosmetologist and what questions to ask before booking.

RF-lifting in Haifa: when the skin loses tone

One of the most frequent requests is RF-lifting Haifa or RF-lifting face in Haifa.

This procedure is often sought by people who notice that their skin has become less dense, the face looks tired, contours have softened, wrinkles, jowls, or a double chin have appeared.

RF-lifting is a hardware method used to work with skin tone, facial contour, and age-related changes.

Advertising texts often promise too much: “minus 10 years,” “lift without surgery,” “permanent result.”

Such writing is incorrect.

It is more accurate to say honestly: RF-lifting can be part of a rejuvenation and skin care program, but the number of procedures, frequency, areas of impact, and expected result should be determined after consultation.

Who RF-lifting may be relevant for:

• for women and men after 30–35 years;
• with reduced skin tone;
• with changes in facial contour;
• with fine and medium wrinkles;
• with a double chin;
• with sagging skin;
• with a desire to improve the appearance of the face without surgical intervention.

It is important to understand: RF-lifting is not a replacement for plastic surgery and not a universal solution for all age-related changes.

But for many clients, it is a convenient way to start systematic work on skin quality.

IPL rejuvenation in Haifa: pigmentation, vessels, and complexion

In Israel, the topic of pigmentation is especially relevant.

Sun, age, hormonal changes, pregnancy, post-acne, insufficient SPF protection — all this can lead to the appearance of spots on the face.

Therefore, queries like “IPL Haifa”, “IPL rejuvenation Haifa”, “pigmentation removal Haifa”, “facial pigmentation Israel”, and “how to remove sun spots” are very important for a cosmetic clinic.

IPL can be used in programs aimed at improving complexion, addressing signs of photoaging, pigmentation spots, and vascular manifestations.

But here it is especially important not to act randomly.

Pigmentation can vary.

Some spots are related to the sun.

Others are due to hormonal changes.

Still others are from acne scars.

Fourth ones can worsen with improper care or aggressive procedures.

Therefore, before IPL, it is important to understand the skin type, nature of pigmentation, season, contraindications, skin’s reaction to the sun, and home care.

For Israel, a separate question is whether procedures can be done in the summer.

The answer should not be universal.

It all depends on the specific procedure, skin condition, phototype, level of pigmentation, client’s lifestyle, and readiness to strictly use SPF.

That is why a consultation with a cosmetologist in Haifa is not a formality but an important step before the procedure.

Acne and post-acne: when a cosmetologist is needed, not random store-bought care

Acne is not just a teenage issue.

In adult women and men, inflammations can appear after 25, 30, 35, and even after 40 years.

The reasons can vary: hormonal changes, stress, diet, improper care, comedogenic cosmetics, skin barrier disruptions, climate, sweat, sunscreen, skin diseases.

Therefore, the query “acne treatment Haifa” or “cosmetologist for acne Haifa” often means: the person is already tired of trying pharmacy creams, TikTok advice, and random masks.

With acne, it is important not to traumatize the skin even more.

It is necessary to understand if there are active inflammations, comedones, enlarged pores, blackheads, painful elements, acne marks, scars, or post-acne.

At Sol Clinics, the directions include working with acne and IPL therapy for acne.

Such a topic requires a careful approach: it is impossible to promise “we will completely cure acne” because acne can have medical causes and sometimes requires a dermatologist’s involvement.

But a cosmetologist can help build a competent care routine, select procedures, reduce the severity of inflammations, work with acne consequences, and explain what should not be done at home.

What clients with acne usually fear:

• that it will get worse after cleaning;
• that the procedure will leave marks;
• that the skin will be overdried;
• that inflammations will intensify;
• that the cosmetologist will press everything indiscriminately;
• that no one will explain the cause of the problem.

Therefore, the article, page, and consultation should speak calmly to the person: first diagnosis, then plan, then careful work.

Pigmentation in Israel: why spots return

A separate big topic is pigmentation in Israel.

Even if a person has had a good procedure, spots can return if the skin is not protected from the sun.

That is why working with pigmentation is not just IPL or a cosmetic procedure.

It is also daily discipline: SPF, protection renewal, caution with actives, avoiding aggressive self-care, understanding seasonality.

Frequent queries:

• pigmentation Haifa
• pigmentation removal Haifa
• sun spots on the face
• melasma Israel
• how to remove brown spots on the face
• skin lightening Haifa
• IPL for pigmentation Haifa

These queries are especially important for the audience that has moved to Israel and faced a new climate.

Skin that previously reacted normally to the sun in another country may develop spots faster in Israel, lose moisture, and react to active products.

Therefore, a cosmetologist in Haifa must consider not only age and skin type but also the local climate.

Mesotherapy in Haifa: when the skin lacks freshness and recovery

The query “mesotherapy Haifa” is usually entered by people who notice that their skin has become duller, drier, thinner, or tired.

Mesotherapy can be discussed as part of a program to restore skin quality, improve appearance, work with dull complexion, fine wrinkles, dehydration, uneven texture, and age-related changes.

But here too, one should not approach it with a template.

One client needs mesotherapy.

Another needs skin barrier restoration first.

A third needs work with acne.

A fourth needs competent home care and SPF.

A fifth needs a combined program.

Therefore, Sol Clinics emphasizes selecting procedures after consultation.

For the client, this is especially important because they are not required to understand the difference between mesotherapy, RF lifting, IPL, or facial cleansing.

The specialist’s task is to explain in simple terms what is suitable for their situation.

Facial cleansing in Haifa: a basic procedure often where care begins

Many clients start not with RF or IPL, but with a simple query: “facial cleansing Haifa”.

This is an understandable and widespread entry into cosmetology.

A person sees blackheads, enlarged pores, comedones, dullness, uneven skin, a feeling of dirtiness, or a tired facial appearance.

But even facial cleansing should not be the same for everyone.

Skin can be dry, oily, sensitive, prone to inflammations, with couperose, with rosacea, with active acne, or with a disrupted barrier.

Therefore, it is important that the cosmetologist not just “cleans the face” but understands the skin condition and chooses the appropriate method.

Good facial cleansing is not aggression.

It is a careful procedure after which the person understands how to care for their skin further.

Pressotherapy and lymphatic drainage in Haifa: body, swelling, cellulite

The Sol Clinics website works not only with the face but also with the body.

And here, important queries are:

• pressotherapy Haifa
• lymphatic drainage Haifa
• cellulite Haifa
• anti-cellulite procedures Haifa
• flabby body skin
• cavitation Haifa
• cold laser lipolysis Haifa

Many people come to body procedures not because they want an “ideal figure” but because they feel swelling, heaviness, decreased tone, changes after weight gain, sedentary work, stress, low activity, or age-related changes.

Pressotherapy and lymphatic drainage can be part of a body care program aimed at a feeling of lightness, working with swelling, improving skin appearance, and supporting anti-cellulite programs.

It is important not to promise the impossible.

Cellulite is a complex aesthetic problem that depends on the structure of subcutaneous fat, hormonal background, metabolism, activity, diet, and skin condition.

But hardware procedures can be part of a comprehensive approach, especially if the person is ready to work with the body systematically.

Russian-speaking cosmetologist in Haifa: why language matters

For many residents of Israel, the query “Russian-speaking cosmetologist Haifa” is as important as the name of the procedure.

Cosmetology is an area where a person must clearly explain what bothers them.

When did the spots appear?

What procedures have already been done?

Was there an allergy?

How does the skin react to the sun?

What products are used at home?

Is there pregnancy, lactation, chronic diseases, medication intake, or skin sensitivity?

What is the person afraid of?

What result do they consider acceptable?

When the specialist and client speak a common language, the consultation becomes calmer and more precise.

That is why for the Russian-speaking audience of Haifa, Kiryat, Nesher, and northern Israel, Sol Clinics can be a convenient option: the person receives not only the procedure but also an explanation without a language barrier.

NAnews — Israel News notes: for Russian-speaking Israelis, services where you can receive a professional service and simultaneously understand what exactly is being done to you, why it is needed, and what limitations exist are especially important.

The first visit to a cosmetologist in Haifa: what is important to ask

The first visit is not just “to schedule a procedure”.

It is a moment when the client should get answers to important questions.

What is my skin type?

Why have wrinkles, spots, acne, or a dull complexion appeared?

What procedure do I really need?

Can it be done in the summer?

How many procedures will be needed?

When will the effect be visible?

Are there any contraindications?

What should not be done after the procedure?

What home care is needed?

Do I need to change SPF?

Can procedures be combined?

What to do if the skin is sensitive?

The Sol Clinics website currently lists a promotion: first visit — 268 shekels.

The first visit includes a cosmetologist consultation and computer skin diagnostics.

There is also an offer: bring a friend — and you both receive a gift.

It is better to check the current conditions directly on the website or by phone, as promotions may change.

Booking and details:

https://cosmetology.nikk.co.il/

Cosmetologist at Check Post: convenient for Haifa, Krayot, Nesher, and Tirat Carmel

For a cosmetology center, not only procedures, equipment, and specialists’ experience are important, but also the location.

Sol Clinics is located in Haifa at:

Histadrut, 44, Check Post

For Haifa residents, this is a clear and convenient city point.

Check Post is well known to those who live or work in different areas of the city: on Carmel, in Hadar, in Neve Sha’anan, in the Lower City, in the Mifratz Haifa area, and near industrial and commercial zones.

It is convenient to visit for a cosmetologist consultation, skin diagnostics, or a procedure without turning the visit into a separate half-day trip.

But the location of Sol Clinics is important not only for Haifa itself.

Check Post is located so that it is convenient to reach from nearby cities in northern Israel.

For residents of Krayot — Kiryat Bialik, Kiryat Motzkin, Kiryat Yam, and Kiryat Ata — this can be a practical option when a nearby cosmetologist is needed, but you don’t want to go to the center of Haifa or look for a clinic far from the usual route.

For Nesher residents, Sol Clinics is also in an accessible area.

You can book a consultation, RF lifting, IPL, mesotherapy, facial cleansing, pressotherapy, or body procedure without a long journey across the north.

For residents of Tirat Carmel, Akko, Haifa suburbs, and the northern coast, Check Post also remains a convenient point: you can come after work, on the way for errands, before a meeting, or on a day when there is already a trip to Haifa.

This is especially important for those looking not just for a cosmetic procedure, but a place where you can calmly discuss skin condition and get a clear care plan.

Acne, pigmentation, wrinkles, post-acne, dull complexion, double chin, cellulite, swelling, or skin laxity — all these topics require not haste, but careful consultation.

For Russian-speaking clients, the language of communication is also important.

When a person can explain their problem without tension, talk about previous procedures, allergies, skin reactions to the sun, or home care, the consultation becomes more accurate and calm.

Therefore, Sol Clinics at Check Post can be considered a convenient cosmetology center not only for Haifa residents but also for those coming from Krayot, Nesher, Tirat Carmel, Akko, and other cities in northern Israel.

Address:

Haifa, Histadrut, 44, Check Post

Website – https://cosmetology.nikk.co.il/

How to understand what procedure you need

You don’t need to choose between RF, IPL, mesotherapy, pressotherapy, or acne treatment on your own.

The best way is to start with diagnostics.

But you can understand the direction in advance.

If you are concerned about the face contour, double chin, skin laxity, and age-related changes — it is worth discussing RF lifting and rejuvenation programs.

If you are concerned about spots, uneven tone, sun marks, vascular manifestations — it is worth discussing IPL and pigmentation care.

If you are concerned about acne, comedones, inflammations, post-acne — it is worth discussing the acne treatment program.

If the skin is dull, dry, tired, dehydrated — it is worth discussing care procedures, mesotherapy, and home care.

If you are concerned about cellulite, swelling, heaviness, body laxity — it is worth discussing pressotherapy, lymphatic drainage, and body hardware programs.

If a person does not know what they need, that’s normal.

That’s what a cosmetologist consultation is for.

Why Sol Clinics might be of interest to those looking for a cosmetologist in Haifa

Sol Clinics combines several important factors.

The center is located in Haifa, in the Check Post area.

It has been operating since 2016.

Offers procedures for face and body.

Focuses on consultation and skin diagnostics.

Works with age-related changes, acne, pigmentation, cellulite, dull complexion, skin laxity, and other aesthetic requests.

Offers hardware procedures: RF, IPL, pressotherapy, lymphatic drainage, mesotherapy, and other directions.

For Russian-speaking clients, another important point: you can explain the problem clearly, without stress, and without feeling unheard.

In cosmetology, this matters.

Because it’s about the face, skin, appearance, and trust.

Contacts Sol Clinics

Sol Clinics — cosmetology center for face and body in Haifa

Address: Haifa, Histadrut, 44, Check Post

Website: https://cosmetology.nikk.co.il/

Before booking, it is worth clarifying current promotions, schedule, procedure costs, and consultation availability.

FAQ: frequently asked questions about a cosmetologist in Haifa

How to choose a cosmetologist in Haifa?

It is important to look not only at the procedure price but also at the approach. A good cosmetologist starts with a consultation, assessing skin condition, contraindications, lifestyle, previous procedures, and client expectations. It is especially important that the specialist explains what exactly they offer and why.

Which is better: RF lifting or IPL?

These are different procedures for different tasks. RF lifting is more often discussed for loss of tone, changes in face contour, wrinkles, and skin laxity. IPL is more often associated with pigmentation, complexion, vascular manifestations, and photoaging. The choice depends on the skin condition.

Can IPL be done in the summer in Israel?

This question needs to be resolved individually. In Israel, the sun is active most of the year, so before IPL, consultation, skin assessment, understanding risks, and strict SPF protection are especially important. The procedure is not suitable for everyone and not always in the summer period.

How many RF lifting procedures are needed?

The number of procedures depends on age, skin condition, area, severity of changes, and client goals. The course should be selected by a cosmetologist after consultation.

Does a cosmetologist help with adult acne?

A cosmetologist can help build care, select procedures, work with inflammations, comedones, post-acne, and skin quality. But if acne is related to medical reasons, a dermatologist may be needed.

What to do with pigmentation spots after the sun?

First, you need to determine the type of pigmentation. After that, a cosmetologist can offer a care program, procedures, and a home scheme. In Israel, a mandatory part of working with pigmentation is regular SPF.

Can a double chin be removed without surgery?

In some cases, hardware procedures can help improve skin tone and the appearance of the chin area. But the result depends on the cause of the problem: skin, fat tissue, anatomy, age, and lifestyle.

What is pressotherapy?

Pressotherapy is a hardware procedure associated with lymphatic drainage and body impact using compressed air. It is often discussed for swelling, a feeling of heaviness, cellulite, and body care programs.

How much does the first visit to a cosmetologist in Haifa cost?

At the time of preparing the material, the Sol Clinics website lists a promotion: first visit — 268 shekels. It is better to clarify the current price and conditions before booking.

Where is Sol Clinics located?

Sol Clinics is located in Haifa at: Histadrut, 44, Check Post.

Is there a Russian-speaking cosmetologist in Haifa?

For Russian-speaking clients, Sol Clinics is convenient because you can discuss skin condition, procedures, contraindications, and expectations in a clear language.

What procedures help with a dull complexion?

It depends on the cause. Possible care procedures, mesotherapy, work with dehydration, skin renewal, home care, and SPF. The procedure should be selected after diagnostics.

What to do with post-acne?

Post-acne can manifest as spots, scars, uneven texture, and enlarged pores. A cosmetologist can offer a program that considers the type of traces, inflammation activity, and skin sensitivity.

What procedures help with cellulite?

Sol Clinics offers body directions, including pressotherapy, lymphatic drainage, and hardware anti-cellulite programs. But cellulite requires a comprehensive approach, not one universal procedure.

How to book at Sol Clinics?

More about Sol Clinics: https://cosmetology.nikk.co.il/

The center has been operating since 2016 and is located at: Haifa, Histadrut, 44, Check Post.

Tickets and details here – https://www.eventer.co.il/wyqj7

Original songs and Ukrainian hits.

“Odin v kanoe”, “Vopli Vidoplyasova”, “Okean Elzy” ….

The folk-rock band “Chornitsa” founded by immigrants from Ukraine presents original songs in Ukrainian as well as cover versions of popular Ukrainian performers.

A storm of emotions and a burst of energy guaranteed.

….
Are you aware that there is a rock band in Israel that writes and sings in Ukrainian?
If you haven’t heard yet, it’s the band “Chornitsa”.

You can listen here:

YouTube – https://www.youtube.com/@chornitsa4512

Instagram –

Facebook –

“All of us are from Ukraine, but now we live in Israel. And it is here that we create Ukrainian music,” the musicians write about themselves.

We wish the band creative success and sincerely rejoice that they have managed to realize themselves in Israel!

Leave a COMMENT

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Over eight days, participants familiarized themselves with modern life in Israel, visited historical and natural sites, met with Israeli educators, local authorities, security personnel, and community members who have experienced difficult events in recent years.

The international program took place in Israel from July 7 to 14, 2026 under the leadership of the educational division of KKL — Keren Kayemet Le-Israel, also known as the Jewish National Fund.

Ukraine among 26 countries — but the names of the participants have not yet been announced

The Israeli publication Yeshuvnik reported that representatives from the USA, Canada, Germany, France, Lithuania, Ukraine, Moldova, Romania, South Africa, Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, and other countries participated in the annual seminar.

Thus, the participation of the Ukrainian delegation is officially confirmed by the organizers.

However, KKL and Israeli media have not yet reported how many educators came from Ukraine, which cities and educational institutions they represented, nor have they published their names.

It is only known that among the 209 participants were teachers, directors, and leaders of Jewish schools, as well as specialists in formal and informal Jewish and Zionist education.

For Ukraine, participation in such a seminar is of particular importance.

Ukrainian Jewish schools and communities continue to operate under conditions of full-scale war, air raids, forced family migration, and partial transition to distance learning.

Therefore, the opportunity for direct communication with colleagues from Israel and other countries becomes not only a professional exchange but also a way to maintain the connection of Ukrainian Jewish youth with Israel, Jewish history, and international communities.

The very fact of the presence of representatives from Ukraine shows that Ukrainian Jewish education remains part of the global Jewish space even under the conditions of ongoing Russian aggression.

What was included in the educational program

The seminar was not an ordinary familiarization trip but a week-long educational program across different regions of Israel.

Participants visited natural, archaeological, and historical sites, learned about the work of KKL, met with educators, security personnel, municipal leaders, and local residents.

Special attention was paid to communities affected after the terrorist attack on October 7, 2023, and the subsequent war.

Educators were told not only about the consequences of the tragedy but also about the restoration of Israeli settlements, mutual assistance, the return of residents, and the work of educational institutions in crisis conditions.

The organizers aimed to show participants modern Israel not only through media reports and political debates but through direct meetings with people.

Educators were to see a country that simultaneously faces military, social, and educational challenges and continues to restore affected communities.

For many foreign teachers, such meetings become the basis for future lessons and conversations with students.

NANews — News of Israel notes that educators often become the main source of systematic knowledge about Israel for children in the diaspora.

The perception of Israel by the next generation of Jewish youth depends on the materials and personal stories they bring home.

Education after October 7

The official program of the American delegation allows for a more detailed understanding of the main directions of the international seminar.

Participants were offered lectures, discussions, and practical sessions dedicated to teaching Jewish history and Zionism after October 7.

The program also included familiarization with KKL educational materials, visits to Jewish National Fund sites, historical places of the Jewish people, and participation in volunteer work.

The issue of how to talk to children and teenagers about Israel in conditions of war, rising anti-Semitism, and harsh international debates was separately considered.

For educators, this is a challenging task.

They need to talk about the terrorist attack, hostages, casualties, and war, but at the same time not turn the study of Israel solely into a conversation about violence and tragedy.

That is why the organizers included topics of Israeli society’s resilience, mutual responsibility, community restoration, ecology, the country’s history, and modern educational work in the program.

KKL also provided educators with materials they could use after returning to their own schools.

American participants, for example, had previously committed to preparing educational projects for their educational institutions in collaboration with JNF-USA representatives.

They were expected to talk about the trip on social media, speak to their community, and incorporate the experience gained into school programs.

These conditions apply directly to the American delegation, but they show the general approach of the organizers: the seminar should continue in the form of lessons, events, and projects after the participants return home.

Educators are called ‘messengers of Israeli history’

KKL Chairman Eyal Ostrinsky stated that the decision of hundreds of Jewish educators to come to Israel during a difficult period is an expression of trust, responsibility, and shared destiny.

According to him, educators become a kind of ‘messengers of Israeli history’ in their communities.

Direct acquaintance with the country, its people, and the values of Zionism should provide them with tools for educating the next generation of the Jewish people.

KKL emphasizes that such educational programs help strengthen ties between Israel and Jewish communities in the diaspora.

The task is not only to transmit knowledge.

Participants from different countries get to know each other, discuss teaching methods, and have the opportunity to create joint educational programs.

After the seminar, they return to their countries with materials, personal impressions, and contacts of colleagues.

For representatives of Ukraine, this experience can be especially important, as Ukrainian Jewish schools are simultaneously part of Ukrainian society, the international Jewish space, and the system of relations between Ukraine and Israel.

Ukrainian educators participate in KKL programs not for the first time

The participation of the Ukrainian side in the KKL international seminar has a long history.

In July 2023, a similar program was attended by 250 educators from 22 countries and 27 educational institutions.

At that time, KKL separately reported that Ukraine was represented by 14 teachers.

One of the participants was Ukrainian educator Natala Androshenko.

She said that materials from previous KKL seminars were used in her school in geography, ecology, history, Jewish tradition lessons, and in the study of nature.

According to her, such classes helped students become closer to Israel and better understand Zionism.

Androshenko also noted the value of communication with directors and educators of Jewish schools from different countries.

There is no confirmation that she participated in the 2026 seminar.

However, her story shows how the knowledge gained by Ukrainian educators in Israel is subsequently used in working with children in Ukraine.

This practical result is one of the main meanings of the program.

Educators do not just visit Israel but return to their schools with ready-made methodological materials, new contacts, and personal stories.

For NANews — News of Israel, the participation of Ukrainian representatives in the seminar is also important as an example of the ongoing dialogue between Israel and Ukraine at the level of education and Jewish communities.

Such connections do not always receive noticeable attention in major media, but they are the ones that form long-term relationships between countries.

Political statements change, governments argue, but the work of teachers with children continues for years.

What remains unknown

KKL confirmed the presence of representatives from Ukraine but did not publish the composition of the delegation.

At the time of publication, the following are unknown:

— the exact number of participants from Ukraine;

— their names and positions;

— the cities they represented;

— the names of Jewish schools and organizations;

— the separate program of the Ukrainian group;

— the topics or projects that Ukrainian educators plan to implement after returning.

Therefore, it cannot yet be asserted that a certain number of Ukrainian teachers or representatives of specific organizations arrived in Israel.

But the very fact of Ukrainian participation is confirmed by both the Israeli publication and the KKL announcement.

From July 7 to 14, 2026, representatives of Ukraine, along with educators from 25 other countries, studied Israel’s experience, exchanged educational practices, and discussed how to preserve the Jewish identity of the next generation in a world that has become even more complex and divided after October 7.

Hapoel Jerusalem officially announced the departure of the Ukrainian on July 14, 2026.

“Dima, thank you very much for your dedication, commitment, and fight in every minute spent on the court. We wish you great success in the future,” reads the farewell message from the Jerusalem club. The Israeli sports channel Sport5 emphasizes that Skapintsev leaves the team after one season and that his departure is another element of a large-scale roster overhaul.

At the same time, this is not about a scandal, disciplinary conflict, or early termination of the agreement.

In August 2025, Skapintsev signed a one-season contract with an option to extend for another year. Hapoel decided not to use the option provided by the agreement, so the cooperation ended after the first season.

From the NBA and G League to Jerusalem

Dmitry Skapintsev was born on May 12, 1998, in Cherkasy. The height of the Ukrainian basketball player is about 216 centimeters. He plays as a center and is capable of covering the position of a power forward.

Before moving to Israel, Skapintsev went through an unusual path for a Ukrainian basketball player.

He played in Ukraine and Lithuania, after which he went to the USA. Skapintsev spent most of his American career in the NBA G League, where he played for the farm teams of the New York Knicks, Boston Celtics, and Portland Trail Blazers.

On December 23, 2023, the New York Knicks signed a two-way contract with Skapintsev. The Ukrainian played two games in the NBA regular season, getting a few minutes of playing time, and then returned to the G League.

In the 2024/25 season, Skapintsev averaged 9 points, 7.9 rebounds, and 2.7 assists in the G League. At the time of his transition to Israel, he was considered a physically powerful center with experience in training and games in the North American basketball system.

Hapoel’s head coach Yonatan Alon noted his toughness, rebounding ability, decision-making under the basket, and potential to strengthen the team in the paint after signing the Ukrainian.

However, Skapintsev failed to become a stable player in the main rotation in Jerusalem.

“I don’t fully understand my role”

Problems with playing time became noticeable during the season.

In February 2026, Skapintsev admitted that he did not fully understand his role in Hapoel. According to the Ukrainian, at the beginning of the season, he received more minutes, but later his participation in games decreased.

The center explained that he tries to do everything he can to return to a stable rotation. At the same time, he noted that the head coach preferred players he had worked with for more than a year.

These words help to better understand the club’s subsequent decision.

Skapintsev’s departure cannot be called a surprise solely because of his statistics. The Ukrainian was useful in rebounding and rim protection but did not secure a stable role in the team and rarely spent significant stretches on the court.

At the same time, Hapoel did not officially name the player’s professional performance as the reason for not extending the contract. In the farewell message, the club, on the contrary, emphasized his attitude to work, dedication, and fight.

What the official statistics show

Ukrainian sports media publications presented different figures regarding Skapintsev’s performances in Israel.

Football24 reported that in 14 Israeli championship games, the Ukrainian averaged 6.1 points, 2.1 rebounds, and 0.6 assists.

However, the official statistics of the Israeli Basketball Super League show different results for the regular season:

• 14 games;
• 8 starts;
• 16.9 minutes on the court;
• 5.4 points;
• 5.8 rebounds;
• 0.5 assists;
• 1 block;
• 0.6 steals per game on average.

Skapintsev made 66.7% of his two-point shots and 71.4% of his free throws. In total, he scored 75 points and grabbed 81 rebounds in the regular season.

Thus, the figure of 2.1 rebounds provided by the initial Ukrainian source does not match the data from the Israeli league. Rebounding was one of the most noticeable strengths of the Ukrainian center.

In the playoffs, Skapintsev participated in two more games. On average, he scored 5.5 points and grabbed 3.5 rebounds in 13.5 minutes.

In the EuroCup, the Ukrainian played 15 games. His stats were 4.4 points, 3.2 rebounds, and 0.3 assists in about ten minutes of playing time.

Considering the Israeli championship, playoffs, EuroCup, and Winner Cup, Skapintsev played about 34 official games for the Jerusalem club.

Not a failure, but not a breakthrough

Skapintsev’s first season in Israel is hard to call a failure.

When the Ukrainian received playing time, he regularly helped the team in rebounding, created physical pressure under the basket, and used his height advantage. The figure of 5.8 rebounds in 16.9 minutes in the regular season confirms that the center remained quite effective in a limited stretch.

But the modern Hapoel, aiming for leading positions in Israel and Europe, needed a player who could either consistently play in the starting lineup or become a key element of the second unit.

Skapintsev found himself between these roles.

He started in eight regular-season games but spent less than 17 minutes on the court. In the EuroCup, his playing time was even less — about ten minutes. This meant that the coaching staff did not consider the Ukrainian as the team’s main center.

As noted by NAnews — News of Israel, in this case, it is more accurate to talk not about the failure of the Ukrainian basketball player, but about the mismatch of his playing qualities with the role the coaching staff was ready to offer him.

Hapoel began a major overhaul

The decision not to extend the contract with Skapintsev was made against the backdrop of significant changes in the Jerusalem club.

In the Israeli regular season, Hapoel finished third, winning 18 out of 26 games. In the playoffs, the team reached the semifinals, where they lost to Hapoel Tel Aviv in a series with a score of 0:3.

In the EuroCup, the Jerusalemites took first place in their group but ended their performances in the quarterfinals. In the decisive match, Hapoel lost to the Turkish Turk Telekom with a score of 90:91.

After the end of the season, Yonatan Alon, who had led Hapoel for three years, left the team.

Experienced Serbian specialist Sasha Obradovic was appointed as the new head coach. The club’s management announced its intention to build a team capable of competing for all Israeli titles and potentially entering the EuroLeague.

Against this backdrop, Skapintsev’s departure looks like part of the overall restructuring of the roster to meet the new coach’s requirements.

The club has already started signing new basketball players, including front-line players. Therefore, the decision to forgo the option in the Ukrainian’s contract is likely not related to one specific game or episode but to the formation of a new team model.

Hapoel has not officially confirmed this, so it is a conclusion drawn from the sequence of the club’s personnel decisions.

The Ukrainian stayed in Israel during the escalation

Skapintsev’s behavior during the security escalation in Israel deserves special attention.

In June 2026, several foreign basketball players from Hapoel decided to leave the country. Skapintsev was among the legionnaires who stayed in Israel after the club’s management provided players with additional security guarantees.

For the Ukrainian basketball player, the topic of war and security holds special significance.

Back in February, Skapintsev said that he studied the situation in Israel before moving. He emphasized that what was happening in the country at that time could not be compared to the full-scale war in Ukraine.

The decision to stay with the team in a difficult moment partially explains why Hapoel specifically mentioned the Ukrainian’s dedication, commitment, and fight in the farewell address.

One of the best matches for Ukraine — before leaving the club

It is symbolic that the announcement of Skapintsev’s departure from Hapoel came shortly after one of the center’s best matches for the Ukrainian national team.

On July 2, 2026, Ukraine defeated Georgia with a score of 95:76 in a nominally home match of the 2027 World Cup qualification held in Riga.

Skapintsev started in the starting five, scored 17 points, and grabbed 14 rebounds, achieving a double-double. Thanks to this victory, the Ukrainian national team advanced to the second stage of the World Cup qualification ahead of schedule.

This match showed that the Ukrainian remains capable of being a noticeable and productive basketball player with sufficient playing time and a clear role on the court.

Therefore, leaving Hapoel should not be perceived as the end of his career at a high level.

Skapintsev is 28 years old — for a center, this is an age when basketball players often reach the peak of their physical capabilities and professional stability.

What will happen next

After Hapoel’s refusal to use the extension option, Dmitry Skapintsev became a free agent.

At the moment, the new club of the Ukrainian center has not been officially announced.

Considering his NBA and G League experience, performances in the EuroCup, playing for the Ukrainian national team, and rare physical attributes for European basketball, Skapintsev may interest teams from the championships of Israel, Turkey, Poland, Lithuania, Germany, or other European countries.

The main question for the Ukrainian will be not only the level of the next club but also the role they can offer him.

The season in Jerusalem showed that Skapintsev is capable of effectively rebounding and protecting the space under the basket, but he needs stable minutes and the trust of the coaching staff.

For NAnews — News of Israel, this story is important not only as another transfer news.

Dmitry Skapintsev became one of the few Ukrainian basketball players in recent years to play simultaneously in a leading Israeli club, a European tournament, and the Ukrainian national team.

He leaves Jerusalem without scandal and public mutual claims. Hapoel thanked the Ukrainian for his professionalism and fight, and Skapintsev himself gets the opportunity to find a team where his height, experience, and play under the basket will be used much more actively.

50 Years Later: A Reminder from Israeli Diplomacy

On November 10, 2025, the Israeli Foreign Ministry published a message:

“Today marks the 50th anniversary of the adoption of the disgraceful UN Resolution No. 3379 (XXX). On the night of November 10-11, 1975, the UN General Assembly adopted the resolution by 72 votes in favor, 35 against, and 32 abstentions, declaring Zionism a form of racism.

The Soviet Union, with the support of Arab states, finally achieved its goal.”

For Israel, it was not just a diplomatic blow — it was a moment when the false Soviet myth received the UN’s seal.

In his speech, Israeli representative Chaim Herzog publicly tore up the text of the resolution, declaring that “persecutions will only strengthen Zionism.”

How Moscow Fabricated the Narrative

The Israeli Foreign Ministry directly reminded how Moscow laid the foundation of anti-Zionism:

“The first significant attempts to link Zionism with racism, and particularly with fascism (which in the USSR became synonymous with Nazism), on the international stage were made by Moscow in 1964. At that time, in response to a proposal to include condemnation of anti-Semitism in a resolution on racial discrimination, Soviet representatives unofficially threatened that they would be ‘forced’ to bring their amendment condemning Nazism, fascism, and Zionism to general discussion.”

Later, in 1965, the USSR fulfilled its threat and introduced an amendment to the UN equating anti-Semitism and Zionism:

“The Soviet Union, fulfilling its previous year’s threat, introduced the following amendment: ‘UN member states condemn anti-Semitism, Zionism, Nazism, as well as any manifestations of colonial policy and ideology, national and racial hatred, and pledge to do everything possible for their speedy elimination.’”

“Subsequent attempts to bring the condemnation of anti-Semitism to the UN General Assembly always encountered counter-attempts from the USSR to condemn Zionism,” the Israeli Foreign Ministry statement said.

From Ideological Campaign to Diplomatic Blackmail

The break in relations with Israel lifted all restrictions on comparing Zionism with racism, and the USSR embarked on large-scale propaganda.

“Over 8 years (1967–1975), more than 120 books and brochures were published, aimed at ‘revealing’ the racist nature of Zionism. Not only Marx but also Hitler and Goebbels were called as witnesses,” notes the Israeli Foreign Ministry.

In December 1973, with Moscow’s support, an amendment appeared in the UN condemning “Israeli Zionist imperialism,” and in 1975, the Third Committee of the UN supported an anti-Zionist resolution prepared by Arab countries.

“As a result, personal and state terror from Arab states, fueled by Moscow, bore fruit: on October 17, 1975, the Third Committee adopted resolution A/C.3/L.2519 condemning Zionism,” the Foreign Ministry publication states.

After the adoption of Resolution 3379, the USSR perceived it as international legitimization of its anti-Zionist line.
In Soviet propaganda of the 1970s-80s, a huge number of publications appeared where:

• “Zionism” was presented as an ideology of Jewish world domination, closely linked with US imperialism;
• Israel was depicted as a “racist military outpost” of the West in the Middle East;
• the term “Zionism” was used as a veiled form of anti-Semitism.

Propaganda was conducted through all channels — from films to academic works of the Academy of Sciences. In special publications, like the journal “Asia and Africa Today”, Israel was systematically equated with apartheid and colonialism.

For the USSR, it was not a fight against Israel but a tool for controlling the Middle East and Africa.
Under the slogan of “anti-racism,” the Soviet Union built political alliances and sold weapons to dozens of Arab regimes.

1991: Repeal Without Repentance

Only on December 16, 1991, Resolution 46/86 repealed the assertion of “Zionism as a form of racism.”
But in Russia, anti-Zionist rhetoric survived the USSR.
In the newspapers of the 90s, they still wrote about the “Zionist lobby,” and in the UN, Moscow played the role of a “balancing factor,” using the old Soviet lexicon.

Nevertheless, at the level of rhetoric, nothing changed:

• Russian newspapers of the 1990s (especially of a patriotic and nationalist nature) continued to use the phrase “Zionist lobby”;
• in textbooks and media, the term “Zionism” was often presented as something “aggressive” and “anti-Arab”;
• some former Soviet diplomats and journalists continued to claim that “the repeal of the resolution was a mistake under US pressure.”

After 2022: “Zionism = Nazism” — A New Turn in Kremlin Rhetoric

With the start of Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine, Moscow returned to the Soviet method of ideological inversion: accusing others of what it does itself.
Now the role of “global evil” in Kremlin narratives is shared by two targets — Ukraine and Israel.

The formula has changed, but the essence remains the same:

• Israel is accused of “double standards” and “supporting neo-Nazis in Kyiv”;
• the word “Zionism” is once again used in the rhetoric of Russia’s allies — Iran, Hezbollah, Hamas, and other terrorists — as a synonym for aggression;
• federal TV channels and propagandists broadcast claims like: “Israel copies Nazi methods”, substituting historical meanings and distorting the memory of the Holocaust.

In reality, the Kremlin itself is building around itself a axis of anti-Zionism and anti-Ukrainianism, where old Soviet narratives and new geopolitical alliances have merged.
Russia uses the UN and diplomatic platforms of the “Global South” to once again instill the myth: Israel is the “oppressor,” Ukraine is the “puppet,” the West is the “source of evil.”

This scheme works as an ideological weapon:
in the Arab world, it legitimizes an alliance with Iran and Hamas,
inside the country — justifies repression and anti-Western mobilization,
and in relation to Ukraine — creates a pseudo-historical justification for aggression.

Fifty years ago, on November 10, 1975, the UN General Assembly adopted the disgraceful Resolution No. 3379, declaring Zionism a form of racism. This lie, spread by the USSR and its allies, dealt a heavy blow to Jews worldwide and Israeli diplomacy. But the truth prevailed — in 1991, the resolution was repealed.

Today we must remember: anti-Zionism is anti-Semitism.

This phrase today sounds like a warning: when lies become diplomacy, the path to aggression begins.
Exactly what Russia is doing in relation to Ukraine — accusing it of “Nazism” and “Russophobia” to justify occupation, destruction, and killings.
Thus, Moscow repeats the model of the USSR of the 1970s, when anti-Zionism was used as a shield for anti-Semitism, and now anti-Ukrainianism has become a cover for war crimes.

“New Slogans” of Old Ideology

Modern Russian anti-Zionist formulas almost literally repeat Soviet ones, but the mask has changed.
Then they spoke of “colonialism,” today — of “globalism.”
Then they fought against “Israeli imperialism,” now — against “Western neo-Nazism.”

The same method, the same addressee — the Arab world, African countries, and now also the “Global South.”
Russia tries to implant its agenda in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and African media, portraying Israel and Ukraine as part of a “Western conspiracy.”

Conclusion: Lies Do Not Die If Not Exposed

The USSR began by imposing the idea of “Zionism = racism” on the world.
Modern Russia, in alliance with Iran and anti-Israeli forces, continues to exploit the same narrative — only under new slogans:
now it is “fighting neo-Nazism,” “denazification,” and “protection of traditional values.”

Formally, Resolution 3379 no longer exists, but its spirit lives on — in the propaganda plots of Russian media, in the speeches of diplomats, and in the strategic alliance with Iran, which openly calls for the destruction of Israel.
What was once called “anti-Zionism” today returns as a policy of total denial of the right to exist — both for Israel and Ukraine.

Israel will always oppose attempts to once again defame Zionism and rewrite history. We remember and will not allow the past to be repeated.

That is why the Israeli reminder of the disgrace of 1975 is not just history.
It is a warning to both Kyiv and Jerusalem:
lies, not condemned in time, return in a new form,
and once again serve as justification for aggression.

Formally, Resolution 3379 no longer exists, but its spirit lives on in Moscow’s statements and in the Kremlin’s alliances with the same circle of states that were “warmed up by Moscow” half a century ago.

The Russian attack on Sumy continued practically all night and morning.

Initially, Russian forces used a cluster munition against a private housing area, then attacked city gas stations and residential buildings with drones, and around 09:00 began dropping guided aerial bombs on the regional center.

According to the head of the Sumy Regional Military Administration, Oleg Grigorov, Russian aviation carried out six strikes with guided bombs on the territory of the Sumy community.

One of the aerial bombs hit near medical facilities — in an area with heavy movement of people, cars, and public transport. The other five strikes, according to preliminary data, targeted infrastructure facilities.

Three dead, among the injured — a 16-year-old teenager

Initially, authorities reported three dead and seven injured. However, as people sought medical help, the number of injured increased to 17 people.

Among the injured is a 16-year-old boy.

He and two other seriously injured individuals underwent surgery. The remaining injured were examined by doctors, and some people were discharged from hospitals after receiving medical assistance.

Among the dead are confirmed a man and a woman.

The third deceased suffered such severe injuries that specialists could not even determine the person’s gender immediately after discovering the body. The identities of all the deceased are being clarified.

Oleg Grigorov called the incident another deliberate strike by Russian forces on the civilian population.

At the epicenter of one of the explosions were civilians and transport. This means that the Russian side could not have been unaware of the consequences of using a heavy aerial bomb in a busy urban area.

The bomb fell near the sidewalk

Journalists from the local publication ‘Kordon.Media’, who worked directly on the scene, reported that one of the Russian aerial bombs hit a flowerbed near the sidewalk.

In the nearby buildings, the blast wave shattered windows. Cars near the impact site were damaged.

After the first explosions, eyewitnesses reported a fire and burning cars. Medics, rescuers, police, and utility services were working on the scene.

The exact names of the medical facilities were not disclosed by the authorities for security reasons.

It has also not been officially reported which specific modification of guided aerial bombs was used by Russian aviation. In the regional administration’s reports, the munitions are referred to as guided bombs.

The air raid alert lasted from early morning

The air raid alert in the Sumy district was announced around 05:12.

The military warned of the threat of Russian drones and the possible use of guided aerial bombs.

The first powerful explosions, associated with a series of strikes with guided bombs, sounded around 09:00. For more than 30 minutes afterward, city residents continued to hear explosions.

The Ukrainian Air Force reported several times about the launches of aerial bombs towards Sumy, including repeated launches.

Thus, people were under the threat not of a single strike, but of a prolonged series of aerial attacks.

For the border regional center, this creates an especially dangerous situation: the distance to the launch site is small, and the time between the warning and the possible impact of the bomb can be extremely short.

Before the aerial bombs, the city was attacked by drones

The strikes with six guided bombs were a continuation of attacks that began at night.

Russian FPV drones and ‘Molniya’ type drones struck gas stations in the Kovpakovsky and Zarechny districts of Sumy.

As a result of one of the hits, a 63-year-old suburban minibus driver received severe multiple injuries. The man was hospitalized.

A fire broke out at one of the gas stations, which was extinguished.

Around 07:20, a Russian drone hit a residential building in the Kovpakovsky district.

A fire started in the house, the roof of the building and the garage were damaged. In the neighboring house, the blast wave shattered windows.

There was no one in the attacked house at the time of the hit. However, in the neighboring building, there was an elderly immobile woman. She was taken to the hospital with an acute stress reaction.

About an hour later, another Russian drone struck nearby, causing a new fire.

Cluster strike on the evening of July 14

In fact, the current attack on Sumy began on the evening of July 14, 2026.

According to preliminary conclusions of specialists, Russian forces shelled the outskirts of the city with a long-range multiple launch rocket system, using a cluster combat element.

The strike hit a private residential area.

At least ten households were damaged. Seven residents of Sumy were injured in the attack, including an 11-year-old boy.

Two adults — a 30-year-old man and a 59-year-old woman — received severe injuries.

Unexploded cluster elements were found in the affected area. Explosive technicians examined the area and neutralized the found munitions.

The use of cluster elements in a residential area poses a threat not only during the shelling itself.

Unexploded parts of munitions can remain on streets, in yards, near houses and cars, turning into delayed-action mines for residents and rescuers.

The third deadly airstrike in less than two weeks

The attack on July 15 was already the third heavy strike with guided aerial bombs on Sumy in less than two weeks.

Strike on July 11

On July 11, during the day, Russian aviation dropped three guided bombs on the Zarechny district of Sumy.

One of the strikes hit a road and a public transport stop. Another hit an infrastructure facility.

As a result of the attack, five people died immediately after the strike, including a 13-year-old girl. Later, a 48-year-old woman who received critical injuries died in the hospital.

Thus, the number of dead increased to six people.

A total of 44 injured required medical assistance. As of July 14, 17 injured remained in hospitals, including four children. Two adults were in serious condition.

The blast wave damaged residential high-rise buildings, hundreds of windows and balcony structures, cars, and civilian infrastructure facilities.

Strike on July 3

On the evening of July 3, Russian forces also attacked Sumy with guided aerial bombs and drones.

One of the bombs hit the central part of the city — in the area of a high-rise residential building, a store, and a road where many people were present.

Four civilians were killed: two men, a young woman, and her five-year-old daughter.

The deceased woman’s older daughter was injured and hospitalized.

According to updated data, 36 people were injured. Twenty high-rise residential buildings, three private houses, and three non-residential buildings were damaged.

Sumy is being turned into a constant zone of aerial terror

The strikes on July 3, 11, and 15 show that these are not isolated random hits.

Russian forces are consistently using guided aerial bombs, drones, multiple launch rocket systems, and cluster munitions against the regional center.

The targets and impact zones include roads, public transport stops, residential buildings, gas stations, medical facilities, and other civilian infrastructure.

In just the three mentioned guided bomb attacks in Sumy, at least 13 people have been killed, and dozens of civilians have been injured.

NAnews — Israel News highlights: what is happening in Sumy should be considered not only as another front-line report.

This is a systematic use of powerful aerial munitions against a large city where families continue to live, hospitals operate, public transport runs, and people are forced to go out on the streets daily.

The Israeli audience is well aware of how important early warning systems, protected spaces, and the time available to the civilian population after an alarm signal are.

However, in the case of guided aerial bombs, Sumy residents often have only a few minutes, sometimes even less, to find a safe place.

After the strikes on July 15, rescue and medical services continued to work at the impact sites. Authorities warned residents not to approach damaged areas due to the risk of new attacks and the possible presence of unexploded munitions.

NAnews — Israel News continues to monitor updates on the condition of the injured and the consequences of the Russian attack on Sumy.

The data on the number of dead and injured may be updated.

They don’t promise a loan — they help you get it: a fair alternative to bank rejections appeared in Israel

If you’ve ever tried to get a loan from an Israeli bank — you know what it means: endless forms, BDI, “we’ll call you back later” and eventually — silence. It’s especially difficult for new repatriates, those working unofficially, or those with even small debts in the past.

And when it comes to buying a car? Even more “fun.”

Against this backdrop, private companies began to appear, promising to “help” — but often taking money upfront, doing nothing, and disappearing.

However, there are exceptions. One of them is GBT Global, which, according to client reviews, actually supports people through to the end of the process, does not charge in advance, and operates officially.

What they do — in short

GBT Global is not a bank or a “financial broker.” It’s a team that helps people get loans, car loans, and refinancing, and deal with poor credit history. They work without upfront payments and only charge if the client actually receives funds.

Learn more on the
GBT Global website

The company helps people who face:

• rejections due to BDI,
• unstable income,
• lack of documents and guarantors,
• accumulated debts,
• wish to leave the country and “clear everything”,
• other situations.

How it works: 7 steps

1. The client contacts them — by phone, website, or WhatsApp.
2. Initial consultation: why the loan is needed, amount, terms.
3. Specialist collects basic info — BDI, debts, income.
4. Analysis: is there a chance? What programs are available?
5. If agreed — work begins: document collection, application submission.
6. Upon success — the client gets approval and then funds.
7. Only then the service is paid.

What they actually help with

• Personal loans: for daily needs, education, medical expenses;
• Car loans: new and used vehicles;
• BDI clearing: correcting errors, legal support;
• Refinancing (mashkantaot): combining debts at lower rates;
• Bankruptcy: legal path to resolve debts;
• Emigration prep: loans and BDI rehab before moving abroad;
• And more.

So who are they?

Learn more on the
GBT Global website

According to public sources, GBT Global previously worked as part of a financial analysis division associated with the Bank of Israel. Today — it’s an independent private company.

Among their partners are well-known companies like:

• מימון ישיר — https://my.5555.co.il
• קפטן קרדיט — https://captaincredit.co.il

What clients say

“The bank said no — they helped.”
“Not a cent upfront.”
“They explained everything calmly.”

These kinds of reviews are common on social media and forums.

GBT Global doesn’t make promises — but at least they don’t charge before delivering results, and that already sets them apart.

Bottom line

GBT Global isn’t a magic button — but it’s a real chance. Especially for those who have been told “no” everywhere else.

Here they treat you like a person — and you only pay if it works out.

Learn more on the
GBT Global website

This is not an ordinary creative evening and not a standard meeting with an artist.

In the program, Filippenko combines literature, theater, personal memories, and a conversation about time — the very time that for many people was divided into “before” and “after” after February 24, 2022.

For the Israeli audience, this visit is important not only as a cultural event. Filippenko is an artist with a significant Soviet and Russian biography, but recent years have added another context to his name: a public anti-war stance, departure from Russia, support for Ukraine, and continued performances beyond the official Russian stage.

Where and when will Alexander Filippenko’s performances take place in Israel

The tour schedule covers four cities in Israel. All performances will start at 19:00.

Netanya

October 7, 2026, Wednesday
Hechal HaTarbut – Auditorium
4 Raziel St.

Ashdod

October 9, 2026, Friday
Matnas Duna-Yud
90 Keren Kayemet LeIsrael St.

Haifa

October 11, 2026, Sunday
Rappoport Hall
138 HaNasi Ave.

Tel Aviv

October 13, 2026, Tuesday
Tel Aviv Museum – Recanati Hall
27 Shaul HaMelech Ave.

Tickets

Tickets – are already available for purchase via the link

For Netanya, Ashdod, Haifa, and Tel Aviv, such evenings usually become not just part of the program but a meeting point for different audiences: people who remember Filippenko from cinema and theater, repatriates from Ukraine, the Ukrainian community in Israel, viewers for whom the topic of culture after the war is no longer neutral.

What is ‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’

The program ‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’ is structured as a monologue and personal conversation with the audience. Alexander Filippenko takes the stage not only as a performer of texts but as a person who lives these texts together with the audience.

The evening will be composed of prose, poetry, theatrical memories, and life stories. The program includes excerpts from Nikolai Gogol’s ‘Dead Souls’, Mikhail Zoshchenko’s works ‘The Steamboat’ and ‘Product Quality’, Sergey Dovlatov’s ‘The Reserve’, Boris Pasternak’s ‘Christmas Star’, as well as poems by Semyon Kirsanov, Yuri Levitansky, and Zhenya Berkovich.

The intonation itself is important here. Filippenko has long been known as an actor who can work on the edge of grotesque, irony, and tragic depth. His manner is not limited to beautiful reading of the text: he turns literary material into a living scene, where behind every word lies experience, memory, and inner freedom.

A special place in the program will be occupied by the artist’s personal stories — about filming in two versions of ‘The Master and Margarita’, working with Sergey Yursky, Alexei German, Sergey Loznitsa, and other directors. For the audience, this is a chance to hear not only famous texts but also the backstage story of an era, told by a person who was its direct participant.

Filippenko: why this evening sounds different

Alexander Filippenko was born on September 2, 1944, in Moscow. He graduated from MIPT, then the Shchukin Theater School, worked at the Taganka Theater, the Vakhtangov Theater, the Mossovet Theater. His filmography includes more than a hundred works, including ‘Visit to the Minotaur’, ‘Hard to Be a God’, ‘The Master and Margarita’, ‘Our Armored Train’, ‘Throw’, ‘Steps of the Emperor’, and other films.

At the same time, the Ukrainian trace in his biography is also noticeable.

Filippenko acted in films and TV projects related to Ukrainian cinema and Ukrainian studios: ‘Bumbarash’, ‘Born by the Revolution’, ‘The Last Resort of Kings’, ‘The Black Arrow’, ‘The Bridge Through Life’, ‘The Pit’, ‘A Woman for All’, ‘I Am Alone’.

For many viewers, he is remembered as one of the most striking performers of ‘dark side’ roles in Soviet and post-Soviet cinema. Filippenko played characters with sharp, almost grotesque energy: Koschei the Immortal, Death, Koroviev, and Azazello in versions of ‘The Master and Margarita’. Later, the wide audience also remembered him for the role of Andrey Zabaluev in the series ‘Poor Nastya’.

But today, Filippenko’s biography is read not only through the list of roles.

Back in March 2014, after the Russian intervention in Ukraine and the occupation of Crimea, he, along with a number of well-known Russian figures in science and culture, expressed disagreement with the Russian government’s policy in Crimea. This position was outlined in an open letter.

In 2018, Filippenko also supported Ukrainian director Oleg Sentsov, who was in Russian custody.

After the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the artist openly spoke out against the war. Ukrainian and emigrant media reported that his departure from Russia was related to his political position. The Mossovet Theater did not renew his contract in 2022, and concerts in Russia began to be canceled.

In his interview with DW, Alexander Filippenko stated that for him, February 24, 2022, when Russia attacked Ukraine, is one of the most shameful days in his life. He left his native country without hesitation and settled with his family in Lithuania.

The actor stated that he is ashamed of Russia and does not want to return to a country where dictatorial times have returned, against which he spoke out even during the USSR.

Moreover, Alexander performed a concert in Vilnius, where all proceeds from ticket sales were directed to help the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The actor also criticizes Russian propaganda and disinformation about the war.

A special symbol was his photograph in an embroidered shirt, published on Ukrainian Embroidery Day. In the caption, the artist recalled Kyiv, the Dovzhenko studio, chestnuts, friends, coziness, and warmth. For many, this gesture was important precisely because it came from a person whose professional life had been associated with the Russian stage for decades, but who did not hide behind it after the start of the war.

Together with his family, he lives in Vilnius (Lithuania) and is engaged in volunteer activities, participating in fundraising to help Ukrainians.

After moving to Europe, the artist did not stand aside and actively helps to raise funds for Ukrainians affected by the war.

The artist speaks sharply about dictatorial regimes and has repeatedly stated that he does not intend to return to Russia.

In a number of publications, it was also reported that Filippenko performed literary concerts in Europe, and the proceeds from certain events were directed to help Ukraine and the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In addition, the actor criticized Russian propaganda and disinformation about the war.

For NAnovosti — Israel News – Nikk.Agency, Alexander Filippenko’s visit to Israel looks not only as a point on the cultural program. This event is at the intersection of theater, memory, war, and personal choice. In Israel, where a large Ukrainian community lives and many people are connected with the culture of the former USSR, this context is especially acute.

The name of the program ‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’ in this sense sounds almost biographical. It is a question not only literary but also human. Where is the exit for an artist when the familiar country becomes a source of war? Where is the road if the old stage closes and silence becomes a form of consent?

Filippenko answers this not with a slogan, but with a stage. Literature. Voice. Memory.

That is why the Israeli performances in October 2026 may become more than just a tour of a famous actor. For some viewers, it will be a meeting with a master of theater and cinema. For others, an evening about the price of personal position. For others, an opportunity to hear how classical literature suddenly begins to speak about today without direct political declarations.

‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’ — a question that each viewer may hear in their own way. But in Alexander Filippenko’s story, it has already received a specific continuation: not to be silent, not to return to a convenient role, and to go where the word can still sound free.

Tickets are already available

The tour schedule covers four cities in Israel. All performances will start at 19:00.

Netanya

October 7, 2026, Wednesday
Hechal HaTarbut – Auditorium
4 Raziel St.

Ashdod

October 9, 2026, Friday
Matnas Duna-Yud
90 Keren Kayemet LeIsrael St.

Haifa

October 11, 2026, Sunday
Rappoport Hall
138 HaNasi Ave.

Tel Aviv

October 13, 2026, Tuesday
Tel Aviv Museum – Recanati Hall
27 Shaul HaMelech Ave.

Tickets

Tickets – are already available for purchase via the link

But in reality, this approach often becomes the most costly mistake.

In Israel, the pension system is arranged so that a person can have several different sources of future income: state old-age benefits, a pension fund, Bituach Menahalim, Kupat Gemel, Keren Hishtalmut, severance pay, old savings from previous employers, and additional insurance or pension programs. Some of this money people remember, some they have long forgotten, and some programs they only learn about after a professional review.

And here arises the main question for those who have already turned 60 or are approaching this age: can one already start receiving a pension from the pension fund and continue working?

The answer may be unexpected. In some cases — yes, this possibility is indeed worth checking. But this does not mean that everyone over 60 should urgently start receiving payments. For one person, such a step may increase family income today, while for another — decrease future pension, affect taxes, or create problems for the family in the future.

Therefore, the right question is not “am I entitled to a pension?” but rather: what is beneficial in my specific situation?

Pension in Israel is not a single button and not a single payment

For many Russian-speaking Israelis, the word “pension” sounds like something singular: reached the age, submitted documents, started receiving money. But in Israel, everything is more complicated, and because of this, people often get confused.

There is an old-age benefit from Bituach Leumi. This is a state payment that depends on age, insurance record, income, and other conditions.

There is a pension fund — money that has been accumulated over the years from employee and employer contributions. These funds are not the same as the Bituach Leumi benefit and operate under different rules.

There is severance pay — a compensatory part that may be related to dismissal, job change, and pension savings. Sometimes a person perceives this money as a “free amount” that can simply be taken, but such a decision can affect the future monthly pension.

There is Keren Hishtalmut, Kupat Gemel, old pension programs, additional insurances, and savings that may have remained from previous workplaces. This is especially common for people who have changed employers several times in their lives, worked part-time, were self-employed, or moved between cities and fields of employment.

That is why before retiring, it is important not just to ask an acquaintance “how was it for you?” but to gather a complete picture.

• How many pension programs do you have?
• Where are the savings located?
• What amount is already there?
• What commissions do you pay?
• What is the forecast for the monthly pension?
• What will happen if you start receiving payments now?
• What will change if you wait a few more years?
• How is all this related to taxes, spouse, heirs, and future living standards?

Until these questions are answered, any decision will be more of a guess than planning.

Why the age of 60+ requires a separate check

In Israel, there is the concept of early retirement age. For many pension issues, the age of 60 becomes an important point because it is after this age that in some cases, one can consider starting to receive payments from the pension fund.

But this is not an automatic right “for everyone” and not a universal advice.

Imagine a typical family in Israel. The husband is 63 years old, the wife is 59. The husband continues to work, receives a salary, and the family is used to planning expenses around the current income. They know that there will be a pension someday, but are not sure when exactly to start the process, what documents are needed, and whether it makes sense to check something in advance.

After a professional review, it may turn out that the pension fund already allows considering a monthly payment, even if the person continues to work. For the family, this may mean additional income now: money for current expenses, helping children, treatment, rent, mortgage, trips, or just a more peaceful life.

But for another family with a similar age and similar salary, the calculation may show the opposite. If you start receiving money too early, the future pension may become lower. If you incorrectly handle severance pay, you can worsen the long-term picture. If you do not consider the tax, the amount “on paper” will not be the same amount that actually comes to the account.

That’s why the topic of 60+ is so sensitive: you can’t work by template here.

The same question — “receive now or wait?” — can have two different correct answers for two people.

The pension fund is not Bituach Leumi

One of the most common confusions arises between Bituach Leumi and the pension fund. People say “pension,” but mean completely different things.

Bituach Leumi is the national insurance system. The old-age benefit is related to state rules, age of entitlement, income checks in certain periods, and insurance record.

The pension fund is savings that were formed through work. Money was transferred there from the salary and employer contributions. These funds may be related to pension payments, severance pay, insurance part, and the chosen pension route.

If a person mixes these two topics, they may incorrectly assess their situation. For example, they may think: “I am not yet receiving Bituach Leumi, so there can be no pension yet.” Or vice versa: “Since I am soon entitled to an old-age benefit, the pension fund will do everything itself.”

In practice, it doesn’t work that way.

Bituach Leumi benefits and payments from the pension fund need to be considered separately, and then look at the overall picture of family income. Only then can you understand how much money a person can actually receive per month, what amounts will be gross, what net, what will happen with the tax, and how income will change after stopping work.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency regularly raises such topics precisely because for Russian-speaking families in Israel, this is not an abstract financial theory, but a question of everyday life: paying for housing, maintaining income levels, not losing rights, and not signing documents whose consequences will be difficult to correct later.

Where people most often lose money

The most common mistake is not checking pension savings at all. A person sees deductions in the payslip, knows that “something is there,” but does not understand in which fund the money is, what investment route is chosen, how much maintenance costs, and what the forecast for the future pension is.

The second mistake is waiting for dismissal or official retirement age to open documents for the first time. By this time, some decisions may already be less flexible, and there is much less time left for calm preparation.

The third mistake is withdrawing severance pay without calculation. At first glance, this seems logical: the money is accumulated, so it can be used now. But in Israel’s pension system, the compensatory part is often linked to the future pension, and its withdrawal can significantly reduce the monthly payment in old age. Sometimes a person receives a lump sum today but loses much more in the future.

The fourth mistake is looking only at the “gross” amount. The pension payment may look attractive in calculation, but after taxes and other conditions, the real amount will be different. Therefore, it is important to understand not only the size of the possible pension but also how much a person will actually see in the bank account.

The fifth mistake is not considering the spouse. When starting to receive a pension, a person can choose conditions that will affect what their spouse will receive after their death. This is not a technical detail, but one of the most important family decisions in pension planning.

There is another serious problem: many people rely on someone else’s experience.

Someone says: “I started receiving — and everything is great.” Another says: “Don’t touch anything until 67.” A third advises withdrawing severance pay because “money should be in hand.” But someone else’s story does not replace calculation because each person has different savings, record, income, spouse’s age, health, tax situation, and work plans.

What you need to know before making a decision

If you are already 60 years old or this age is approaching, the first thing to do is not to urgently submit documents and not withdraw money, but to check the whole picture.

You need to understand how many pension programs are open in your name.

Sometimes a person has an active fund from the last employer and one or more old funds that they have long forgotten about. It happens that money is in different places, and without checking, it is impossible to see the full amount.

It is important to find out what monthly payment can be received now and what the forecast will be if you wait a few years. The difference can be significant, especially if the person continues to work and contributions to the pension fund continue to be made.

Separately, you need to check severance pay. This is one of the most sensitive blocks because the decision on compensations can affect future pension, tax benefits, and the overall structure of payments.

The tax issue is no less important. Pension in Israel can have tax consequences, and before starting payments, it is worth understanding what exemptions or benefits may be available, what documents need to be prepared, and how not to create unnecessary tax burden.

It is also necessary to discuss the family part in advance. What will the spouse receive? What guaranteed payments can be chosen? What will happen to the money if the person starts receiving a pension and then passes away in a few years or even earlier? These questions are unpleasant to discuss, but they protect the family from severe financial surprises.

A good pension review should give a person not a beautiful advertising phrase, but a clear answer: what options are there, what are the advantages, what are the risks, and what is more beneficial right now.

Can you work and receive a pension at the same time

In some situations, a person can indeed continue to work and simultaneously receive payments from the pension fund. For Russian-speaking Israelis, this often becomes a revelation because many are sure: the pension starts only after dismissal.

However, it is important not to confuse possibility with recommendation.

If the pension fund allows starting the payment, this does not mean that the decision is automatically beneficial. You need to look at how much money is accumulated, what the size of the monthly payment will be, whether pension contributions from the current work will continue, how the future pension will change, what will happen with taxes, and how it will affect the family.

Sometimes it may indeed be beneficial for a person to start receiving part of the pension income now. For example, if the family needs additional monthly income, if there are large expenses, or if the calculation shows that waiting does not give a significant advantage.

But sometimes it is better to wait. Especially if the person earns well, continues to actively save, does not need additional payments now, or can get a stronger pension picture in a few years.

The main thing is not to make a decision based on emotions.

Pension after 60 in Israel is not a question of “can or cannot.” It is a question of balance between today’s money and future stability.

Why an article on this topic is important specifically for Russian-speaking Israelis

The Russian-speaking audience in Israel often faces several barriers at once.

One barrier is language. Even if a person speaks Hebrew, pension documents, tax forms, and fund explanations can be written in such a way that it is difficult to understand the meaning without a specialist.

The second barrier is the habit of comparing the Israeli system with the country from which the person came. But the Israeli pension system works differently, and old ideas can hinder here.

The third barrier is distrust. People are afraid that they will be “sold something,” so sometimes they do not check anything at all. As a result, instead of caution, there is inaction, and inaction in the pension topic can also cost money.

The fourth barrier is a late start. Many begin to deal with the pension only when they are tired of working, have fallen ill, lost their job, or faced a sharp drop in income. But pension decisions are better made not under pressure, but in advance, calmly, and with calculation.

Therefore, the goal of such a review is not to force a person to urgently sign something. The goal is different: to see the facts.

Where is the money?

How much is there?

What rights are there?

What risks are there?

What actions are better not to take without calculation?

And what option might be reasonable for this family?

When a check is especially needed

It is worth checking pension savings if you are already 60 years old, continue to work, and do not know if you can receive payments from the fund alongside your salary.

This is also important if you have changed jobs several times, are not sure where old pension programs are located, do not know if you have severance pay, or have never looked at a pension forecast.

It is worth checking the situation separately if you are thinking of quitting, retiring early, withdrawing compensation payments, helping children with a large sum, or paying off debts with pension money.

Such decisions may be understandable on a human level, but financially they require calculation. Money that seems “free” today may turn out to be part of future monthly income.

A check is also needed for those who help parents. Very often, it is the children who seek information for mom or dad because parents do not want to deal with personal accounts, are afraid of Hebrew, or do not understand what documents are needed.

If parents are 60+, they work or have recently worked, they may have pension rights that the family simply does not know about.

What to do now

If you are already 60 years old or this age is approaching, do not wait until the situation becomes urgent. It is much more reasonable to find out in advance what pension savings you have, whether you can already consider a monthly payment, how it will affect the future pension, and what tax issues need to be checked before signing documents.

It is important to emphasize: it is not about everyone immediately starting to receive a pension. It is about not living blindly.

Sometimes a check shows that a person can increase monthly income now.

Sometimes it shows that it is better to wait.

Sometimes it helps find old savings.

Sometimes it warns of a mistake with severance pay.

Sometimes it just gives the family peace of mind: now it is clear what is there, what is not, and what to prepare for.

In detail about retirement in Israel, pension funds, Bituach Leumi, severance pay, and important checks before making a decision can be read here: https://nikk.agency/vam-60-v-izraile/

For a person 60+, such information may not just be a useful article, but the beginning of a normal financial review before an important life stage.

Pension in Israel is not just about age. It is about documents, savings, taxes, family, work, and decisions that can affect income for many years.

Therefore, the most reasonable first step is not to guess, but to check.

“Bright memory to Maksym Bulygin.
We remember. We respect. We will not forget.
Baruch Dayan HaEmet – Blessed is the True Judge“, – from the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine.

On January 20, 2026, in Zhytomyr, a commemorative event was held dedicated to the unveiling of a memorial plaque for Maksym Bulygin — a graduate of the private lyceum “Or Avner!, who died on June 10, 2024, defending Ukraine. The ceremony was attended by parents, relatives, students, teachers, and representatives of the city’s Jewish community.

Maksym Bulygin was a serviceman of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, a volunteer who decided to defend the country from the first months of the full-scale war. The memorial plaque, installed on the walls of the lyceum where he studied, became a sign of respect and gratitude from the community and the educational institution, as well as a reminder of the price Ukraine pays for freedom and independence.

Memorial ceremony at the school where he studied

The unveiling of the memorial plaque took place in a restrained and focused atmosphere. For the Or Avner lyceum, this event holds special significance: Maksym was not an abstract hero but a student of this school, a graduate who was well remembered here.

During the event, words were spoken about his life path, character, choices, and courage. Those present honored Maksym’s memory with a minute of silence. For the school’s students, the ceremony became an important moment of realizing that the war is not a distant news story but a reality that affects their environment, their city, and their school.

Official position of the community

The event was also reported by representatives of the Jewish community of Ukraine. In the published message it says:

Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine:

«🕯 Honoring the memory of the Hero — Maksym Bulygin.

On January 20, a solemn event was held at the private lyceum “Or Avner” in the city of Zhytomyr, dedicated to the unveiling of a memorial plaque for Maksym Bulygin — a graduate of the lyceum who died on June 10, 2024, defending Ukraine.

The event was attended by parents, students, teachers, and guests. Those present honored the memory of the Hero, recalled his life path, courage, self-sacrifice, and the road he traveled for the freedom of his country. This day became a reminder of the price of freedom and of those who gave the most valuable thing for it — their lives.

Bright memory to Maksym Bulygin.

We remember. We honor. We will not forget.

Baruch Dayan HaEmet — Blessed is the True Judge».

Biography and personal history

Maksym Bulygin was born and raised in Zhytomyr. He had Ukrainian citizenship, and by nationality, he was a Ukrainian Jew — this information is indicated in the Ukrainian Wikipedia and is confirmed by his biography and participation in the life of the city’s Jewish community.

He was the only child in the family. He attended a Jewish kindergarten, later, after graduating from the Chabad lyceum “Or Avner” (where his grandmother worked as a teacher for 25 years), he entered Vocational School No. 18, where he obtained the profession of “Cook-Baker”.

He was a diligent student, sang in the choir, found a long-term hobby — chess (backgammon). From childhood, he was an active member of the Jewish community of Zhytomyr. From 2019 to 2021, he served in the Ukrainian army, serving as a rifleman. After demobilization, he worked at “Nova Poshta”, first as a loader, later becoming a scanner.

On February 24, 2022, at the beginning of the full-scale invasion, Maks received a summons and immediately stood up to defend his native Ukraine. He fought in various formations. Shortly before his death, he was in the ranks of the 117th Separate Mechanized Brigade. He served for 2.5 years in the east — Bakhmut, Avdiivka, Zaitseve, and beyond. He almost died several times.

In 2024, Maksym was transferred to another battalion, offered to become a UAV operator, he mastered this specialty, and when he went on his first combat mission, he did not return. UAV operator Maksym-Wolf Bulygin heroically died on June 10, 2024, during a combat mission to defend Ukraine from Russian aggressors in the village of Robotyne, Zaporizhzhia region, when the occupiers dropped explosives on his position.

A year before his death, Maksym found a beloved, they set a wedding date for the end of June, the defender agreed on leave, but two weeks before the desired day, he died.

“Grandma’s boy”

Behind the official formulations and biographical references lies the personal side of Maksym’s life, which his relatives talk about. Maksym’s grandmother, Tatyana Lipinska, recalls:

“He called himself ‘grandma’s boy’.”

This simple phrase sharply contrasts with the image of a soldier and emphasizes the human dimension of his fate. For the family, Maksym was not only a serviceman and hero but also a grandson, a close person, with a warm attachment to his relatives.

Service and death

On June 10, 2024, Maksym Bulygin died while performing a combat mission in the Zaporizhzhia direction. His death was a heavy blow to his family, friends, and community.

On June 25, 2024, after a traditional Jewish farewell ceremony near the synagogue in Zhytomyr, conducted by Rabbi Shlomo Wilhelm, Maksym Bulygin was buried at the Smolyansky City Military Cemetery.

For personal courage shown in the defense of the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, selfless fulfillment of military duty, he was awarded – by Decree of the President of Ukraine dated November 27, 2024, No. 787, the Order of “For Courage” III degree (posthumously).

On June 20, the Chief Rabbi of Kyiv and Ukraine Moshe Asman wrote about Maksym Bulygin’s death on his Facebook page. By the same Presidential Decree No. 787, and the same award, (posthumously) was given to the son of Rabbi Moshe Asman — Samborsky Matityahu.

The significance of the event for the community and the city

The unveiling of the memorial plaque in Zhytomyr is significant not only as a local event. It is part of a broader process of preserving the memory of the fallen defenders of Ukraine — regardless of their origin, religion, or nationality.

Maksym Bulygin’s story refutes propagandist myths about the alleged “detachment” of national minorities from the defense of Ukraine. The country’s Jewish community has been involved in the defense from the first days of the war — on the front lines, in volunteering, in humanitarian aid.

Memory as responsibility

At the Or Avner lyceum, they emphasize that the memorial plaque is not only a sign of mourning but also an element of educational work. It will remind students of the real fates of the school’s graduates, the price of decisions, and that freedom does not exist by itself.

Maksym’s story is the story of a person who made a choice and remained true to it until the end. For his school, city, and community, this choice became part of the collective memory.

“We remember everyone who holds the sky above us”

“We remember everyone who holds the sky above us” — this formula, voiced during the ceremony, became the unofficial conclusion of the event. The memorial plaque on the walls of the lyceum is a reminder of a specific life, a specific fate, and a specific loss.

Maksym Bulygin will forever remain in the memory of his family, teachers, classmates, and the Zhytomyr community. His name is inscribed not only on the school walls but also in the modern history of Ukraine — a history that is being written here and now, at the cost of human lives. It is precisely such stories, behind which stand real people and real losses, NANews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency consider important to preserve and tell, so that the memory of the fallen defenders does not turn into a dry line of the chronicle.

“Borsch is not just food, it is a symbol of tradition, sustainability and family warmth,” – this is how he describes his work Igor KulakovIsraeli writer, journalist and descendant of a tzaddik.

His book “My book about borscht” is a deep dive into the history, recipes and cultural significance of Ukraine's most famous dish.

Book, available in English and Ukrainianx, has already aroused interest among lovers of cooking and Ukrainian culture living in Israel and abroad.

Who is Igor Kulakov: descendant of a tzaddik, writer, journalist and popularizer of Ukrainian culture

Igor Kulakov is more than just a writer and journalist. This is a man with a deep history, who has absorbed the tragic and inspiring pages of the past of his people. As a descendant of a tzaddik, he carefully preserves the memory of his roots, while actively working to promote Ukrainian and Jewish culture in the modern world.

His life and work are a bridge between Ukraine, Israel and the whole world.

Jewish roots: memory of tragedy and fortitude

Family of Kulakovs has its own history from Tsaddik Rabinovich, who lived in the village of Trilesy, Fastovsky district. This tzaddik, as a spiritual leader, was a significant figure for the local Jewish community. However, the history of Igor's family is full of tragedies associated with pogroms during the Civil War and the Holocaust.

During the Civil War, the tzaddik was killed during a pogrom, and his daughter Sheindl and her husband Mordechai Sowa became victims of Nazi repression. They were shot in Kyiv on September 29, 1941, their bodies found rest in a mass grave near Babyn Yar.

These tragic events became not only part of Kulakov’s family history, but also a source of his inspiration for preserving memory and promoting the ideas of tolerance and cultural exchange.

Ukrainian roots: the path to creativity and self-realization

Born in the city of Obukhov, Ukraine, Igor Kulakov absorbed the rich cultural environment of his homeland from childhood. In 1991, he graduated from the Faculty of Philology of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, where he received training as a philologist and teacher of Russian language and literature. This period marked the beginning of his literary journey.

Already in 1997, his works were published in the anthology “Young Wine”, and in 2000 Igor took first place in the international prose competition “Rozvorush Our Blood.” These achievements strengthened his confidence as a writer.

Literary and journalistic recognition

Igor Kulakov is a prominent representative of Ukrainian literature and journalism, whose works have not only earned recognition, but also contributed to the development of cultural and public discussions. His work is distinguished by its relevance, depth and desire to preserve the national heritage.

Main achievements:

• “Young Wine” (1997) — Kulakov’s works were included in the anthology of modern Ukrainian poetry, which was the first step towards literary recognition.
• International prose competition “I will destroy our shelter” (2000) — Igor took first place, demonstrating a unique style and approach to prose.
• Competition “Israel and Ukrainian-Israeli relations through the eyes of journalists” (2018) — victory in this competition emphasized his contribution to strengthening ties between Ukraine and Israel.
• PRESSZVANIE (2018) — third place in a prestigious journalistic category for an article in K.Fund Media on IT and telecommunications topics.
• The work “Donetsk triptych” – nomination in the 2018 “Missy Legends” competition, organized by the Litnet platform and the publishing house “Summit Book”.

Significant publications:

• Igor’s works have been published in leading Ukrainian literary and journalistic publications, including “Ukrainian Seeding” and others.
• In 2016, he created the first Jewish publication jewish.org.ua in Ukrainian, which became an important contribution to the development of media related to Jewish culture.

Books:

• “Radio Ukraine” (2024) – a book dedicated to modern challenges and achievements of Ukraine, received positive reviews from readers and critics.
• “My book about borscht” (2025) – a synthesis of history, cuisine and cultural heritage, emphasizing the role of traditional dishes in strengthening national identity.

The works of Igor Kulakov serve not only as a source of inspiration, but also as a platform for understanding complex historical, cultural and social topics.

A new stage in Israel: a bridge between cultures

After moving to Israel, Igor Kulakov became an active participant in cultural life.

Living in Rishon Lezion, he continues to write and share his knowledge.

About the book “My book about borscht”

“My book about borscht” is more than a cookbook. This is an exploration that combines the history, recipes and cultural heritage of Ukraine. In his book, Igor Kulakov tells how borscht became an integral part of Ukrainian identity, maintaining its significance even in the modern world.

Main topics of the book:

• History of borscht. The path from ancient times to the present day.
• Recipes. More than 50 variations, including traditional, vegetarian, kosher and fusion.
• Cultural significance. Borscht as a symbol of family traditions and sustainability.
• Tips from chefs. Practical recommendations for creating the perfect dish.
• Interesting additions. Borsch according to zodiac signs, unique combinations and traditional drinks.

The book demonstrates how borscht unites generations and transmits a cultural code, preserving the spirit of Ukrainian tradition.

What makes borscht a symbol?

Borscht has long gone beyond the kitchen and become a symbol of the cultural identity of Ukraine. This dish is associated with home, family and communication. In Israel, borscht is also popular thanks to the many immigrants from Ukraine who have preserved the tradition of preparing this dish.

My Borscht Book shows how food can bring people together, regardless of their background. It is a cultural bridge that strengthens the connection between peoples living in Israel and beyond.

Table: What you will find in the book “My Book about Borscht”

Where can I buy the book?

The book “My Book about Borscht” is available on Amazon in two languages:

• English version
• Ukrainian version

This book will be an excellent gift for those who are interested in cooking, culture, or want to learn how to cook borscht following proven recipes.

Why is borscht important for cultural exchange?

Israel and Ukraine have a long history of interaction. For many Israelis with Ukrainian roots, borscht has become a symbol of connection with their homeland. Igor Kulakov’s book emphasizes how even through food you can preserve culture, strengthen identity and find common ground between different peoples.

Our website NAnews – Israel News talks about similar initiatives, helping readers learn more about cultural traditions and strengthen the connection between Ukraine and Israel.

Conclusion

“My book about borscht” by Igor Kulakov is not just a book, but a real cultural project that combines food, history and traditions. Borscht becomes a symbol of sustainability, family warmth and cultural identity that goes beyond the kitchen and becomes part of the national heritage.

For those interested in gastronomy and history, this publication will be a real discovery. Read more about similar initiatives on our website NAnews – Israel News and stay up to date with the most interesting events.

By the way, you can listen to the maestro live, buy his book and enjoy his borscht on January 29, 2025 at Borshch party in Jaffa.

…

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Leo Motzkin (Aryeh Leib) was born in 1867 in Brovary, Kyiv province of the Russian Empire. In this small town, near Kyiv, he received a traditional Jewish education. In the late 19th century, Brovary had a large Jewish community.

Jewish Community of Brovary: History and Tragic Events

Brovary, a small town near Kyiv, has deep historical roots and significant Jewish heritage. Before World War II, it had one of the largest Jewish communities in the region. Jews began settling in Brovary in the second half of the 19th century, gradually migrating from the west after the partition of Poland. According to 1891 data, Jews made up 23.3% of the town’s population (888 people). Most were engaged in trade and crafts, actively participating in the town’s life. Brovary had a synagogue, Jewish schools, and public organizations.

The period from 1917 to 1921 was tragic for the Jewish community. During the revolution and civil war, Jews were subjected to brutal pogroms organized by various military formations: Denikin’s troops, Skoropadsky’s haidamaks, the Red Army. Many perished, and some residents left the town, emigrating to Kyiv or other safer places.

The Jewish population gradually decreased. If in 1923 there were 646 Jews living in Brovary, by 1939 their number had decreased to 458 people. World War II played a tragic role in the community’s history. From 1941 to 1943, almost all the town’s Jews perished on the fronts or were killed during the Nazi occupation. As a result of these events, the Jewish community of Brovary practically disappeared.

In the post-war years, a small part of the Jews returned to the town. In 1989, about 360 Jews lived there, but by 1999 only 110 people remained. The main reasons for the decrease were emigration to Israel and other countries, as well as the lack of conditions for community development.

Today, there are almost no direct traces left of the once numerous Jewish community in Brovary. However, its history lives on in the memory of descendants and those interested in the heritage of the Jewish people. Preserving this memory is important for future generations so that the rich culture and traditions of Brovary’s Jews are not forgotten.

To Berlin for Knowledge: A New Stage of Life

After completing his primary education, Leo Motzkin went to Berlin, where he studied mathematics and philosophy. It was in Berlin that his active public activity began. He became one of the founders of a scientific society that united students supporting the Hovevei Zion (Lovers of Zion) movement.

With the emergence of Theodor Herzl and the beginning of the Zionist movement, Motzkin became an active participant. He was a delegate to the First Zionist Congress in 1897 and advocated for a clear formulation of the movement’s goal — the creation of a Jewish state in Eretz-Israel.

First Trip to Eretz-Israel

On behalf of Theodor Herzl, Motzkin went to Eretz-Israel to assess the state of Jewish settlements. In his report, he criticized the settlement methods used by Baron Rothschild and the Hovevei Zion movement and insisted on the need for political negotiations with the Ottoman Empire.

This trip became a turning point in his activities. He realized that without political support, the creation of a Jewish state would be extremely difficult.

Important Steps on the International Stage

During World War I, Leo Motzkin headed the Copenhagen branch of the Zionist Organization. After the war, he became one of the founders of the Committee of Jewish Delegations at the Paris Peace Conference, where he defended the interests of world Jewry.

With the rise of the Nazis to power in Germany, he was the first to raise the issue of discrimination against German Jews at the League of Nations level. When this issue was removed from the agenda, Motzkin refused to cooperate with the organization but continued to provide political and financial support to the Jewish population of Germany.

Table: Key Stages of Leo Motzkin’s Life

Memory of Leo Motzkin

Leo Motzkin died in 1933 in Paris. His remains were reburied on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem in 1934. In memory of the outstanding figure, the Israeli city of Kiryat Motzkin was founded in 1934, named in his honor.

In 1933, it was decided in Haifa to create a new residential area for middle-class families. It was to be located outside the city but close enough for residents to commute to work daily. A plot of land in the Zevulun Valley was chosen for this purpose.

The new area was named after Aryeh Leo Motzkin — a well-known Jewish public figure and one of the founders of the World Zionist Congress. Thus, Kiryat Motzkin was founded in 1934 by Polish Jews. The first residents of the area were merchants and independent craftsmen.

The territory where the new settlement was located turned out to be sandy and swampy. The lands were undeveloped and dangerous due to the risk of malaria. Settlers were offered 400 plots of land on installment. The first residents had to work hard to turn the undeveloped area into a comfortable place to live. Thanks to their efforts, the area earned the nickname “Green Island”.

By 1940, the population of Kiryat Motzkin had already reached 2,000 people, and on June 11, 1940, a local council was established. Over the years, the area continued to develop. In 1976, when the population exceeded 25,000 people, Kiryat Motzkin officially received city status.

Kiryat Motzkin became a symbol of the memory of a man who dedicated his life to the struggle for Jewish equality, the promotion of Hebrew, and the creation of a Jewish state.

Conclusion

The story of Leo Motzkin is a story of the struggle for the rights of the Jewish people, the promotion of Hebrew, and the creation of a Jewish state. His contribution to the development of world Jewry is hard to overestimate.

Now, as you walk the streets of Kiryat Motzkin, remember that his name is associated with a person whose ideas and efforts laid the foundation for many of modern Israel’s achievements.

We, the team at NANews – News of Israel, are proud to share such important stories that unite the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples.

Read more stories about outstanding Jews connected with Ukraine and Israel in our section “Jews from Ukraine“ on the NANews website – #євреїзукраїни

1. How did the Jews go from exile to the creation of a state?

What historical events influenced the formation of Israel?

The video begins with a retrospective covering events spanning three millennia. It examines how the ancient Kingdom of Israel existed, ruled by great figures like King David and his son Solomon. However, the most significant events occurred later — the destruction of the temple by the Romans in 70 AD and the expulsion of the Jews. This led to a thousand years of wandering for the people. How did the Jews manage to survive despite numerous persecutions and the Holocaust?

What was the significance of “Zionism” for the Jewish people?

Zionism became a key element in the process of returning the Jews to their historical homeland. The video explains in detail how Theodor Herzl, the founder of the Zionist movement, proposed the idea of creating a Jewish state. Herzl, analyzing anti-Semitism, concluded that the only way for Jews to avoid persecution was to create their own state.

2. What factors contributed to the creation of Israel?

Why was it important for Jews to return to their homeland?

The video discusses how in the 19th century, the first wave of Jewish migration to the region began, where ancient Israel had previously existed. One of the main factors was widespread violence and anti-Semitism in Europe. Zionists believed that the only way to avoid oppression was to create their state on their historical land. It is important to note that Ukraine played a significant role in this process, providing many leaders and activists such as Meyer Dizengoff and Moshe Liliannblum.

What events in the 20th century were crucial for the creation of Israel?

The video goes into detail about key moments, such as the participation of the Jewish Legion in World War I, the decision of the League of Nations to grant the mandate for managing this region to Great Britain, and the challenges Jews faced during World War II. This time became a catastrophe for European Jews, but it was also during this period that the idea of creating Israel gained support on the international stage.

3. What conflicts arose during the creation of Israel?

What problems arose due to Arab resistance?

One of the central issues discussed in the video is the relationship between Jews and Arabs in this region. In 1929, a major conflict broke out over the right of Jews to pray at the Western Wall. This conflict further intensified tensions between Jews and Arabs. In response to Arab attacks and violence, Jews organized their own military force — the Haganah, which would later play a key role in protecting Jewish settlements.

How did international forces react to the conflict in the region?

The video also touches on the important topic of international intervention, particularly by Great Britain and the UN. It discusses the UN’s decision in 1947 to partition the region into two states, one Jewish and one Arab, which led to a sharp increase in violence and unrest in the region. Despite Arab resistance, Israel was declared an independent state on May 14, 1948.

4. What role did Ukrainians play in the creation of Israel?

How is Ukraine connected to the creation of the Jewish state?

Ukraine played a crucial role in the history of Israel’s creation, and this is particularly emphasized in the video. Many leaders and activists in the Jewish movement, such as Meyer Dizengoff, who became the first mayor of Tel Aviv, were born in Ukraine. The video explains in detail the contribution of people like Moshe Liliannblum, who actively supported the creation of Jewish settlements in the region.

What events in Ukraine influenced the mass migration of Jews?

One of the key events that influenced the mass migration of Jews to the region were the pogroms in Ukrainian cities such as Odessa, Kyiv, and Zhytomyr. This accelerated the process of Jewish emigration, including to Israel, where they became the foundation for the creation of the Jewish state.

The Video as a Historical Source

The video «Can Israel Be Understood?» not only tells the complex story of the Jewish people, but also helps to understand how these historical events influenced relations between Israel and Ukraine, and how the Jewish state became an integral part of global geopolitics.

5. The Video and the Channel «History of Ukraine from the name of T.G. Shevchenko»

Why is this video important for today’s viewer?

This video is not just a story of the past, but a key to understanding the complex political and cultural processes that led to the creation of Israel and its role in the modern world. It helps us better understand the relationship between Ukraine and Israel, as well as the role of the Jewish people in world events.

How does the channel continue to uncover important historical moments?

The channel «History of Ukraine from the name of T.G. Shevchenko» continues to delight viewers with valuable historical videos that provide a deep understanding of significant events. It allows viewers to see not only Ukrainian but also international history through the lens of important historical events. The channel actively shares videos that touch on the history of Israel, its creation, and the role of the Jewish people in world events.

The channel has recently released a new video, also dedicated to the history of Israel, titled «History of Israel: From the Beginning to Today». This video provides a more detailed overview of how Israel developed as an independent state and how various historical events influenced its existence and development.

On the channel, you can find videos like:

• History of the Creation of Israel — a video that thoroughly discusses the journey of Jews from exile to the creation of an independent state.
• Zionism and Anti-Semitism — a piece that highlights the influence of anti-Semitism on the Jewish people and the development of the Zionist movement.
• Relations Between Ukraine and Israel — a video that explores the ties between the Ukrainian people and Israel, including the participation of Ukrainians in the creation of the Jewish state.

You can explore the full list of videos at: Channel «History of Ukraine from the name of T.G. Shevchenko» on YouTube.

Link to the channel: History of Ukraine from the name of T.G. Shevchenko

Table: Key Stages of Jewish Immigration to Israel

This article is part of our series «Jews from Ukraine», which focuses on the history of Jews who emigrated from Ukraine, their role in world processes, and their influence on the establishment and development of Israel. In this series, we, NAnews – news from Israel, explore key moments that shape the cultural and political heritage of the Jewish people and their connection with Ukraine.

Importance of the video in our time

Today, when relations between nations and their historical memory play a key role in international politics, understanding complex historical processes like the creation of Israel becomes particularly relevant. The video «Can Israel Be Understood?» helps not only to understand the events of the past in depth but also to assess their impact on the present. In the context of current global challenges, it is important to know how bridges have been built between nations over the centuries and how history continues to affect today’s reality.

This article is part of our series «Jews from Ukraine».

But amid the destruction, losses, and anxiety, there are also stories that inspire — especially for the Jewish community, both in Ukraine and in Israel.

One of the largest portals for the ultra-Orthodox audience in Israel, “בחדרי חרדים” (Behadrei Haredim), on June 20, 2025, published two stories from Kyiv that vividly reflect how Putin’s aggression affects Jewish life in Ukraine.

On one hand — the shelling and destruction of a Talmud Torah building in Kyiv.

We already reported about this on June 10, 2025 — in the photo — a burned Hanukkiah thrown by the explosion, Kyiv, Artem Business Center, Hlybochytska 4, June 10, 2025

On the other hand — the personal story of a Ukrainian soldier who, after witnessing the death of his comrades, discovered his Jewish roots and decided to undergo brit milah (circumcision).

These two events are about pain and hope, about war and faith, about sacrifice and choice. They touch on the deepest levels of how Jewish Ukraine experiences the war — and why it matters for Israel.

A soldier who became Jewish not by blood, but by choice

A young Ukrainian man, a musician and sound engineer by profession, was invited to a studio where a song for the Jewish community of Kyiv was being recorded. The project was coordinated with the participation of Rabbi Yaakov Bleich, whose work includes dozens of Jewish initiatives across the country.

During the recording, choir members noticed a kippah on the sound engineer’s head. The question came half-jokingly: “Are you Jewish by any chance?” The answer turned out to be unexpectedly serious:

“Yes, I’m Jewish. But I’m completely secular. I don’t know anything about religion. I just know I’m Jewish, so I wear a kippah.”

That initial interaction with the Jewish community did not go any further. The young man went to the front lines. But fate had already prepared a turning point that would bring him back to his true self.

Pain, explosion, and rebirth: how tragedy became a choice

A few weeks later, while on a combat mission with fellow soldiers, a Russian missile hit their position. It was one of the many shellings that Putin’s army relentlessly carries out on Ukrainian soil. Several of his comrades were killed instantly, and others were seriously wounded. He miraculously survived — with a hand injury, but alive.

This moment was life-changing. Having experienced fear, pain, and death firsthand, he realized he needed to rethink his life. While in the hospital, he told Avraham Bleich, the son of the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine:

“With God’s help, I want to begin getting closer to Judaism.”

A week later, in a modest yet moving ceremony, he underwent brit milah. It was not just a formality. He took the name Moshe — in honor of Moshe Rabbeinu, as he explained: “Moshe gave the Torah, and now I want to accept it.”

This story is not just about a religious act. It is a story of inner transformation, one that happens not in a synagogue, but against the backdrop of war, under the sound of sirens, when a person searches for meaning to hold on to.

While some choose faith, others lose their home: the Talmud Torah attack

At the same time, a Russian missile struck the Talmud Torah building in Kyiv. Before the war, it was a place of education for children from Kyiv’s Jewish community, including students from the Chabad movement and others connected to Rabbi Bleich’s educational programs. The building, a spiritual home for dozens of families, was completely destroyed.

Photos from the site show severe destruction: collapsed walls, destroyed classrooms and prayer halls. Study materials, religious books, ritual objects — all buried under rubble.

“We are witnessing not just the destruction of buildings, but of spiritual centers. The destruction in Kyiv echoes what we experience in Israel from Iranian attacks. But in these moments, we see more Jews returning to their roots, despite everything,” said Rabbi Yaakov Bleich.

A shared front: Israel, Ukraine, and spiritual resistance

The website NAnews – Israel News emphasizes that such stories must not be overlooked. Because they concern what is most essential — the preservation of Jewish identity, even in the midst of total war. When a young man undergoes circumcision, despite his injury and recent trauma, it is an act of inner resistance, an act of faith, an act of belonging to the Jewish people.

When Jewish schools are destroyed — it’s not just about walls. It’s about how Russia attacks not only Ukraine but Jewish roots, education, and the future.

These moments make the closeness between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples all the more evident. In recent years, cooperation between the communities of both countries has intensified. And the way Ukraine protects its Jewish institutions — even during war — is an example to the world.

Conclusion: Moshe’s path and a destroyed school — two faces of one war

A soldier no one had known became a symbol of spiritual rebirth. He didn’t just survive — he returned to his roots and became Moshe.

And the destroyed Talmud Torah in Kyiv became a symbol that the enemy destroys not only buildings, but meaning itself. But Jewish life continues — even under fire.

The website NAnews – Israel News will continue to report on such stories. Because in them lies the truth about war and faith, about the line between loss and rediscovery.

As promised, we continue our discussion of a Jew from Ukraine – Ze'ev Jabotinsky. #jewsukraine

📝 The biography of Vladimir Zeev is really full of interesting facts, so today we are publishing the second of two posts about him. — First see – Jews from Ukraine: Vladimir Zeev Jabotinsky.

👦🏻 Childhood and youth: Vladimir Jabotinsky was born into a Jewish family in Odessa. Thanks to his literary abilities and knowledge of languages, already at the age of 18 he became a foreign correspondent for the newspapers “Odessky Listok” and “Odesskiye Novosti”, working first in Bern (Switzerland 🇨🇭) and then in Rome (Italy 🇮🇹).

📚 Literary heritage: In addition to his political activities, Jabotinsky was a famous writer, translator and publicist. He created novels, autobiographical works, translated the poetry of Edgar Allan Poe into Hebrew, edited the weekly magazine “Svitanok”, and also wrote an autobiographical novel “Five”, describing the life of a Jewish family in Odessa.

💡 Interesting fact: Jabotinsky refuted Russian fakes about Ukrainian anti-Semitism a hundred years ago. For example, about Simon Petliura he said:
“I grew up with them, together with them I fought against anti-Semites and Russifiers – Jewish and Ukrainian. Neither I nor other thinking Zionists can be convinced that such people can be considered anti-Semitic.”

📌 Memory: 55 streets in Israel are named after Vladimir Ze'ev Jabotinsky. Residents and visitors of the central part of the country are well aware of one of them – Jabotinsky Street, which is an important transport route connecting Tel Aviv, Ramat Gan, Bnei Brak and Petah Tikva.

🇮🇱 In Israel there is also the Jabotinsky Institute, the Jabotinsky Prize for achievements in literature, as well as Jabotinsky Day, celebrated annually on Tammuz 29 according to the Jewish calendar.

🇺🇦 Since 2022, Zhabotinsky Street has appeared in Kyiv, not far from the Nivki metro station. A mural dedicated to Jabotinsky was also created in Odessa.

Photo materials:

1. Portrait of Jabotinsky
2. Jabotinsky Street in Israel
3. Mural in Odessa
4. Street in Kyiv

This article was prepared specifically for the site NAnewswhere you will find even more interesting stories about prominent Jews of Ukraine, such as Vladimir Jabotinsky.

Veda section @davidkrutonog — Jew from Ukraine and founder of a marketing agency tlv.agency

Leave a comment in Telegram channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

Key points from the conversation in text version (Ukr.): https://www.ukrainer.net/tetiana-nepypenko-idysh/

The key framework of the conversation is formulated simply and strictly: Yiddish is not a “language somewhere alongside Ukrainian history,” but part of the fabric of this history, because before World War II, millions spoke Yiddish in Europe, and in the territory of modern Ukraine, there were towns and villages where Yiddish was not a marginal code but an ordinary everyday reality — the language of family, trade, press, theater, and literature. Nepypenko separately articulates the scale of the loss: the Yiddish-speaking community in Ukraine sharply decreased due to the Holocaust and Soviet repressions, and after the creation of Israel, Yiddish in the state project was pushed aside as “diasporic” — in favor of Hebrew.

Yiddish and Hebrew are not “two variants of one,” but two different language systems

One of Nepypenko’s first specific theses sounds like a “reality check”: before arguing whether “it is one literature or two,” one must acknowledge the basic fact — these are two different languages. She distinguishes them not by emotion or politics, but by linguistics: Hebrew is Semitic, Yiddish is Germanic. Yiddish, even being a Jewish language, is structurally closer to Germanic languages like English or German than to Hebrew. From this, she draws a direct conclusion: if the languages are different and belong to different families, then their literary traditions are independent, with their own periods of development and internal disputes.

A typical doubt arises separately in the conversation: “Is Yiddish alive today?” Nepypenko responds with a figure she emphasizes as her verified estimate: about 700,000 people worldwide actively use Yiddish, teach it to children, and produce content — including children’s books. This is not “revival at the club level,” but the life of the language in the community.

“There is academic Yiddish and there is Hasidic Yiddish” — and these are really two different conversational realities

She then introduces an important distinction, without which it is easy to make a mistake: conditionally, there are two large zones — Yiddish of the ‘Yiddishists’ (academic, cultural, educational environment) and Yiddish of Hasidic communities. They are mutually intelligible but noticeably differ in phonetics and speech habits; within Hasidic Yiddish, there are also dialects.

The most specific place here is the explanation of linguistic changes “live.” Nepypenko gives an example with grammar: in Yiddish, as in German, there are articles by gender, but in one of the variants of Hasidic Yiddish, articles gradually lose their semantic load, and she associates this with the influence of English, which tends towards simplification and analyticity. Meanwhile, YIVO teaches standard Yiddish with a literary norm — and the question of how the “norm” and “living dialects” will diverge remains open: time will tell.

Why Yiddish was long called a “jargon” and a “women’s language” — and why this was not a linguistic but a social label

The conversation contains a lot of specifics about how Yiddish was denied the status of “full-fledged” for years. Nepypenko says: the transition to recognizing Yiddish as a language of culture dates back to the early 20th century — a period when marginalized languages in Europe generally “came to light,” which were previously denied high status.

But the main thing is that she argues against the myth that Yiddish “was always just a spoken jargon without literature.” Nepypenko explains: there were translations and retellings of religious texts in Yiddish; the practice of retelling the Tanakh and adaptations of the Pentateuch into Yiddish, which were made, among other things, for women — because women often did not have access to formal religious education and knowledge of biblical Hebrew. From this arises an entire genre — women’s prayers in Yiddish, sometimes composed by the women themselves, in a more “earthly,” colloquial language. Nepypenko adds an important detail of meaning: this “grassroots” form gave greater freedom — to speak with God not only formulaically but humanly, in one’s own words.

Where Yiddish came from and why “it’s not just a dialect of German”

Nepypenko separately articulates what is often simplified: “Yiddish = German, just funny.” She calls such a formula erroneous. Yes, in the history of Yiddish, there is a stage when it looks like a “Judeo-German” language: Jewish communities took the Germanic base and recorded it in Jewish script. But then begins an independent history.

She describes one of the most recognized hypotheses of origin: the formation of Yiddish is associated with the Rhine region, i.e., the territory of modern North Rhine-Westphalia; over time, Yiddish separates, and by the 12th–13th centuries, it can be considered a separate language, not just “rewritten German.”

To show that Yiddish has a “long writing tradition,” Nepypenko provides specific examples of medieval texts: among literary samples, there are, for example, adaptations of Arthurian plots, where Talmudic motifs are layered, as well as Yiddish tales where Aesopian and Talmudic lines intertwine. Her logic here is very clear: this is not “translation for the sake of translation,” but the birth of new literature from the layering of different cultural sources.

Ukrainian trace in Yiddish: Slavicisms, Hebraisms, and the “plasticity” of the language

One of the most substantive parts of the conversation is about the mutual influences of languages and why Yiddish is “rooted” in specific lands. Nepypenko explains that the vocabulary of Yiddish is largely built on two major layers:

• Hebraisms — words related to religious life, ethnographic realities, holidays, what she calls “holy speech”;

• Slavicisms — the result of contact between the Ashkenazi community and the local population of Eastern Europe.

And very importantly: she does not reduce Slavicisms only to Ukrainian, noting that borrowings also came from Polish and Belarusian, and later the influence of Russian increased. That is, Yiddish in her description is a language that “knows how to absorb” and live at the intersection, while remaining itself.

There, it is also discussed how Yiddish copes with modernity: Nepypenko talks about the constant replenishment of dictionaries with new words and the debate on what a dictionary should be — descriptive or prescriptive. For Yiddish, in her view, the prescriptive role is especially important today: previously, the norm was formed by schools and the everyday educational environment, and when this environment is scarce, dictionaries partially take on the function of “suggesting how to speak and where to find a new word.”

Why “Hebrew was revived, not Yiddish”: Zionism, Galut, and doikayt — “hereness” as a language ideology

Another specific node of the conversation is the explanation of the choice of Hebrew as the language of the future state. Nepypenko names the ideology directly: it is Zionism, for which Hebrew as a revived language was to become the language of the state that was yet to be created.

And Yiddish, in her words, carries a different perspective: life in the diaspora, in exile (Galut), and from this grows the idea of doikayt — “hereness.” Nepypenko deciphers doikayt not as romance but as a politico-cultural principle: to live and organize “where you were born and where generations lived,” to achieve visibility, voice, active participation, and improvement of one’s position on the spot, rather than abandoning local reality for the sake of a single “correct” geography.

Why specifically Chernivtsi and Ukraine: the 1908 conference and the debate on the “Jewish language”

When it comes to the status of Yiddish, Nepypenko brings out a very specific historical marker: the Chernivtsi Conference of 1908, which became an important milestone in the history of Yiddish and Yiddishism. In her retelling, it was a platform where cultural and political Jewish figures of different views gathered — supporters of Hebrew, supporters of Yiddish, and those who believed that one “Jewish” speech was not enough. There, they debated what to consider the Jewish language and its status, and as a result, Yiddish was recognized as one of the Jewish languages and full-fledged.

Nepypenko connects this topic with the name of Yitzhok Leibush Peretz: she mentions his reflections on what Yiddish literature lacks, and the key word there is “tradition”: tradition needs to be built and supported.

To the question “how Ukraine became a cultural center,” her answer is grounded: these are historical and geographical factors, the division of Ukrainian territories between empires, the different status of languages and communities in different political regimes, and — very practically — the biographies of many authors originating from towns and villages in the territory of modern Ukraine. At the same time, she honestly speaks about competition: in Austria-Hungary, Yiddish often yielded to German, which was the language of education and high culture, and this influenced the trajectories of writers who had to “break through” the German environment.

Shtetl as a “closed world” and why the youth moved to big cities

A separate specific part of the conversation is what a shtetl is and why it is so important for Yiddish culture. Nepypenko explains the shtetl not as a “cozy place from postcards,” but as a form of community life — closed, with a centuries-old established order.

She provides an important historical fact about legal restrictions in the Russian Empire: until 1905, Jews were prohibited from settling in large cities (except for certain categories, like certain merchants), so in general, the Jewish population concentrated in small towns. Against this backdrop, she describes the “great exodus” of Jewish youth in the early 20th century: the movement to cities is explained by both pragmatism (education, work, the opportunity to “be in civilization”) and internal rejection of an overly closed world.

In her formulation, the shtetl is not just geography, but a social shell that, in times of upheaval, begins to press on the younger generation.

Ukrainian-Jewish cooperation during the years of the Ukrainian People’s Republic: language status and institutions

For the audience in Israel, this fragment is especially important because it breaks the usual “black-and-white” set of clichés about the early 20th century. Nepypenko discusses the period of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and talks about specific institutional steps: under the government of Symon Petliura, there was a separate Ministry of Jewish Affairs, and in one of the universals of the UPR, national autonomy was mentioned; the Jewish population was proclaimed autonomous, and rights were granted to it.

And another very precise moment: Nepypenko notes that Yiddish was recognized as one of the officially recognized language lines of the UPR — along with Ukrainian, Polish, and Russian (she adds “if I’m not mistaken,” and this is important as a tone: she does not pretend to read from a paper, but speaks as a researcher who remembers the structure but does not play at absolute infallibility). She directly uses this example as an argument in the debate that the UPR cannot be described only through accusations of anti-Semitism: at the level of law and cultural initiatives, there were forms of cooperation and recognition. At the same time, she does not idealize the period: she emphasizes that the window was short — about a year, and already from 1918, the expanded rights were gradually curtailed.

And here is a remark important for our editorial logic: NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency in recent years regularly returns to stories where “Ukrainian” and “Jewish” cannot be separated onto different shelves. The conversation about Yiddish makes this especially clear: language is not a symbol, but a testimony of shared history on specific land.

“Kyiv Group” and translations: how cultural exchange worked in the 1920s

When Nepypenko moves on to literature, she does not limit herself to general words “there were poets.” She names the “Kyiv Group” of Yiddish authors as a primarily territorial phenomenon: at a certain period, these writers lived and worked in Kyiv, communicated, and were acquainted with each other, but at the same time remained very different stylistically.

She provides specific connections and routes: an important point becomes Berlin during the Weimar Republic, where Lev Kvitko and David Bergelson worked and lived for several years, and Berlin itself is described as one of the centers of Jewish book publishing — both in Yiddish and Hebrew. There also emerges a specific example of a “bridge” between Ukrainian and Yiddish: Kvitko publishes a translation of Ukrainian folk tales, and they are illustrated by El Lissitzky, associated with Kultur-Lige.

Speaking of translations, Nepypenko emphasizes: the initial steps were taken by Ivan Franko, but the truly active process unfolds in the 1920s — before Soviet unification and socialist realism “ground down” cultural diversity. As specific names of translators, she mentions Pavlo Tychyna, Maksym Rylsky, and others; she separately recalls Vasyl Atamaniuk, who in 1923 in Kyiv releases a small anthology of “new Jewish poetry,” and around this remains intrigue: it is not entirely clear where and how he learned Yiddish and how exactly he worked with texts. Nepypenko shows the “human mechanics” of translations: much relied on personal contacts, friendship, mutual assistance.

She provides an especially illustrative example of editorial “assembly” of a translation: there are cases when one person made a literal translation, and another refined the poetic form. In this context, the connection between Mykola Zerov and Alexander Her is mentioned: Her made the “literal translation,” and Zerov polished the translation.

Soviet repressions and the disappearance of public Yiddish

The conversation then becomes harsher — and again with specifics. Nepypenko answers the question about censorship and speaks directly: what unites many authors of this environment is censorship, repression, and silence, and then a situation where Yiddish ceases to be heard and published.

She describes several blows to Yiddish literature: the first round of repressions in the early 1930s, then the war and the Holocaust, and then — a new, “decisive” blow, associated with the history of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee: mass repressions, exiles, and murders. Nepypenko formulates the outcome without embellishments: for most of the authors discussed, the professional and life trajectory ends by the 1950s. As a specific name of a repressed writer, she mentions Der Nister, who was persecuted, among other things, for accusations of a “too symbolist” manner.

What exists today: grassroots initiatives and the example of Sweden

When the conversation returns to modernity, Nepypenko does not paint “instant revival.” She talks about the real situation: there are programs, summer schools, and various initiatives — but more often as internal efforts of universities, cultural centers, or small communities of Yiddishists; there are only a few periodicals, and they rely on the resources of the community itself.

And to show what state support might look like, she gives the example of Sweden, where Yiddish is recognized as an official minority language line; there is a Yiddish publishing house, and translations of large mass texts — like Harry Potter and The Lord of the Rings — have been published in Yiddish. For her, this is not a “curiosity,” but proof of viability: the language can be present in both high culture and popular culture — if there is an institutional environment for it.

Why this episode is important for the Israeli audience — without slogans

In the conversation, Nepypenko constantly returns the topic to a simple thought: Yiddish is not the language of an abstract “diaspora in general,” but of specific places and specific people. It is rooted in cities and towns where generations lived side by side, argued, learned, traded, translated, and built cultural institutions. And when today in Israel Yiddish sometimes sounds like a “language of the past,” this episode offers a different perspective: the past here is not museum-like, but human — and directly connected to Ukrainian history, including its complex political periods, short windows of recognition, and long stretches of suppression.

The most precise conclusion of the episode is not about “nostalgia” and not about “identity for the sake of identity.” But about infrastructure: a language lives when it has schools, books, a stage, translation, the right to publicity — and when society recognizes it as part of a common history, not a foreign whisper “in the kitchen.”

Key points from the conversation in text version (Ukr.): https://www.ukrainer.net/tetiana-nepypenko-idysh/

At one time, humorous images of Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg wearing an embroidered shirt were popular on Ukrainian social networks.

The combination of American-Jewish Zuckerberg and a traditional Ukrainian shirt looks funny, although in fact it is possible. After all, the ancestors of FB’s “father” come from Ukraine, namely from the Lviv region.

Historians have found evidence of the Ukrainian-Jewish roots of Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg. As part of the study of archival records, it became known that his ancestors came from the city of Rozdol, Lviv region.

Ukrainian-Jewish origins of Mark Zuckerberg's family: archival finds

History of ancestors: discovery of archival documents

Historical research published on the website “JewishNews“, revealed that the roots of Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg stretch to Western Ukraine. The discovery became possible thanks to the work of Ukrainian historian Oksana Lobko within the framework of the project “Mandri Rozdilski”. Archival records from Lviv and Warsaw showed that Zuckerberg's ancestors lived in the city of Rozdol, located 40 kilometers from Lviv.

Road to America: how the Zuckerbergs left Ukraine

Research shows that Zuckerberg's great-grandfather, Isaac Zuckerberg, was born in Rozdol in 1866. As JewishNews points out, his parents, Sender and Ruhel Grunshtein, were engaged in trading activities and had 11 children. The family bore the surname Zucker, which after emigrating to the United States was changed to Zuckerberg – which translates as “sugar mountain” (Ukrainian “tsukrova gora”, “sugar” in Ukrainian “tsukor”).

The family emigrated to America at the end of the 19th century, and according to archival data, Isaac left Europe at the age of 27, arriving in New York in 1893. At that time, the family had already adapted their surname to American pronunciation, which was one of the steps towards assimilation in the new country.

“Mark Zuckerberg’s ancestry in Ukrainian lands highlights the multifaceted history of the Jews of Ukraine and their contribution to world culture,” quote NAnews“.

Zuckerberg family tree

The path of the Zuckerberg family continued through a generation: one of Isaac’s sons, Max, married a native of the Ternopil region – Mana (Minni) Wiesenthal, a native of the village of Skala-Podilskaya. Their son Jack became Mark Zuckerberg's grandfather.

Archival finds: evidence of Ukrainian roots

An important confirmation of the Ukrainian origin of the Zuckerberg family was an archival document found in the newspaper “Gazeta Lvivska”. He points out that in 1902, the district court of the city of Nikolaev tried to find Isaac Zuckerberg in connection with the death of his mother Ruhel Grunshtein. This recording became another significant evidence of the family ties of the founder of Facebook with Ukraine.

“These archival finds add a new layer to the historical picture of Jewish life in Ukraine and show how far and deep the roots of this culture go,” Jewish News emphasizes.

Possible connections with other cities

Historians have also hypothesized that the Zuckerberg family could be connected to other cities in Western Ukraine. In particular, it is assumed that the ancestors could have come from Drohobych, where the Zuckerbergs also lived. However, there is no exact confirmation of this information yet, and the research is ongoing.

The significance of the discovery for Ukrainian-Jewish history

The research, conducted with the participation of Oksana Lobko, opened an important page in the history of the Jewish people on Ukrainian soil. The story of Zuckerberg's ancestors is not only an interesting fact about the famous entrepreneur, but also part of a larger picture showing the significant influence of the Jewish community in Ukraine.

What does he think? NAnewssuch finds help strengthen cultural ties and remind us of the centuries-old history of the Jewish presence on the territory of Ukraine.

Leave a comment in Telegram – NAnews channel↓

Each of them founded or led a world‑class company: Jan Koum was one of the creators of WhatsApp, Leonid Radvinsky turned OnlyFans into a global phenomenon, Michael Polsky founded Invenergy LLC in the “green” energy sector, and Max Levchin co‑founded PayPal and now runs Affirm.

This is reported in a publication by Forbes. By the number of billionaire immigrants, Ukraine ranked 9th among 41 countries.

From Kyiv’s Courtyards to Global Heights

How Their Stories Began in Ukraine

• Jan Koum was born in February 1976 on the outskirts of Kyiv. In the family of an electronics engineer there were no trendy computers, but there were radios that the boy would take apart and reassemble. In a school BASIC club he wrote his first programs to send text messages over a local network.
• Leonid Radvinsky was born in the early 1970s in Odesa, near the famous Privoz Market. Together with his mother he sold souvenirs to tourists, calculating profit and bargaining for every dollar. These lessons in commerce and the ability to connect with people laid the foundation for his entrepreneurial drive.
• Michael Polsky was born in 1947 in a rural area of the Kharkiv region. In his free time he built wind turbine models from bicycle spokes and tin cans, dreaming of an energy future. After technical college he worked at a power plant, where he first encountered the ideas of alternative energy.
• Max Levchin was born in July 1975 in Kyiv into a family of historians. At school he became passionate about chess and the Pascal programming language. By organizing a “Young Programmer” club, Max not only deepened his algorithmic knowledge but also learned to share expertise and build teamwork.

In the Emigration Lab — A Step West

Each of them took the risk to leave their homeland and go to the United States with minimal resources:

1. Jan Koum arrived in 1992 with his mother and grandmother under a repatriation program. For the first years he worked as a cleaner and barista to pay for his studies at San Jose State University.
2. Leonid Radvinsky settled in Chicago on a humanitarian visa, graduated from Northwestern University, and began working in internet marketing.
3. Michael Polsky was invited as an energy specialist in 1976. With $500 in his pocket, he got a job as an electrician, and twenty years later founded his own company, Invenergy.
4. Max Levchin obtained political asylum in 1991, moved to Memphis, and by the end of the decade had co‑founded PayPal.

Breakthroughs and Achievements

• WhatsApp by Jan Koum and Brian Acton amassed over 2 billion users in a few years, and its sale to Meta netted Koum over $16.9 billion.
• OnlyFans by Leonid Radvinsky became a platform generating over $1.3 billion in annual revenue and awarded him personal dividends of over $1 billion.
• Invenergy by Michael Polsky executed projects worth more than $7 billion, including wind and solar farms across America.
• Affirm Holdings under Max Levchin’s leadership became a key player in fintech, and Levchin’s net worth is estimated at approximately $2.1 billion.

How They Stay Connected to Ukraine Today

• Jan Koum supports several educational programs and grants for IT camps in Kyiv, aiming to inspire a new generation of programmers.
• Leonid Radvinsky donated $5 million in 2022 to humanitarian aid for Ukraine, affected by military conflict.
• Michael Polsky speaks at European energy conferences promoting green economy practices in Eastern Europe.
• Max Levchin organizes student exchanges between Kyiv Polytechnic Institute and American universities, supporting young engineers.

On the NAnews – Israel News website, we share how mutual support and knowledge exchange strengthen bridges between Israel and Ukraine.

Conclusions and Significance

• Childhood interests — whether radio electronics or chess — can lead to global discoveries.
• Emigration tests resilience: courage and adaptability turn challenges into opportunities.
• Maintaining cultural roots and caring for one’s homeland create synergy between innovation and tradition.

These stories from NAnews inspire Israeli startups and show that by combining diaspora experience and technology, we can reach new heights.

Photo project by Israeli photographer Olga Savinadedicated Ukrainian women in Israelbecame not only a way to preserve cultural heritage, but also a bridge between two peoples.

Models dressed in traditional Ukrainian costumes pose against the backdrop of Israeli cities, creating a visual story that unites past and present.

“I would like to do a series of filming about Ukrainian women in Israel.

Images that unite past and present.

Models dressed in regional costume (costumes typical of the regions they came from) against the backdrop of the cities where they now live.” – Olga Savina says.

Project concept: past and present

The idea for the photo project was born from Olga’s personal interest in traditional Ukrainian clothing. She researches, collects and restores regional costumes to preserve the memory of her culture.

The costumes used in the project are either ancient outfits that are over a hundred years old, or their exact replicas. Every detail reflects the characteristics of a certain region of Ukraine, and the locations in Israel emphasize the contrast between the past and the present.

Filming locations: key points

Kiev region in Haifa.

Marina, originally from the Kiev region, now lives in Haifa. Her photo shoot took place against the backdrop of the iconic Bahai Gardens, one of the city's hallmarks. Marina's image includes elements of a traditional Kyiv costume, as well as an evacuation backpack – a symbol of forced relocation and changes faced by Ukrainians. The costume includes an embroidered shirt with an ornament characteristic of the Kiev region, a skirt and a belt. Every detail is recreated taking into account historical authenticity, which allows us to emphasize the beauty and significance of the traditions of the region.

Photo here

Polesie and skyscrapers of Ramat Gan

The photo shoot dedicated to Polesie was shot against the backdrop of the modern high-rise buildings of Ramat Gan, which creates a strong contrast between tradition and the urban landscape. This regional image tells about the rich history of Polesie and its natural features, reflected in the details of the costume. The basis of the costume is a plain linen shirt with woven red stripes on the sleeves. Characteristic features include a deep neckline, a short hem hidden under the skirt, and minimal embroidery reminiscent of weaving patterns. A fly skirt made of red homespun wool with thin vertical stripes is complemented by an apron with an ornament. The image is completed with red beads, hustka or namitka, as well as a woven belt, which girls tied on the left, and married women on the right.

Photo here

Odessa region in Netanya

A photo shoot dedicated to the Odessa region took place in Netanya and included a rare costume from the Kodymsky region. This outfit required careful restoration, but the result is impressive. The photographs demonstrate a deep connection with the cultural heritage and the uniqueness of the traditions of the region. The costume consists of a three-piece shirt with sleeves that gather at a wide cuff. The characteristic embroidery is located in the upper part of the sleeve in the form of two stripes – a wider and a narrower one. The ornaments, made in red and black tones, are decorated with small multi-colored beads. Over the shirt was worn a specially cut sundress with deep waffle folds and decorative elements on the back. The lower part of the sundress is decorated with horizontal folds and velvet ribbons. A wide belt with silk ribbons and a bright coral or glass necklace, typical of the region, complete the look.

Photo here

Vinnytsia region in Ashkelon

A photo session dedicated to the Vinnytsia region was held in Ashkelon. This regional costume from the Bershad region focuses on the connection of cultures and historical memory, uniting the past and present. The costume includes a shirt embroidered using the traditional “niz” technique with a characteristic Vinnytsia pattern. It is completed with a bib and skirt with a velvet ribbon typical of the region. The embroidery of the shirt is distinguished by geometric patterns that emphasize the status and skill of the needlewoman. The bib, popular specifically in the Bershad region, adds elements of elegance and symbolism to the image. Such an ensemble creates a powerful visual image that unites Ukrainian heritage and Israeli modernity.

Photo here

Poltava region to Jaffa

A photo session dedicated to the Poltava region took place in Jaffa, one of the most colorful districts of Tel Aviv. Against the backdrop of the narrow streets of the old city and historical architecture, a costume from the Poltava region looks especially bright, emphasizing the depth of Ukrainian tradition. The costume includes a calico (cotton) shirt with embroidery characteristic of the Poltava region. The shirt is made using the technique of planking and cross-stitching, with elements of the “broken branch” ornament that decorated the settings and sleeves. This pattern is complemented by eight-pointed stars and geometric elements, which adds symbolism to the outfit. The hem of the shirt is decorated with patterns made with black thread in the “Brocard roses” style. The whole ensemble is completed by a traditional knitted shirt with three pintucks and a lining characteristic of the region – strengthening the hem to add weight. This image creates a harmonious combination of traditional Ukrainian clothing with the spirit of a modern Israeli city.

Photo here

Luhansk region: a symbol of perseverance – in Haifa

The image dedicated to the Luhansk region has become a symbol of resilience and a reminder of the cultural identity of the region, most of which is today under temporary occupation. A photo shoot with the Luhansk system reflects the importance of preserving heritage even in conditions of war and change. The shirt, created on the basis of museum exhibits, has a traditional Poltava cut, but stands out with a characteristic combination of colors: red and blue. Designs include the tree of life, floral motifs on the sleeves and stripes of embroidery on the seams. The specific ornament is complemented by a replica of a box chintz sweater, decorated with velvet ribbons and wide folds at the bottom. The set of accessories includes traditional Lugansk ducats and “viper” beads, reproduced on the basis of museum photographs. The outer necklace is made of large amber beads, which is typical for jewelry in the Lugansk region. Against the backdrop of a waste heap and steppe landscapes, this outfit symbolizes the deep connection with the homeland and the fortitude of Ukrainian women.

Photo here

What makes the project unique?

The photo project stands out for its desire not only to preserve Ukrainian cultural heritage, but also to adapt it to Israeli reality.

Main accents:

• Costumes as carriers of history. Every detail, from embroidery to fabric, tells the story of the region and its people.
• Visual contrast. The combination of traditional outfits with modern Israeli architecture creates strong images.
• Uniting cultures. The project helps Ukrainian women find their place in a new country while maintaining contact with their roots.

A look at Jewish and Ukrainian culture

This photo project also symbolizes the connection between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples. Israel, home to thousands of Ukrainian war survivors, provides a unique platform for dialogue between cultures.

“I have been studying the features of regional outfits for several months now. I started collecting costumes. I bought some, friends borrowed some for the project. The costumes are ancient, some are about a hundred years old, and replicas are close to the original.

I listen to a lot of lectures, I am fascinated by the diversity of traditions and how they were reproduced in embroidered shirts and the combination of elements of the regional “system”. It’s like the history of a region on a canvas, you can “read” it, it tells about the region and its owner.” – Olga Savina shares.

Our website NAnews – Israel News always pays attention to important initiatives that strengthen mutual understanding between peoples. This project is a great example of how art helps build cultural bridges.

The Olga Savina project is more than just photo sessions. It is visual storytelling that preserves cultural heritage and builds bridges between nations.

About Olga Savina

Olga Savina — Children's and family photographer in Israel. She is from Kyiv. Now lives in Haifa.

“I photograph everything related to love. Love Story, weddings, pregnancy, newborns, children, families. I also shoot underwater – because I love the sea 🙂

Traveling around the world, I conduct photo sessions in the most beautiful corners of our planet. Israel is one of the most beautiful countries for me.

Finding new beautiful and unusual locations for shooting is my passion. You can view places for photo shoots in Israel in the corresponding section of my website.”

You can get to know each other better and even order a photo session here:

Facebook – https://www.facebook.com/olga.savina.94

Instagram – https://www.instagram.com/olga.savina.photo

Website – https://savinaphotos.com/

………………..

NAnews – Israel News will continue to talk about similar initiatives that strengthen the connection between Israel and Ukraine.

This was reported by Reuters on July 14, 2026, citing Trump’s words to journalists in Washington. The American president did not specify what specific restrictions are proposed to be extended to Iran and Hezbollah and whether they will be directly related to Tehran and the Lebanese group’s cooperation with Moscow.

This brief statement may indicate a significant change in the concept of the document. Initially, the bill was created as a tool to pressure the Russian economy and states that continue to buy Russian oil, gas, and uranium. Now it potentially could turn into a broader sanctions package, combining Russia’s war against Ukraine with the US and Israel’s confrontation with Iran and its regional network.

What exactly did Trump say

According to Reuters, Trump stated that, in his opinion, Iran and Hezbollah will be added to the sanctions bill against Russia, which is under consideration by Congress.

At the same time, the US president reported that the possibility of introducing additional secondary sanctions against China and India was not discussed. Trump did not provide other details.

Therefore, it is not yet about an adopted amendment or a published legal text, but about a political statement by the head of the White House.

It is more accurate to say that Trump expects the inclusion of Iran and Hezbollah in the updated version of the law. It is premature to assert that Congress has already agreed on specific sanctions against them.

Which bill is Congress considering

The bill in question is S.1241 — Sanctioning Russia Act of 2025, introduced in the Senate on April 1, 2025. One of its main authors was Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who worked on the document with Democratic Senator Richard Blumenthal and a large bipartisan group of lawmakers.

The project was referred to the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. Its officially stated goal is to impose sanctions against the Russian Federation in case Moscow refuses to engage in good-faith peace negotiations with Ukraine, violates a possible agreement, or engages in new military aggression.

The initial version provided for a wide range of restrictions:

• blocking the property of Russian officials and Kremlin-linked structures;
• sanctions against the Central Bank of Russia, Sberbank, VTB, Gazprombank, and financial institutions interacting with them;
• restrictions on money transfers to and from Russia;
• a ban on American investments in the Russian energy sector;
• sanctions against foreign suppliers of equipment, technologies, and services for the Russian army;
• restrictions against individuals and companies helping to circumvent American sanctions;
• a ban or restriction on operations with Russian uranium;
• increased tariffs on Russian goods and services.

The toughest provision of the initial draft provided for a duty of at least 500% on goods and services from countries knowingly buying, selling, or transferring Russian oil, natural gas, uranium, petroleum products, and petrochemical products.

On July 10, 2026, Senators Jeanne Shaheen, Richard Blumenthal, Lindsey Graham, and Roger Wicker announced an agreement with the Trump administration on the updated version of the sanctions legislation. They stated that the document should create tools to punish buyers of Russian oil and gas financing Russia’s war against Ukraine. At the same time, the senators reported that the final text would be presented later.

NAnews — Israel News notes: it was between the announcement of the agreement with the White House on July 10 and Trump’s statement on July 14 that a new Middle Eastern element emerged — Iran and Hezbollah.

Why adding Iran seems logical

Iran is a state, so it is relatively easy to include it in a sanctions mechanism designed for countries, banks, energy companies, shipping structures, and buyers of Russian resources.

Tehran may fall under the updated law as a state supporting economic, financial, energy, or military relations with Russia. Moreover, the initial version already provides for sanctions against foreign individuals supplying the Russian armed forces with weapons, equipment, technologies, materials, or services or conducting transactions with them.

The possible inclusion of Iran was also discussed by Trump earlier. In November 2025, he said that Republicans were working on a law providing for tough sanctions against countries doing business with Russia and separately allowed for the addition of Iran.

However, until now, Iran has not been explicitly named in the published text of S.1241. The initial version of the bill does not mention either Iran or Hezbollah.

Therefore, it is about the content of a new version or additional amendments that have not yet been publicly presented.

How Hezbollah might be included in the Russian bill

The situation with Hezbollah is more complicated.

Hezbollah is not a state and cannot be subject to a trade duty on all goods of a particular country. Therefore, simply adding its name to the list of buyers of Russian energy resources will not be enough.

Most likely, if Trump’s proposal is implemented, the bill will include a separate block allowing for restrictions against:

• financial institutions and intermediaries serving Hezbollah;
• companies transporting goods or funds for the group;
• Hezbollah’s overseas commercial networks;
• banks opening accounts for its representatives and related organizations;
• individuals and structures simultaneously working with Iran, Russia, and Hezbollah;
• schemes using gold, cash, shipping, shell companies, and shadow bank accounts.

This is still an assumption based on the existing structure of American sanctions. The official text of a possible amendment has not yet been published.

The US has long imposed sanctions against Hezbollah

Adding Hezbollah to the new bill does not mean that the US is recognizing it as a sanctions target for the first time.

The US State Department listed the organization as a foreign terrorist organization on October 8, 1997, and in 2001 it received the status of a specially designated global terrorist entity.

In 2026, the US Treasury Department continued to actively expand restrictions against Hezbollah’s financial system.

In February, OFAC imposed sanctions against structures that, according to the American agency, were converting the group’s gold reserves into available funds and participating in international procurement and transportation of goods. The Treasury Department directly linked these schemes to coordination between Hezbollah and the Iranian regime.

On June 30, 2026, the US and other participants in the Terrorist Financing Targeting Center announced joint measures against five organizations and 16 individuals linked to Hezbollah’s financial infrastructure. Among them were Al-Qard Al-Hassan and Bayt al-Mal, which the US Treasury Department calls the group’s unofficial treasury.

American authorities claim that some individuals associated with this system managed to conduct over $500 million through Lebanese bank accounts over a decade, despite existing restrictions.

Thus, the possible appearance of Hezbollah in the Russian sanctions bill may not be the start of a new regime but an expansion and legislative consolidation of an already existing financial blockade.

Why this is important for Israel

For Israel, the key question is whether Congress will limit itself to a symbolic mention of Hezbollah or create additional mechanisms to pressure its international financial networks.

If the sanctions are enshrined in federal law, rather than just presidential orders and Treasury Department decisions, it will be more difficult for a future US administration to quickly repeal or significantly weaken them.

The new law could potentially increase pressure not only on Hezbollah’s leadership but also on banks, businessmen, transport companies, insurance structures, and intermediaries in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Iran, and other states.

For the Israeli audience, another important aspect is that Washington may begin to view Russia’s war against Ukraine and the activities of Iran’s regional network not as two separate crises but as elements of one system.

In such a model, Russia receives money from the export of energy resources, Iran interacts with Moscow in military and economic spheres, and Hezbollah uses the Tehran-supported international financial infrastructure.

NAnews — Israel News emphasizes that this is still political logic, not a confirmed formulation of the bill. Reuters did not report that Hezbollah is being punished specifically for cooperation with Russia.

What this means for Ukraine

For Ukraine, the inclusion of Iran could have direct significance if American lawmakers link sanctions to the transfer of weapons, technologies, components, or financial support to Russia.

The initial bill already allows for restrictions against foreign individuals knowingly supplying goods, services, equipment, and technologies to the Russian armed forces. It also covers structures involved in circumventing sanctions, money laundering, and operations with digital assets.

Therefore, the new version may expand the responsibility of Iranian state structures, banks, defense companies, transport operators, and intermediaries.

The inclusion of Hezbollah has a less direct connection to Ukraine. It rather shows that Congress may use the popular bipartisan law against Russia as a basis for a broader international sanctions package.

What remains unknown

As of July 14, 2026, answers to the main questions have not been published:

• what specific sanctions are proposed against Iran;
• which organizations and individuals associated with Hezbollah will fall under the restrictions;
• whether a proven connection with Russia will be required;
• whether the 500% duty will remain in the updated version;
• whether Trump will have the right to independently decide when and against whom to apply measures;
• whether the sanctions will be mandatory or remain a tool at the president’s discretion;
• when the updated bill will be officially presented and put to a vote.

It is also unclear why Trump specifically emphasized that additional secondary sanctions against China and India were not discussed. His words do not necessarily mean that these countries will be completely exempt from the law. They may still fall under tariff or other measures as major buyers of Russian resources.

A new sanctions alliance against Moscow and Tehran

Trump’s statement may be the first signal of transforming the Sanctioning Russia Act into a significantly broader foreign policy document.

If Iran and Hezbollah indeed appear in the final text, Congress will effectively combine pressure on Russia’s military economy with the fight against Iran’s financial and regional infrastructure.

For Ukraine, this could mean expanding the responsibility of states and companies supporting the Russian army.

For Israel — new tools against the international financing of Hezbollah and structures linking the group with Iran.

But at the moment, only the fact of Trump’s statement is confirmed. Until Congress publishes the updated text, it is unknown whether this will become a strict legal norm or remain a political intention of the White House.

sTDe | NAnews — Israel’s event listing: a new guide to events, cities, and tickets

In Israel, concerts, performances, stand-up evenings, festivals, exhibitions, lectures, family programs, city celebrations, and chamber meetings take place almost every day. But for someone who wants to choose an event, a single announcement is often not enough. They need to understand where the event is taking place, when it starts, how much tickets cost, whether the event is suitable for children, if there is a convenient venue, which city is best to choose a date, and whether it is worth planning a trip in advance.

This is exactly why sTDe | NAnews is being developed — a new event listing in Israel, where events will be organized into a clear system: by genres, cities, dates, venues, tickets, and thematic selections. The project is available at https://stde.co.il/ and is being created as a convenient navigator for the cultural, urban, and event life of the country.

Not just a list of events, but a clear listing of Israel

The main task of sTDe | NAnews — is to help a person quickly answer a simple but important question: where to go today, tomorrow, on the weekend, or in the coming month. In reality, this question almost always breaks down into a chain of clarifications: concert or theater, Tel Aviv or Haifa, family program or evening event, open seating or reserved tickets, large hall or chamber venue, all-day festival or short performance.

A regular list of events often does not address these questions. Therefore, sTDe | NAnews is built not as a dry catalog, but as an event guide. In it, not only the date and name are important, but also the context: who the event is suitable for, what makes it special, where it takes place, how to check details in advance, and why this particular event might be interesting.

For NAnews — News of Israel launching such a project is logical: alongside the news and analytical agenda, a practical urban layer appears — a listing that shows the lively side of Israel through concerts, theater, festivals, exhibitions, lectures, and events for the whole family.

What categories will be important on sTDe | NAnews

The event platform should be convenient not only for finding one specific concert. It should cater to different behavior scenarios: someone is looking for tickets to a famous artist, someone is choosing a play, someone is planning a family weekend, someone wants to see what’s happening in the city near their home.

This approach helps cover not just one search query, but the entire topic. The user can start with “events in Israel,” then move to “concerts in Tel Aviv,” then specify “where to go with children in Haifa” or “festivals in Israel on the weekend.” A good listing should accompany them at every step.

Geography: Tel Aviv, Haifa, Jerusalem, and the entire country

For Israel, geography is especially important. Events take place not only in the center of the country. The listing should show Tel Aviv, Haifa, Jerusalem, Ashdod, Netanya, Bat Yam, Rishon LeZion, Petah Tikva, Holon, Be’er Sheva, cities of the north, center, and south of Israel.

A person often chooses not only an event but also a route. They need to understand if it’s convenient to get there, if it’s worth going to another city, if there’s parking nearby, how late the program ends, and if the venue is suitable for family visits. Therefore, city selections on Event Listing sTDe | NAnews can become a separate strong direction: “where to go in Tel Aviv,” “events in Haifa,” “Jerusalem listing,” “events in Ashdod,” “weekends in central Israel,” “festivals in the north.”

What should be in a good announcement

A good event announcement should save the reader’s time. It should immediately answer the main questions: what is happening, where, when, who is performing, how long the event lasts, who it is suitable for, how much tickets cost, if there are restrictions, how to check seat availability, and what to know before attending.

Main event data

In a card or article about the event, it is important to specify:

• date and time;
• city and venue;
• address or area;
• genre and format;
• cost or price range;
• link to tickets;
• age restrictions;
• duration;
• organizer or venue;
• important attendance conditions.

But that’s not enough. For a lively listing, it’s necessary to explain what makes the event different from others. For example, a concert may be part of a tour, a play — a rare production, a festival — a family city event, an exhibition — a temporary exposition, and a stand-up — an evening with a limited number of seats.

Tickets: how to move from interest to action

The user has two states. The first — they are just looking at what’s happening. The second — they are ready to buy a ticket. The listing should work for both scenarios.

If a person is still choosing, they need selections, city comparisons, format descriptions, and clear navigation. If they have already decided to go, they need a quick transition to tickets, exact date, venue, price, and purchase conditions. Therefore, on sTDe | NAnews, the ticket office block and external pages where you can check seat availability, cost, and current conditions are important.

This is where the project can be useful not only as a listing but also as a landing page for action: read, understood, chose, moved to the ticket.

Why this is important for NAnews readers

The audience of NAnews — News of Israel is used to receiving not only the fact but also an explanation: what happened, why it is important, how it is connected to Israel, cities, society, culture, and everyday life. sTDe | NAnews continues this logic, but in an event format.

News shows what the country lives by at the level of politics, security, society, and international agenda. The listing shows another side of the same country: concerts, performances, city festivals, exhibitions, family events, lectures, and meetings. Together, this gives a more complete picture of Israel — not only through the events of the day but also through cultural and city life.

Frequently asked questions about sTDe | NAnews

Can events be searched by cities? Yes, city navigation should become one of the foundations of the project.

Will there be weekend selections? This format is especially important because many people look for events just before Friday and Saturday.

Are separate pages needed for concerts, theater, and festivals? Yes, because each category has its own user path and questions.

Can the site be used as a ticket office? The project can combine announcements, selections, and transitions to tickets, helping the user move from choice to purchase.

How is sTDe | NAnews different from a regular catalog? By presenting the event with context: city, format, audience, attendance details, and practical benefits.

Conclusion

sTDe | NAnews — is an event listing of Israel that can become not just a list of events, but a full-fledged guide to the cultural and city life of the country. The project combines concerts, theater, stand-up, festivals, exhibitions, lectures, family programs, cities, venues, tickets, and thematic selections.

For the reader, this means a convenient path from the first question “where to go?” to a specific decision: choose a date, city, event, venue, and ticket. For the media ecosystem of NAnews, this is a new practical format that complements news, analytics, and public agenda with a live map of events in Israel.

Haifa: Histadrut, 44 (Check-Post)

Winter 2025/2026

✨ First visit – only 268 shekels.
✨ Bring a friend, and you both get a gift!

In Haifa, there are clinics that sell the “effect,” and there are clinics that sell a plan. Sol Clinics is closer to the latter: the center has been operating since 2016, located in the Check-Post area, and emphasizes understanding the skin condition first before choosing procedures. Not “the trendiest,” but what won’t break the barrier and won’t add problems on top.

This is especially important in Israel. Here, even in winter, the skin lives in contrasts: sun and wind, dry indoor air, stress, lack of sleep. Therefore, the complaint “dull color” often goes along with “inflammations,” and “wrinkles” with “dehydration” and sensitivity. In such conditions, cosmetology becomes not a showcase but a tool: to bring the skin to a working state and maintain the result.

Details about the clinic and appointments:
https://cosmetology.nikk.co.il/

Where the clinic is located and why the location really affects the result

Sol Clinics is located at the entrance to Haifa, near Check-Post, at שד׳ ההסתדרות 44 (Histadrut 44), landmark — opposite מרכזית המפרץ. For the city, this is practical: it’s convenient to get here not only from Haifa but also from Krayot, Nesher, part of Carmel.

A separate plus — not “beautiful,” but useful: the clinic has free parking, and the entrance is organized so that you can enter without stairs, directly from the parking lot. This sounds trivial until a person realizes that the course is several visits, and each time they choose whether to go at all.

The working hours of clinics of this type usually extend into the evening. Here, work is declared until 19:00, and the last “after-work” slot is often set around 17:30–17:45. Appointments are available through the website and usually duplicated by quick communication channels (phone/WhatsApp) because it’s easier for people.

What skin and body problems are most often addressed here

Sol Clinics formulates tasks broadly, but essentially they fall into several groups. The center works with aesthetic and skin conditions where not one procedure is important, but the correct sequence.

Age-related changes and skin quality

Loss of elasticity, “soft” oval, flabbiness, fine wrinkles, tired tone. This is the category where people often say: “I don’t need a different face, I need mine to look more alive.”

Pigmentation and uneven tone

Spots after sun exposure, “mottling,” consequences of inflammations (post-inflammatory pigmentation), age-related tone changes.

Acne and post-acne

Inflammations, comedones, enlarged pores, traces after breakouts, sometimes scars. In Israel, adult acne is not uncommon, especially against the background of stress and climate.

Sensitive skin and “complex” conditions

Rosacea, seborrhea, atopic dermatitis, couperose, irritated skin. In such cases, any aggression can cause a setback, and that’s why diagnosis and a gentle pace are important.

Body: cellulite, tone, lymphatic drainage

Skin unevenness, cellulite, swelling, a request for a more even texture and a feeling of “lightness,” especially for those who sit a lot or are often on the road.

Why they start with diagnostics here, not with “choose a procedure from the menu”

This is the point that distinguishes normal practice from “just a salon.” In the clinic’s materials, it is emphasized: without diagnostics, the skin is not touched.

The diagnostic device in their description evaluates two indicators that really determine the fate of the protocol:

Phototype and melanin level

This affects how the skin can react to methods related to energy/light and helps reduce the risk of unwanted spots after procedures.

Inflammation level (including hidden)

If inflammation is high, the clinic does not rush with what can further irritate the skin: active peels, microneedling, fractional methods. First — recovery and stabilization, then — renewal.

From the outside, it looks like “they don’t sell us everything at once.” For the client, this is usually a good sign.

What procedures are available and how to logically choose them

On the clinic’s website, three of the most popular procedures of the season are highlighted: peeling, cryolifting, RF-lifting. These names are most often asked about. But more importantly — to understand what task they are suitable for.

Peeling

It is usually chosen when the skin has become dull, uneven, “rough,” and post-acne marks and pigmentation are more pronounced. Peeling is not about “scraping off the skin,” but about controlled surface renewal. That’s why clear diagnostics before peeling is not a whim: one skin tolerates it easily, another reacts with irritation.

Cryolifting

The procedure is usually taken under the request “I want to look more collected.” Cold protocols are often perceived as a gentle way to get a fresher look, reduce puffiness, and return a “clear” contour to the face without the feeling of aggression.

RF-lifting

RF is most often chosen when it comes to skin tone and density: oval, lower third of the face, overall firmness. In the clinic’s materials, this method is described as comfortable in sensations (the working area is heated to a controlled temperature) and suitable for those who want to “tighten” without surgery.

But the list doesn’t end there

The clinic’s description also includes other directions:

• Combined cleanings and care protocols when the skin needs to be “cleaned and normalized” without trauma.
• Mesostrip and multi-stage care aimed at skin quality, tone, recovery.
• Microneedling — as a tool for texture and renewal, considering that the skin after the procedure can be sensitive and needs proper support.
• Fractional directions (including fractional RF) — they are usually used when the goal is not “quick refresh,” but to work deeper with density, relief, and traces. At the same time, the clinic does not hide: some fractional methods may feel stronger than standard care procedures.
• IPL directions for acne/post-acne and pigmentation tasks — where it is important to work with redness, spots, and the overall skin background.

It is separately noted that the clinic uses a range of equipment (15 devices are mentioned), and preparations are selected according to the technique — without attempts to “replace with something cheaper,” so as not to break the protocol.

How the course is built and what is promised in terms of results

The clinic quite directly formulates expectations: a noticeable effect is possible after the first visit, but a stable result often requires a course — usually a range of 6–10 procedures (depending on the task).

There is another point that is usually important to people but rarely voiced: course adjustment along the way. In Sol Clinics’ materials, it is stated that in the middle of the program, the result is evaluated together with the client, and if the dynamics are weaker than expected, the protocol can be changed or strengthened without additional payment. This is not a “guarantee of a miracle,” but it is the logic of medical support: to look at the reaction, not to sell a standard package as unchangeable.

The clinic also talks about home care as part of the result: the description mentions the selection of care from professional lines (sets from several leading brands are mentioned), because without home support, the effect of the procedures often lives less.

Can face and body be done in one day

The clinic’s materials specifically state that if time allows and according to the schedule, face and body procedures can be combined in one day. For people who do not live in the center of Haifa or come from Krayot, this is really convenient: fewer trips, a higher chance to complete the course.

Details about the clinic and appointments:
https://cosmetology.nikk.co.il/

Sol Clinics in Haifa looks like an example of practical urban cosmetology: a convenient location at Check-Post, emphasis on diagnostics, course, and support, rather than loud promises. For readers of NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency, this is a case where “where it is located” and “how the course is conducted” are more important than the names of procedures on the showcase.

The date was not chosen by chance. The presentation is exactly on the third anniversary of Maksym’s death, who died on July 15, 2023, during a combat mission in the Bakhmut direction.

The book was published by the Chernivtsi publishing house “Bukrek”. The meeting is moderated by candidate of historical sciences Natalia Nechaeva-Yuriychuk. As the organizers emphasize, this is not just a literary presentation, but an evening of returning the voice of a person whom the war deprived of the opportunity to fulfill his long-standing dream — to publish his own prose.

The Chernivtsi Jewish newspaper Czernowitzer Zeitung calls Maksym Shvartsman a Jewish defender of Ukraine and emphasizes the special significance of his story for the Jewish community of Chernivtsi. He belonged to Ukrainian Jewry, worked in media, engaged in art, raised children, and from the first days of the full-scale Russian invasion voluntarily stood up to defend Ukraine.

Maksym Shvartsman: from Kalanchak to Chernivtsi

Maksym Shvartsman was born on October 17, 1987, in Kalanchak, Kherson region.

After finishing school, he entered the Odessa National University, where he chose the specialty of a historian. However, he could not complete his studies: after his mother’s death, he had to earn a living on his own.

At different times, Maksym worked as a courier, cook, and took on other jobs, but his true calling remained creativity. He was interested in history, architecture, and archaeology, participated in excavations, loved nature, photographed, painted, wrote stories and songs, played the guitar, came up with scripts, and made short films.

After moving to Chernivtsi, Maksym started working on local television. Initially, he filmed news stories, then TV shows, commercials, and author projects. Later, he worked as an operator and photojournalist in several Chernivtsi media, including the information agency ASS.

Colleagues knew him primarily as a talented videographer and photographer. However, not everyone guessed that for many years Maksym wrote artistic prose and dreamed of engaging not only in television journalism but also in artistic cinema.

According to his wife’s recollections, he took the image very seriously: he set up the lighting, framed the shot, experimented with visual effects. At the same time, he called his works amateurish because he was worried that he did not receive professional director’s education.

His true dream was his own cinema. He wanted not just to capture what was happening, but to tell stories — through the frame, literature, music, and drawing.

Family, which became the main meaning of life

Maksym met his future wife Marina while working in the media field. They traveled together for shoots, participated in creative projects, and gradually became close.

Maksym and Marina had two children — daughter Sofia and son Adam. The family became the main center of his life. Relatives remember Maksym as a caring father and husband who did not divide household duties into “male” and “female”, took care of the children, cleaned, and washed clothes by hand when there was no washing machine in the rented apartment.

He learned to cook borscht, which the children called tastier than their mother’s. For some time, Maksym was practically a “stay-at-home dad”: he stayed home with the children while Marina worked.

The Shvartsman family dreamed of their own small house near Chernivtsi — with a garden and a place where the family could gather by the fire. Maksym loved to take the children to secluded places, which he called “thickets”, told them about the history of the region, nature, architecture, and old buildings.

At the beginning of 2014, the family lived for some time in Maksym’s native Kalanchak, Kherson region. Already then, Russian aggression against Ukraine entered their daily life: the occupied Crimea was nearby, and Marina later recalled how she looked out the window, fearing to see military equipment.

Creativity that Maksym did not want to leave

Maksym Shvartsman was not only a television operator and photographer. He wrote artistic prose and songs, painted, played the guitar, was interested in history and archaeology, came up with scripts, and dreamed of engaging in artistic cinema.

Even many colleagues, who knew him well as a talented operator, did not suspect for a long time that Maksym wrote stories and worked on a fantastic novella.

He took each frame seriously, set up the lighting, looked for unusual visual solutions, and wanted not just to capture events, but to tell stories. At the same time, Maksym remained very demanding of himself and often called his own works amateurish because he was worried that he did not receive professional director’s education.

Creativity was not a hobby for him that could be engaged in from time to time, but an important part of his personality. It was the inability to write, shoot, and develop in his favorite direction that later became one of the reasons why the family’s life in Israel did not work out.

End of 2014 — 2015: seven months in Israel

At the beginning of 2014, after the birth of their eldest daughter Sofia, Maksym and Marina Shvartsman moved from Chernivtsi to his native Kalanchak, Kherson region.

In Kalanchak, the family lived for about half a year. It was a time of Russian occupation of Crimea: Marina recalled that she went to the window and checked if military equipment appeared near the house.

Around the second half of 2014, the Shvartsman family returned to Chernivtsi. Maksym started working again, and soon Marina became pregnant with their son. Due to constant housing rentals and limited income, the family decided to use Maksym’s right to repatriation and try to start a new life in Israel.

The exact date of the move is not mentioned in the published interview. However, from the sequence of events, it follows that the family most likely arrived in Israel at the end of 2014 or the beginning of 2015.

In Israel, the Shvartsman family lived for about seven months. During this period, presumably in 2015, their son Adam was born. This dating is consistent with Marina’s later story: on September 1, 2022, Adam went to first grade, which allows us to date his birth to around 2015.

Which Israeli city the family chose is not specified in the available memories. It is only reliably known that Maksym rode his bicycle to work daily along a route that passed by the Mediterranean Sea.

To support his pregnant wife, and then his wife and newborn son, Maksym worked in a production workshop. For a person accustomed to journalism, filming, literature, and creative projects, monotonous physical work became a difficult test.

According to Marina’s recollections, Maksym once said: “I ride my bike past the Mediterranean Sea every day, but I can’t swim there.” It was not just about the lack of free time. This phrase conveyed his feeling of living next to beauty and freedom, which he could not enjoy due to constant work and financial pressure.

About seven months later, approximately in 2015, the family decided to return to Chernivtsi. After returning, Marina went to work, and Maksym, unable to immediately find a suitable place, stayed home with the children for some time and, as the family put it, became a “stay-at-home dad”.

Thus, the Israeli period in the life of the Shvartsman family can be dated approximately the end of 2014 — 2015. The exact dates of arrival and return, as well as the name of the city, Marina did not name in the published interview, so a more precise dating cannot be indicated without her direct confirmation.

For NAnews — News of Israel, the Israeli part of Maksym Shvartsman’s biography has special significance. His fate directly connects Israel, Jewish Chernivtsi, and Ukraine.

Maksym had the right to repatriation, his son was born in Israel, and the family itself gained experience living in the country. However, the home with which his work, creativity, public life, and subsequently military service were connected became Chernivtsi and Ukraine for him.

…

He supported his wife’s literary creativity as well. In 2022, Marina published her first novel “Christmas Count”. Maksym was already in service and could not attend the presentation, but his wife sent him a copy of the book. Later it was found among his most cherished belongings along with children’s drawings, documents, and chevrons.

February 24, 2022: the operator exchanged the camera for a weapon

Maksym’s native Kalanchak was among the first Ukrainian settlements captured by Russian troops in February 2022.

There remained his family home, childhood memories, and the graves of his mother and stepfather. The footage of Kalanchak’s occupation was a personal blow to him.

On February 24, 2022, Maksym decided to go to the military enlistment office and voluntarily joined the Chernivtsi territorial defense. Before that, he had no military experience, but he believed he could not stand aside.

A photographer and videographer, accustomed to holding a camera, took up arms to defend Ukraine.

At first, his unit was located in the Chernivtsi region. At Maksym’s request, his wife and children went to relatives in Poland, but after two months the family returned. Until the end of summer, he could sometimes come home, but in early September 2022, the 92nd battalion was sent to the Kharkiv region.

Maksym served as a shooter in the 92nd battalion of the 107th separate brigade of the Territorial Defense Forces of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. His call sign was “Marvel”.

Initially, he performed combat missions in the Kharkiv direction, and then was transferred to the Donetsk region — one of the most difficult sections of the front.

For a long time, his wife did not even know his call sign. She accidentally saw the inscription Marvel on his uniform in one of the sent photos. Maksym himself tried not to tell his family the details of his service. During calls, he more often asked about the children, school, Marina’s work, and household matters than talked about what was happening at the front.

In Kharkiv, communication sometimes disappeared for periods ranging from three to ten days. Before going on a combat mission, Maksym usually only warned that he would not be able to write or call for some time.

Comrades remembered him as a person who did not look for excuses and did not refuse hard work. If it was necessary to dig positions, carry loads, or perform another task, he just went and did it.

When there was an opportunity to try to transfer to a safer position, Maksym refused to leave his unit. For him, it was a matter of responsibility to the people he served with and a matter of personal honor.

The last message and death near Bakhmut

The last message to his wife Maksym sent late in the evening on July 14, 2023. He warned Marina that the unit was moving to a new location and communication would probably be unavailable for one or two days.

The next day, July 15, 2023, a group of Ukrainian servicemen was performing a combat mission in the Bakhmut direction.

The unit took enemy positions but came under Russian artillery fire. Maksym Shvartsman was killed. He was 35 years old. Along with him, another serviceman was killed, and a third soldier was wounded.

In the first days, the family did not have complete information. Contradictory reports appeared, and Marina continued to hope that her husband might have survived.

Later, the unit reported that the bodies of the deceased were visible from a drone, but it was not possible to evacuate them immediately: the positions were temporarily occupied by Russian troops. After Ukrainian forces regained the territory, the bodies of the defenders were able to be retrieved.

Maksym was buried in the Alley of Glory at the Central Cemetery of Chernivtsi.

According to the Institute of Mass Information, Maksym Shvartsman became the 66th media worker killed as a result of Russian aggression against Ukraine.

Order “For Courage” and other awards

On November 16, 2023, the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky signed a decree posthumously awarding Maksym Shvartsman the Order “For Courage” III degree.

The decree noted the courage and selflessness shown in defending the state sovereignty of Ukraine, as well as Maksym’s contribution to the development of television, radio broadcasting, and communications. The public announcement of the state award to the family was made in July 2024.

Maksym was also awarded the medal “For the Liberation of Kharkiv Region”, the award “For Services to Bukovina”, the badge of the Chernivtsi City Council “For the Glory of Chernivtsi”, and other regional distinctions. Some awards were given posthumously.

However, for family and friends, the memory of Maksym is not limited to military uniform, call sign, and state awards.

Marina Shvartsman emphasizes: she wants her husband to be remembered primarily as a living, kind, and talented person — a father who walked with his children, a husband who dreamed of a house with a garden, an operator who saw the world through a frame, and a writer who did not live to see his own book.

What is included in the book “Not About War”

“Not About War” is not a military chronicle or a collection of works by different authors. It is a posthumously published author’s book by Maksym Shvartsman.

The confirmed composition of the printed edition includes:

• several artistic stories;
• an unfinished fantastic novella “Guardians of Continuity”;
• letters and messages to his wife Marina, written from the front line.

Before the full-scale invasion, Maksym was known in Chernivtsi primarily as an operator and photographer. His prose remained almost unknown. The Russian war did not give him the opportunity to realize himself as a writer and independently prepare his works for publication, so the book is compiled from the texts he managed to write during his lifetime.

In the fantastic novella “Guardians of Continuity”, Chernivtsi occupies an important place — a city that Maksym loved and considered his second home.

This is not a dry description of streets and buildings. In the novella, the city appears as a living, ironic, and almost fairy-tale space. Maksym wrote about it with good humor and attention to detail, combining his own love for history, architecture, and fantasy.

The work remained unfinished.

Marina decided not to finish it for her husband. Maksym did not talk about the concept of his works until he completed them, so it is impossible to reliably restore the supposed continuation or ending. His wife preserved the text as the author left it.

Letters in which there is almost no war

A special part of the book consists of Maksym’s letters to Marina.

Although they were written on the front line, they contain almost no descriptions of hostilities. Maksym tried to separate the war from family life and not transfer the frontline reality into conversations with his wife and children.

He wrote about love, cared for Marina, was interested in the children, joked, recalled ordinary life, and continued to think about the future.

One of the letters he began after his 35th birthday, addressing his wife as a person who writes to her for the first time at a new age. Another letter was prepared in case of his death. In it, Maksym explained how he would like to be buried, supported Marina, and convinced her that she is strong and can continue to live.

This letter especially fully reveals his character. Even thinking about his possible death, he worried not about himself, but about his wife and children.

Once from the front, Maksym sent Marina an artistic text and explained that it was “not about war”. This phrase became the key to the posthumous edition: the book was created against the backdrop of war and contains letters from the front line, but it tells primarily about life, love, family, Chernivtsi, creativity, and human dignity.

The book was preserved and prepared by Marina Shvartsman

The decisive role in the appearance of “Not About War” was played by Maksym’s wife.

Marina preserved his manuscripts, electronic files, letters, messages, drawings, paintings, script sketches, and unfinished prose. However, for a long time, she physically could not force herself to reread the texts left after her husband.

Only about a year after his death did Marina find the strength to return to the manuscripts and begin editing them.

As early as 2025, she talked about plans to prepare a book that could include stories, scripts, artistic works, an unfinished novella, and Maksym’s letters. The final, publicly confirmed composition of the printed edition included stories, the novella “Guardians of Continuity”, and frontline letters. Organizers have not yet reported separately on the publication of scripts and paintings in the current edition.

For Marina, publishing the book is the fulfillment of a dream that Maksym did not have time to realize himself.

But it is also an attempt to return to readers the real Maksym Shvartsman — not only a soldier with the call sign “Marvel”, who died near Bakhmut, but a person who loved children, cooked borscht, made films, was interested in archaeology, drew, played the guitar, wrote stories, and dreamed of a house with a garden.

Memory as the responsibility of the living

For the Jewish community of Chernivtsi, the presentation of “Not About War” will be not only a literary event.

It is an evening of remembrance for a representative of Ukrainian Jewry, who had the right to repatriation, lived with his family in Israel, raised a son born there, but after the start of the full-scale invasion voluntarily stood up to defend Ukraine.

His story shows that resistance to Russian aggression united Ukrainians of different nationalities, cultures, and religious traditions.

NAnews — News of Israel tells the story of Maksym Shvartsman precisely because it is part of the shared Israeli-Ukrainian memory. It combines Jewish origin, Israel, Chernivtsi, occupied Kalanchak, Ukrainian culture, and the struggle for Ukraine’s freedom.

In Jewish tradition, the memory of the deceased is not only a recollection of the past but also the responsibility of those who continue to live.

After the name of the departed person, it is said: זכרונו לברכה — “May his memory be blessed”.

Maksym Shvartsman continues to live in his children, in preserved frames, drawings, letters, and the book, the appearance of which became possible thanks to the love and strength of his wife.

The war was able to cut short his life.

But it could not silence his voice.

May the memory of Maksym Shvartsman be blessed.

As reported on July 13, 2026, in a JRCJ publication, the Ukrainian group was accompanied during the trip by Israeli soldiers Shlomo and Meir — participants in the community’s youth project. This was not a one-time appearance by IDF representatives, but ongoing communication between young people from Ukrainian Jewish communities and their Israeli peers serving in the military.

After a busy program, the group’s last stop was Kfar Chabad. Rabbi Aba Dovid conducted a tour for the participants, talked about the history of the settlement, and showed how the life of Chabad Hasidim is organized in modern Israel. JRCJ emphasizes that the community regularly hosts such groups, introduces guests to Jerusalem, and shares Jewish knowledge with them.

For NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency, this story is important not only as a report on another educational trip. It shows how Israel’s connection with Jewish communities in Ukraine is created through personal communication, joint Shabbat, acquaintance with the country’s life, and meetings with people whose biographies are directly connected with Ukraine.

Not just a tour of Israel

“Taglit”, also known as Birthright Israel, is an educational journey that connects Jewish history with the life of the modern State of Israel. On the official website of the program, the participation of Israeli peers is specifically emphasized — a format called mifgash, meaning meeting.

Thanks to this format, participants from other countries travel not only with guides and group leaders. They are joined by young Israelis who talk about their daily lives, studies, family, work, and military service.

The official FAQ section of Birthright Israel describes the standard trip as a ten-day program that includes flights, accommodation, group transportation, most meals, and organized tours.

However, the current JRCJ publication does not specify the exact start and end dates of the trip, the number of participants, the full itinerary, and the cities in Ukraine they represented. Therefore, these details cannot be added without separate confirmation.

The community’s message reliably states the following:

• Shlomo and Meir are participants in the JRCJ youth project;
• both were chosen to accompany the group as young Israeli soldiers;
• they were with the Ukrainian participants throughout the trip;
• the group spent Shabbat in Jerusalem;
• the last stop of the program was Kfar Chabad;
• the tour in Kfar Chabad was conducted by Rabbi Aba Dovid.

The surnames of Shlomo and Meir, the IDF units they serve in, and other personal information are not disclosed in the open publication.

Why the participation of IDF soldiers is of special significance

The presence of Israeli soldiers in the group should not be perceived as a military component of the trip. It is part of the “Taglit” idea: to show Israel through the people who live in the country now, face its challenges, and bear responsibility for its security.

Birthright Israel explains that the mifgash is designed for a multi-day joint journey and dialogue between young Jews from different countries and their Israeli peers. The goal is not to hold one official meeting but to create personal connections that allow participants to better understand each other’s lives.

For young people from Ukraine, such communication takes on additional significance. They come from a country that continues to live under the conditions of a full-scale war and meet with young Israelis for whom military service, reserve duty, alarms, and security issues have also become part of everyday life.

Who hosted the group in Jerusalem

JRCJ — the Jewish community of Jerusalem, also known as the “Nachalatenu” community.

The community was formed in the summer of 2019. Its center became the “Nachalat Yaakov” synagogue in the Nachalat Shiv’a neighborhood. The synagogue building was constructed in the 1860s and became one of the first Ashkenazi prayer houses to appear outside the walls of the Old City of Jerusalem. The history of the community’s creation was told by the “Jewish Magazine”.

Rabbi Aba Dovid names the community’s address: Ma’alot Nachalat Shiv’a, 5, in the very center of Jerusalem. According to him, the community’s activities are built not only around prayers. A significant place is occupied by classes, lectures, holidays, excursions, youth events, and communication among people with similar life experiences. He talked more about this in an interview with the “770” charitable foundation.

The founder and spiritual leader of the community is Rabbi Ishaya, or Shaya, Gisser. Aba Dovid works as a rabbi and program director: he is responsible for events, holidays, excursions, and the development of educational programs.

Therefore, hosting the group from Ukraine cannot be considered a random or exclusively protocol meeting. Working with youth and educational groups is one of the community’s ongoing activities.

Ishaya Gisser: Odessa, Kyiv, and Jerusalem

JRCJ’s connection with Ukraine is primarily through the biography of Rabbi Ishaya Gisser.

According to a biographical reference in the “Jewish Magazine”, Ishaya Gisser was born in 1961, graduated from Odessa school No. 117, and in 1983 repatriated to Israel.

From 1990 to December 1998, he served as the rabbi of Odessa from the Chabad movement. During his work, a circle of students formed around him, many of whom later became leaders of Jewish communities.

Gisser’s thesis was dedicated to Ukrainian-Jewish relations during the wars of Bohdan Khmelnytsky. After working in Odessa, he collaborated with the Steinsaltz Institute and was a spiritual mentor of the Jewish community in Kyiv.

Therefore, the Ukrainian direction for the spiritual leader of “Nachalatenu” is not an external international topic. A significant part of his life and community activities is connected with Odessa, Kyiv, and the development of Jewish education in Ukraine.

Aba Dovid: from Mykolaiv to Jerusalem

The biography of Rabbi Aba Dovid is also directly connected with Ukraine.

In his detailed interview, it is stated that he was born in Mykolaiv in a secular Jewish family. His mother first brought him to the synagogue on Rosh Hashanah when he was five years old. Later in his life appeared matzah on Passover, Hanukkah events, and education in a Jewish school.

It was in the Jewish school, according to Aba Dovid, that he discovered the world of tradition, about which he previously knew almost nothing. At 13 years old, after the family’s move to Israel, he entered a yeshiva.

Later, Aba Dovid spent about seven years with his wife on shlichut — a religious-educational mission — in Moscow. After moving to Israel, he continued to work in the field of informal Jewish education and in the international youth project EnerJew.

During the pandemic, a significant part of educational work moved online. Then Aba Dovid concluded that young people especially need live meetings. He joined the community led by Shaya Gisser and began to develop a separate youth direction.

Gradually, this activity spread to programs for children, adults, and the elderly. Now Aba Dovid is responsible for the community’s educational content, excursions, and youth events.

Thus, the tour for the guests was conducted by a person who was himself born in Ukraine, studied in a Jewish school in Mykolaiv, repatriated to Israel as a teenager, and dedicated his further life to Jewish education.

Why the trip ended in Kfar Chabad

Kfar Chabad was founded in 1949 at the initiative of the sixth Lubavitcher Rebbe — Rabbi Yosef Yitzchak Schneersohn.

As reported by Chabad.org in the historical reference about Kfar Chabad, the first residents of the settlement were mainly recent immigrants from the Soviet Union who survived World War II and Stalinist persecutions.

Kfar Chabad is located in the central part of Israel. It houses synagogues, yeshivas, schools, and other educational institutions of the Chabad-Lubavitch movement. The settlement is considered one of the main centers of the movement in Israel.

Therefore, participants were shown not a museum reconstruction or a closed historical object. They saw a real Israeli settlement where the Hasidic tradition continues to exist within the modern life of the country.

In the current story, the connection with Chabad is traced on several levels.

Ishaya Gisser was almost ten years the rabbi of Odessa from the Chabad movement.

Aba Dovid works in the Hasidic educational environment and personally conducted the tour of Kfar Chabad.

The last stop allowed participants to see the result of the resettlement to Israel of Jews who preserved tradition under Soviet conditions.

However, it would be wrong to present the entire journey exclusively as a Chabad event. The basis of the trip remained the “Taglit” program — introducing young people from Jewish communities in Ukraine to Israel, its history, society, and Israeli peers.

JRCJ does not claim to have formed the Ukrainian group or organized the entire international route. Its role was to host participants in Jerusalem, work with them during Shabbat, involve Shlomo and Meir, and conduct the final tour.

What is known about the cooperation between STARS Ukraine and “Taglit”

In the JRCJ publication about the current group, STARS Ukraine, Sachlav, or a specific Ukrainian organization that formed the participants is not directly named. Therefore, attributing this trip to these structures without additional communication from the organizers is not possible.

However, cooperation between STARS Ukraine and Birthright Israel does exist.

April 2 of the year, the Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS reported on a separate nine-day trip to Israel for 30 young Jews — students and professionals from Ukraine. The program was organized by STARS Ukraine in collaboration with Birthright Israel, and the tour operator was the company Sachlav. The full message is published on the website of the Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS.

During that trip, participants visited historical and holy places, listened to lectures, and participated in educational activities. The head of STARS Ukraine and the rabbi of the Kyiv community KEDEM Pinchas Vyshedsky noted that the journey helped participants strengthen their connection with Judaism, Jewish life, the people, and the Land of Israel.

The project was also participated in by the international structure STARS led by Rabbi Avi Kassel, JRNU headed by Rabbi Shlomo Peles, and YAHAD led by Rabbi Mendy Vilansky.

The STARS program itself is primarily intended for students and young professionals aged 18 to 28. It includes meetings twice a month lasting about an hour and a half, lectures on history, current events, and Judaism, as well as informal events and annual seminars in Ukraine and Israel.

According to the Federation of Jewish Communities of the CIS, the program operates in more than 60 cities. It is supported by the president of the Federation Lev Leviev and Brazilian philanthropist Elio Horn, and the administration involves the “Or Avner” foundation and Chabad-Lubavitch structures.

These facts show that trips of young Jews from Ukraine to Israel are part of ongoing educational work. But the current group should be described only based on the JRCJ message, not mixing it with a separate trip of 30 participants that took place in the spring of 2025.

The connection that arises between people

In this story, there are no official negotiations, intergovernmental agreements, or loud diplomatic statements.

There are young Jews from Ukraine who came to get acquainted with Israel.

There are Shlomo and Meir — Israeli soldiers who traveled the route with them and communicated with the guests as peers.

There is the Jerusalem community led by a former rabbi of Odessa and a spiritual mentor of the Kyiv community.

There is a rabbi born in Mykolaiv who repatriated to Israel as a teenager.

And there is Kfar Chabad, created in 1949 by Jews who came from the Soviet Union and started a new life in the young State of Israel.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views this trip as an example of a genuine Israeli-Ukrainian connection, which is built not only through state institutions. It arises during joint travels, conversations, Shabbats, excursions, and meetings of young people capable of seeing in each other a part of a common Jewish history.

The organizers have not yet disclosed the surnames of Shlomo and Meir, the units they serve in, the number of participants in the current group, the full list of Ukrainian communities, and the exact calendar dates of the trip.

However, the confirmed information is enough to see the main thing: young people from Jewish communities in Ukraine came to Israel under the “Taglit” program, met with JRCJ in Jerusalem, traveled with Israeli soldiers, and completed the program by getting acquainted with the life of Kfar Chabad.

The trip is over, but the human connection for which such programs are conducted continues to develop.

A Jew from Drohobych who became an artist of national revival

Ephraim Moses Lilien was born on May 23, 1874, in Drohobych — a city in Galicia, which was then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Today it is the Lviv region of Ukraine. At birth, his name is also indicated as Maurycy Lilien. He died on July 18, 1925, in Badenweiler, Germany, but between these two dates, he managed to travel a path that connected Ukrainian Galicia, European modernism, Jewish culture, Zionism, and the future Israel.

For the section “Jews from Ukraine” Lilien is an almost ideal hero. His biography shows that Jewish history on Ukrainian lands is not only about shtetls, synagogues, pogroms, wars, and tragedies of the 20th century. It is also a powerful contribution to world art, European graphics, the culture of the Jewish national movement, and the visual language without which early Zionism would look different.

He was not born in Jerusalem, Berlin, or Vienna. His first point on the map was Drohobych.

It was from this city that the man later called “the first Zionist artist” emerged. This definition does not mean that there were no artists among Jews before him. It means something else: Lilien was one of the first to turn the idea of Jewish national revival into recognizable images — prophets, exiles, heroes, farmers, people who look not only back to the past but also forward to the future.

Drohobych was not an accidental backdrop. Galicia at the end of the 19th century was a complex space where Ukrainian, Jewish, Polish, German-speaking, and Austrian cultural environments coexisted. Here, a talented person could hear different languages, see different religious traditions, and early understand that identity is not a flat scheme but a whole world.

Later, Drohobych will be associated with Bruno Schulz, the Gottlieb brothers, and other names important for European and Jewish memory. Lilien occupies a special place in this row: he became not only an artist of his city or his time but also one of those who helped the Jewish people see themselves in a new historical image.

From a sign maker to European modernism and Zionism

Ukrainian period: Drohobych, Lviv, Krakow, and Lilien’s first steps

Ephraim Moses Lilien was born on May 23, 1874, in Drohobych — then it was Galicia as part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, today the Lviv region of Ukraine. In the Ukrainian context, this is fundamental: his first cultural environment was precisely Galician, Drohobych, multinational.

He grew up in a poor Jewish family.

According to Ukrainian sources, Lilien’s father was a craftsman, a carver, or a turner. The family did not have money for a full gymnasium, so the future artist received primary education in a Jewish real school. It was already clear then that he had artistic abilities.

His first practical skills were not acquired in an academy but in a craft.

Young Lilien worked as an apprentice to a master who dealt with signs and shields. This is an important detail: his path to art began not with salons but with applied urban graphics — letters, lines, decorative forms, signs, the visual language of the street. Later, the sense of line and poster expressiveness would become one of the strong sides of his style.

In 1889, at about 15 years old, Lilien went to study at the Krakow School / Academy of Arts. There he studied painting and graphic techniques until 1893, including under Jan Matejko, one of the greatest artists of the Polish historical school. This stage is still connected with the Galician cultural space: Krakow was then an important artistic center for youth from Galicia.

Due to a lack of money, studies were not calm and continuous. Encyclopedic materials note that financial difficulties forced Lilien to return home and earn as a sign artist.

According to the “Encyclopedia of Modern Ukraine,” in 1892–1894, he worked in Drohobych, and later he repeatedly visited and worked in Lviv — in 1894, 1899–1905, 1911, 1914, and 1923.

Thus, Lilien’s Ukrainian period is not only a fact of birth in Drohobych.

It is childhood in Jewish Galicia, early craft school, first earnings, studies in the Krakow artistic environment, and constant returns to the Lviv-Drohobych region. Only later will there be Munich, Berlin, Basel, Herzl, “Bezalel,” and Jerusalem. But the basis of his view — the urban line, Jewish memory, Galician multilingualism, and the sense of cultural borderland — was formed precisely here.

This biography is similar to the path of many talented people from Galicia: first a provincial town, then a craft, then an art school, then major European centers. But Lilien did not dissolve in the European environment. On the contrary, it was there that he turned the Jewish theme into a modern artistic language.

He worked in the aesthetics of Art Nouveau, or Jugendstil — European modernism at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. It was a style of decorative line, symbols, elongated figures, ornaments, strong black-and-white contrast, and almost musical rhythm of composition. But for Lilien, modernism was not just a beautiful form. Through it, he spoke of Jewish memory, exile, biblical past, national dignity, and hope for return.

His graphics were distinguished by a special tension. There was little accidental in them. The line could be soft and decorative, but the meaning often remained heavy: slavery, longing, expectation, spiritual resilience, the movement of people through history.

Lilien became known primarily as a book graphic artist, illustrator, and master of print graphics. His works existed not only in exhibition space. They appeared in books, magazines, albums, postcards, public projects — that is, they became part of mass visual memory. That is why his influence turned out to be broader than that of an artist working only for galleries.

How Lilien came to Zionism: Berlin, 1900, and the people around him

Lilien came to Zionism not through a party career but through the artistic and Jewish intellectual environment.

After studying in Krakow, Vienna, and Munich, he moved to Berlin in 1894. By the late 1890s, Lilien was already known in Berlin’s artistic and bohemian circles as a master of ex-libris, book, and magazine illustrator. At the same time, interest in the idea of “Jewish renaissance” — cultural renewal, which went alongside political Zionism, was growing in the German-speaking Jewish environment.

A key turning point was 1900 when the book “Juda” was published. The texts for it were written by the German poet Börries von Münchhausen, and the illustrations were created by Lilien. This book made him a notable figure among cultural Zionists: in it, Jewish antiquity was shown not as a museum past but as a source of strength, dignity, and national future.

It was after “Juda” that Lilien began to be actively perceived as an artist who could give the Jewish national movement its own visual language. His works were highly appreciated by representatives of cultural Zionism, including the circle of Martin Buber. Buber and cultural Zionists close to him saw in Lilien an artist capable of combining European modernism with the Jewish national idea.

An important figure next to Lilien was also Berthold Feiwel — a publicist, editor, one of the active figures of the Zionist movement. He was connected with circles where not only Herzl’s politics were discussed but also the need for new Jewish culture, literature, and art. Through such an environment, Lilien found himself not on the periphery but at the very center of cultural Zionism.

The next important date is 1901. Lilien participated in the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel and joined the democratic-Zionist faction. It was there that he created the famous image of Theodor Herzl on the balcony of the Les Trois Rois hotel. This portrait became one of the visual icons of political Zionism.

Thus, Lilien’s connection with Zionism became obvious. He was not a politician like Herzl and was not an organizer of the movement in the usual sense. His role was different: he made Zionism visible. Herzl gave the movement a program and a political dream, and Lilien gave this dream a face, a line, a symbol, and emotional strength.

In 1903, another important publication was released — “Lieder des Ghetto” / “Songs of the Ghetto” by Morris Rosenfeld with illustrations by Lilien. These images of poverty, exile, pain, and hope were also used in Zionist visual culture. Through them, Lilien showed the old Jewish world but at the same time hinted at the need to escape humiliation and return to dignity.

A logical continuation was the work with Boris Schatz. In 1904, Lilien, together with him, engaged in the idea of creating a Jewish art school in Jerusalem. In 1905, a society related to the future “Bezalel” project was created in Berlin, and in 1906, Lilien, together with Schatz, came to Jerusalem, helped open the school, taught the first class, and participated in forming its visual direction.

Therefore, Lilien’s path to Zionism can be shown as follows:

1894 — Berlin: entry into Jewish artistic and intellectual circles.

1900 — “Juda”: the first major work after which he began to be perceived as an artist of Jewish national revival.

1901 — Basel: Fifth Zionist Congress, democratic-Zionist faction, famous image of Herzl.

1903 — “Songs of the Ghetto”: visual language of Jewish pain, exile, and hope.

1904–1906 — Boris Schatz and “Bezalel”: transition from European Zionist graphics to an attempt to create Jewish art in Jerusalem.

Thus, it becomes clear that Lilien did not “accidentally find himself next to Zionism.” He entered it through Berlin, through the circles of cultural Zionism, through Martin Buber, Berthold Feiwel, Boris Schatz, through the book “Juda,” the Basel Congress, and the image of Herzl. His contribution was not political but visual: he helped Zionism see itself.

Why Lilien is called the first Zionist artist

At the end of the 19th — beginning of the 20th century, Zionism was not only a political movement. It needed a language. Not only the language of speeches, programs, and congresses but also the language of images. What does Jewish return look like? How to present Zion to a person who has never seen Eretz-Israel? How to show not only the suffering of exile but also the dignity of a people who want to become the subject of their own history again?

Lilien gave this movement a strong visual form.

The National Library of Israel directly calls him “the first Zionist artist.” Materials about him emphasize that his turn to Zionist art is associated with the Fifth Zionist Congress.

It is important to understand: he did not “create Zionism.” Zionism as a political movement had its leaders, ideologists, organizers, congresses, and institutions. But Lilien helped make Zionism visible. He gave it faces, lines, symbols, poses, biblical depth, and modern artistic energy.

In his works, the Jew was no longer just an image of an exile or a victim. He could be a prophet, a warrior, a farmer, a thinker, a builder of the future. This was fundamentally important for an era when the Jewish national movement was trying to create a new image of itself.

In this sense, Lilien worked not just as an illustrator. He worked as an artist of national imagination.

Herzl in Basel: a portrait that became almost an icon

The most famous visual episode in Lilien’s biography is associated with Theodor Herzl.

In 1901, during the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel, Lilien made the famous image of Herzl on the balcony of the Les Trois Rois hotel. Herzl stands by the railing and looks into the distance, at the Rhine. This photograph became one of the most recognizable images of political Zionism. The Jewish Museum of Switzerland describes it as a postcard with a reproduction of Ephraim Moses Lilien’s photograph “Theodor Herzl in Basel, 1901“.

The strength of this portrait is not only that it depicts Herzl. The strength is in the composition. He looks not like an ordinary congress participant but like a person looking into the future. In this image, there is loneliness, a prophetic pose, anxiety, and confidence at the same time.

And here it is important to remember: one of the main visual symbols of the Zionist movement is associated with an artist from Drohobych.

Lilien did not just press the camera button. He knew how to see the symbol. He understood how to create an image of an era from a real person. That is why Herzl on the balcony became more than a portrait. It became a visual formula for the dream of a Jewish future.

There is another important detail. Lilien often used Herzl’s features as a model for the image of the “new Jew.” In Herzl, he saw not only a politician but also a type of face that could be turned into an artistic sign of national revival.

Main works of Lilien: from “Juda” to “Songs of the Ghetto”

Lilien is known not for one work. His legacy includes book graphics, biblical illustrations, Zionist symbols, photographs, portraits, and projects related to Jewish culture at the beginning of the 20th century.

“Juda”: ancient history as an image of the future

One of Lilien’s key works was the 1900 edition of Juda — a book of ballads on Old Testament themes by the German poet Börries von Münchhausen with illustrations by Lilien. Encyclopedic sources note that it was this project that helped turn him into one of the main artists of the Zionist theme; the Israel Museum writes that the illustrations for this book almost immediately made Lilien an outstanding Zionist artist.

Why is this important?

Because in Juda, the ancient history of Israel was presented not as a dead past. It looked like a source of strength. Biblical characters in Lilien’s work were not museum figures. They were strong, monumental, almost modern. In them, a reader at the beginning of the 20th century could see not only a religious plot but also a national idea.

This was an important step: Jewish antiquity became the language of the future.

“Lieder des Ghetto”: the pain of exile and the dignity of the people

Another important project is Lieder des Ghetto, or “Songs of the Ghetto,” illustrations for the German translation of poems by Morris Rosenfeld. This cycle became one of the most famous in Lilien’s legacy. It features themes of poverty, labor, exile, suffering, social pain, and hope.

For the Ukrainian context, there is an additional bridge here. Morris Rosenfeld was a Jewish poet writing in Yiddish, and Ivan Franko translated his texts into Ukrainian. Therefore, around “Songs of the Ghetto,” an amazing cultural connection arises: Jewish poetry, a world-class Ukrainian translator, and an artist from Drohobych who creates strong visual images for these motifs.

This does not mean that Franko and Lilien worked together on one project. But it shows how close intellectual and artistic intersections could be in the Eastern European Jewish-Ukrainian space.

Biblical illustrations: the past as the energy of return

Lilien worked a lot with biblical plots. He was interested in prophets, patriarchs, exodus, land, exile, struggle, spiritual mission. In such works, he did not just illustrate the text. He created an image of Jewish history as a continuous line leading from antiquity to modern national awakening.

Researchers note that in Lilien’s biblical graphics, the past is often presented as majestic and alive, resonating with the ideas of spiritual and artistic revival.

In his work, a biblical hero could look like a person already belonging to the modern world. This was Lilien’s special strength: he did not leave Jewish history in the past. He translated it into the language of his time.

Images worth remembering

Among the well-known works and motifs of Lilien, “The Queen of Sabbath,” “The Silent Song,” “Zion,” images of the victims of the Kishinev pogrom, biblical scenes with Abraham, Joshua, Balaam, and other characters are often mentioned. In these works, it is visible how the artist combined the decorativeness of modernism with heavy historical memory.

His art was beautiful but not easy.

Lilien and “Bezalel”: from Drohobych to Jerusalem

Another important chapter is Lilien’s connection with Jerusalem and the “Bezalel” art school.

In 1906, he, together with Boris Schatz, was involved in the creation of the “Bezalel” Academy of Arts and Design in Jerusalem. The National Library of Israel notes Lilien’s participation in the trip to Eretz-Israel with Schatz and associates him with the school’s emblem.

Yes, his stay in Jerusalem was not long. But even short participation had symbolic significance. Lilien found himself next to one of the first institutional projects of Jewish art education in Eretz-Israel.

This was a path that beautifully fits into one line: Drohobych gave him a start, Krakow and Munich — a school, Berlin — an artistic scene, Basel — a Zionist symbol, Jerusalem — a connection with future Israeli art.

For the Israeli audience, this line is especially important. Lilien was not just a “Jewish artist from Europe.” He was one of those who helped form the visual ground on which the art of Eretz-Israel and Israel later developed.

Ukrainian trace: why Lilien is important not only to Israel

In the Ukrainian perspective, Lilien is important as part of the multinational heritage of Galicia.

He was born on the territory of modern Ukraine. His early environment — Drohobych, Galicia, the Jewish community, the Austro-Hungarian cultural world. His path shows that Ukrainian land gave the world people who influenced not only local history but also world culture.

Such biographies are especially important today when Ukraine is rethinking its own complex memory. Russian propaganda has been trying for decades to simplify Ukrainian history, presenting it as flat, secondary, or artificial. But stories like Lilien’s biography show the opposite: Ukraine was and remains a space of many cultural lines.

Here lived and created Ukrainians, Jews, Poles, Armenians, Greeks, Germans, Crimean Tatars, and other peoples. Their heritage does not cancel Ukrainian identity. On the contrary, it shows its depth.

Lilien is not a “foreign” figure for Ukrainian memory. He is a Jewish artist from Drohobych, a son of Galicia, a person whose biography connects a Ukrainian city with Berlin, Basel, and Jerusalem.

For NANovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency, such stories are especially important because they help see Ukrainian-Israeli connections not only through diplomacy, war, and politics but also through a deeper layer — memory, culture, art, family roots, and the shared history of the Jewish people in Ukraine.

Lilien, Franko, Lesya Ukrainka: invisible cultural threads

In recent years, Lilien’s name in Ukraine is increasingly spoken of not only as a Zionist artist but also as a figure that can be placed alongside Ukrainian intellectual pursuits at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries.

Here an interesting connection arises: Lilien, Ivan Franko, Lesya Ukrainka.

At first glance, these are different worlds. Franko — a Ukrainian writer, thinker, translator, and public figure. Lesya Ukrainka — one of the key figures of Ukrainian literature, author of dramatic and poetic texts about freedom, strength of spirit, captivity, dignity, and resistance. Lilien — a Jewish graphic artist associated with modernism and Zionism.

But if you look deeper, there are indeed “invisible threads” between them.

All three lived in an era when the peoples of Eastern Europe were searching for the language of their own dignity. All three worked differently with themes of freedom, national awakening, historical memory, spiritual strength, and resistance to humiliation. For Franko, it was word and thought. For Lesya Ukrainka — dramatic energy and inner freedom. For Lilien — line, image, symbol, the face of a new person.

It is especially interesting that Lilien and Franko meet through the theme of Morris Rosenfeld. Lilien illustrated “Songs of the Ghetto,” and Franko translated Rosenfeld into Ukrainian. This is one of those cultural bridges that are rarely visible in school textbooks but are important for understanding the true depth of the Ukrainian-Jewish space.

What image of a Jew did Lilien create

Before the era of Zionism, European art often depicted Jews through an outsider’s view. These could be stereotypes, religious caricatures, images of poverty, alienation, or exoticism. Lilien offered a different image.

In his work, the Jew is not an object of someone else’s observation but a subject of his own history.

He can suffer but does not disappear. He can be an exile but does not lose dignity. He can remember destruction but look forward. He is connected with the Bible but does not get stuck in the past. He is modern, strong, beautiful, tragic, and aimed at return.

This is the essence of his Zionist graphics.

Lilien did an important thing: he visually restored the dignity of the Jewish body, the Jewish face, the Jewish memory. His heroes often look monumental. They possess a strength that was so lacking in European stereotypes of the ‘weak’ or ‘landless’ Jew.

Therefore, his works were important not only as art. They participated in the creation of a new self-perception.

Why Lilien is important for Israel today

For Israel, Ephraim Moshe Lilien is part of the early cultural history of Zionism. He lived before the creation of the State of Israel but worked with images that helped make this future imaginable, visible, and emotionally convincing.

Herzl gave Zionism a political language. Congress organizers gave it structure. Settlers and builders gave it practical form on the ground. And artists like Lilien gave it a face.

Without images, a national movement remains a program. With images, it becomes part of memory.

That is why Lilien is important not only to art historians. He is important to everyone who wants to understand how the Jewish idea of return became not only a text but also a picture, a symbol, a postcard, an emblem, an illustration, a portrait.

He is also important because his biography reminds us: part of Israel’s cultural roots pass through the cities of modern Ukraine — through Drohobych, Lviv, Odessa, Chernivtsi, Kyiv, Zhytomyr, Uman, Berdychiv, and many other places.

Why Lilien is important for Ukraine today

For Ukraine, Lilien is part of a reclaimed memory.

For a long time, many Jewish names associated with Ukrainian cities were perceived separately: as the history of ‘Jews of Eastern Europe,’ but not as part of the Ukrainian cultural landscape. Today, such an approach no longer works. If a person was born in Drohobych, studied, formed in the Galician environment, absorbed its multilingualism, and then influenced world art, it is impossible to erase him from the Ukrainian cultural map.

Lilien helps Ukraine speak about itself more honestly and deeply.

Not as a monotonous territory where there was only one line of history, but as a complex European space where different peoples created a common cultural fabric. This is especially important during the war when Ukraine defends not only its territory but also its right to its own memory.

Russia tries to destroy Ukrainian cities, erase archives, kill people, destroy cultural symbols, and impose an imperial version of the past. In response, Ukraine reclaims names, places, languages, and destinies that prove: its history is much richer than any imperial schemes.

Ephraim Moshe Lilien is one of those names.

Finale: an artist from Ukraine who helped the Jewish people see themselves

Ephraim Moshe Lilien lived only 51 years. But his path turned out to be surprisingly rich. He was born in Drohobych, went through European art schools, became a master of modernism, joined the circle of Jewish intellectuals and Zionists, created iconic illustrations, photographed Herzl in Basel, and was connected with the artistic beginnings of Jerusalem.

He was called the first Zionist artist not because he was the only one. But because he was one of the first to give the Jewish national revival a coherent artistic image.

Lilien helped the Jewish people see themselves not only through the pain of exile but also through dignity, beauty, strength, memory, and hope.

And in this, there is a special Ukrainian note. One of the artists who created the face of early Zionism was born in Ukrainian Drohobych. His line went from Galicia to Basel and Jerusalem. Therefore, his name rightfully belongs to several stories at once — Jewish, Ukrainian, European, and Israeli.

For the section ‘Jews from Ukraine‘, Ephraim Moshe Lilien is not just the biography of an outstanding artist. It is proof that Ukrainian land gave the Jewish world people who changed not only the culture of their time but also how an entire people envisioned their own future.

Man-bridge: Drohobych — Berlin — Basel — Jerusalem — Braunschweig

The biography of Ephraim Moshe Lilien is most accurately described not by a straight line ‘Drohobych — Jerusalem,’ but by a route through several cultural centers: Drohobych, Berlin, Basel, Jerusalem, and Braunschweig.

Lilien was born on May 23, 1874, in Drohobych — then it was Galicia within Austria-Hungary, today the Lviv region of Ukraine. It was there that the path of the artist began, who would later become one of the main visual authors of early Zionism.

After his first steps in the craft and studies in Krakow, his road went through Vienna, Munich, and Berlin. In 1894, Lilien moved to Berlin, where he became known as a book graphic artist, illustrator, photographer, and master of modernism.

A key date is 1901. During the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel, Lilien created the famous image of Theodor Herzl on the balcony of the hotel Les Trois Rois. This portrait became one of the visual icons of political Zionism.

In 1906, Lilien found himself in Jerusalem and was associated with the early history of the Bezalel School of Arts, created by Boris Schatz. He did not just ‘visit’ Eretz Israel: Lilien participated in launching a new Jewish art school, taught the first class, helped set its visual direction, and, according to the National Library of Israel, created the design of the Bezalel emblem.

His task was not only pedagogical. Lilien helped connect biblical plots, the Zionist idea of return, and the language of European modernism. Through him, early Bezalel received not just a curriculum but an artistic idea: Jewish art should speak of the past but look to the future.

In Eretz Israel, he also worked as a photographer. In 1906, Lilien photographed Jerusalem, the country’s inhabitants, types, and scenes around the new school: among the known subjects are a Yemenite Jew, Samaritan high priest Amram ben Yitzhak, an Arab figure in an abaya, as well as the Bezalel drawing class. This is important: Lilien looked at the country not only as a Zionist artist but also as a visual witness of the era.

However, Jerusalem did not become his permanent home. Already in 1907, Lilien returned to Berlin but continued to visit Palestine. Sources usually indicate that between 1906 and 1918 he was there four times. One of the subsequent trips was related to World War I: Lilien served in the Austrian military press corps as a war photographer.

In the same 1906, he married Helene Magnus from a Jewish family in Braunschweig. Therefore, after his death on July 18, 1925, in Badenweiler, Lilien was buried not in Jerusalem but in the Jewish cemetery in Braunschweig.

Thus, his map looks briefly: Drohobych, 1874 — Berlin, 1894 — Basel, 1901 — Jerusalem, 1906 — Palestine, trips until 1918 — Braunschweig, 1925.

Drohobych gave him roots, Europe — an artistic language, Basel — a place next to Herzl, Jerusalem — a connection with Bezalel, and Braunschweig became the last point of his earthly journey.

Ephraim Moshe Lilien is buried in the New Jewish Cemetery in Braunschweig, Germany, next to his wife Helene. His tombstone is made based on his own illustration ‘Cemetery’ / ‘Friedhof’ for Morris Rosenfeld’s book ‘Lieder des Ghetto.’ In this illustration, Lilien depicted a tombstone with his name in advance — and after his death, this artistic image was brought to reality.

Read more – in the section ‘Jews from Ukraine‘.

The declaration did not immediately announce secession from the USSR but established the priority of Ukrainian laws, the right to its own armed forces, bank, currency, and a neutral, non-nuclear status. This was the first step toward Ukraine’s independence, which sparked broad public and international response.

This study is dedicated to the reaction to the declaration by the Jewish community of Ukraine, Jewish diasporas abroad (USA, Canada, and others), and the State of Israel.

We explore whether there were official or informal responses from Jewish organizations, consider the participation of Jewish deputies in drafting the document, evaluate the hopes and concerns of Ukraine’s Jewish population, and examine whether Jewish issues were addressed in the discussions and the text of the declaration.

Reaction of the Jewish Community in Ukraine

Inside Ukraine, the adoption of the sovereignty declaration was met with interest and support from emerging Jewish organizations and activists. The late 1980s and early 1990s were marked by a national and cultural revival of Jewish life in Ukraine amid the weakening of Soviet censorship. By the end of 1990, 13 Jewish newspapers and magazines were being published in eight cities, along with cultural societies and Yiddish and Hebrew language circles.

Jewish community leaders saw democratization and Ukraine’s sovereignty as an opportunity to strengthen Jewish culture and civil rights. For example, the Jewish Cultural Society in Kyiv and similar organizations in other cities were actively involved in civic life and partnered with Ukrainian democratic movements.

A pivotal development was the creation of the Rukh Council of Nationalities within the People’s Movement of Ukraine (a mass democratic movement for reforms and sovereignty). One of the founders and leaders of this initiative was Kyiv Jewish activist Alexander Burakovsky, who became the council’s chairman (or co-chair).

The council leadership also included dissident and human rights defender Iosif Zisels, who later recalled:

“I was very active in Rukh — I created the Council of Nationalities within it.”

The council served as a bridge between the Ukrainian national-democratic movement and national minorities, including Jews. From the beginning, Rukh declared its commitment to multiethnic unity and opposition to antisemitism. At Rukh’s founding congress (September 1989), a resolution was adopted urging citizens to oppose all forms of ethnic hatred and antisemitism:

“We must stand in defense of the honor of the Jewish people, their culture, education, and religion.”

During the summer of 1990, as the Ukrainian Supreme Soviet debated the sovereignty declaration, Jewish representatives were not absent from the process. While no specific “Jewish amendments” were introduced, principles of equality and minority protection, championed in part by Jewish activists, were reflected in the document.

Following the declaration’s adoption, many Jewish community leaders in Ukraine publicly welcomed the move. For instance, the editor of the Lviv Jewish newspaper Shofar, Alexander Lizen, said that for him, as a Jew, participating in Ukraine’s national revival was

“a golden opportunity… to help Rukh awaken the nation — not just for Jews, but also for Russians, Ukrainians, Poles, Hungarians, for everyone.”

He and several other activists — such as Borys Dobrivker in Odesa — consciously chose to stay in Ukraine rather than emigrate, because they believed in Ukraine’s democratic future and improvements in the status of Jews.

Jewish organizations began cooperating with Ukrainian ones

The Kyiv Jewish Cultural Society, for example, supported the initiatives of Rukh: in 1990, it called on Jews to join Rukh or at least take part in its activities. That same year, the organization contributed financially to the construction of a memorial in Kyiv to the victims of the 1932–33 Holodomor, thus showing solidarity with Ukrainian suffering.

In Lviv, the first joint Ukrainian-Israeli society “Ukraine–Israel” was established, initiating the installation of a monument to 136,000 Jews — victims of the Lviv ghetto.

These examples demonstrate that the reaction of the Jewish community of Ukraine to the declaration of sovereignty was mostly positive and proactive. Ukrainian Jews saw in the new political course a chance to revive their community and improve relations with the titular nation based on mutual respect.

As Alexander Burakovsky noted at the time, “Ukraine is now the only republic where Jews can live in peace,” emphasizing the positive changes.

Overall, the Jewish community of Ukraine greeted the declaration of sovereignty with enthusiasm and relief.

This was supported by public gestures from Ukrainian leaders. Just a year after the declaration, in the fall of 1991, the speaker of the parliament, Leonid Kravchuk, at a rally commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Babi Yar tragedy, apologized on behalf of Ukraine to the Jewish people for instances of Ukrainian collaboration with the Nazis.

Such steps, unimaginable during Soviet times, were crucial in building trust. Prominent former dissidents — Vyacheslav Chornovil, Yevhen Sverstyuk, Ivan Dziuba, among others — openly wrote and spoke about the need for normalization of Ukrainian-Jewish relations, urging all political forces to adopt the view: “Ukraine must have normal relations with Israel and the entire Jewish world.”

These statements were widely published in the Ukrainian press and perceived by the Jewish community as a guarantee of their safety in the new Ukraine.

Reaction of the Jewish Diaspora and the State of Israel

In the Jewish diaspora outside the USSR, events in Ukraine were closely followed, although a unified position was not immediately developed.

In 1990, the main focus of foreign Jewish organizations was still on the general situation in the USSR—emigration of Soviet Jews, the fight against antisemitism, and reestablishing ties with Jewish communities across the Soviet republics.

Nevertheless, Ukraine’s declaration of sovereignty was noticed and appreciated. The Ukrainian republican government declared its commitment to minority rights, which received positive feedback on the international stage.

Thus, the U.S. Congressional Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) reported in early 1992:

“Ukraine’s treatment of minorities is encouraging; unlike many former Soviet republics, Ukraine has largely avoided ethnic conflict. Interethnic peace has been maintained.”

The same report noted significant progress in Ukraine’s compliance with OSCE human rights obligations.

Notably, among the independent human rights observers in Ukraine in the early ’90s were members of the Jewish diaspora. The Union of Councils for Soviet Jews (UCSJ) established the Ukrainian-American Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law, which monitored the situation in the newly independent Ukraine. These organizations reported in their bulletins that Ukraine’s official policy toward Jews had significantly improved—state antisemitism had disappeared, Jewish life was being revived, and the government pledged to support minority cultural rights.

Western media published reports on the status of Jews in Ukraine during its path to independence

For example, the Los Angeles Times in spring 1991 ran a feature titled “Changing Lifestyles: Some Jews Forgo Israel’s Promise and Elect to Stay in Ukraine.”

The article noted that the democratic Rukh movement had gained the trust of part of the Jewish population, and that many Soviet Jews “chose to stay and lead the revival of Jewish culture in Ukraine—for the first time in decades”, rather than emigrate. The article included emigration statistics: in 1990 alone, 58,528 Jews emigrated from Ukraine to Israel (according to ADL), but tens of thousands remained.

It also emphasized that Rukh condemned antisemitism and some Jewish organizations in Ukraine urged Jews to join Rukh, hoping to secure their rights through active participation in independence. This kind of reporting fostered a cautiously optimistic perception of Ukrainian sovereignty among the Jewish diaspora, especially in the U.S.—concerned about nationalism, but recognizing Ukraine’s commitment to tolerance.

In Israel, there were no major official statements in 1990 regarding Ukraine’s declaration of sovereignty—at the time, Israel did not maintain diplomatic relations with individual Soviet republics. Still, Israeli circles monitored the developments closely.

Between 1990 and 1991, hundreds of thousands of Soviet Jews immigrated to Israel, a significant portion of them from Ukraine.

Israel had a vested interest in ensuring that the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of new states did not lead to instability for Jews. In this context, Ukraine appeared relatively stable. There were no major ethnic clashes, and overt antisemitism was marginal.

The Israeli press noted that, unlike some nationalist uprisings, Ukraine’s independence movement was moderate, civic in nature, and proclaimed protection of all communities. Israeli diplomats began informal contact with Ukrainian elites even before the USSR’s collapse.

According to accounts from that time, in 1991, Israeli embassy staff in Moscow regularly visited Kyiv and held informal discussions with Ukrainian MPs and journalists. They reported to Jerusalem that antisemitism was not being encouraged at the official level and that minorities seemed to feel safe.

Israel, however, took a cautious approach to recognizing the independence of Soviet republics—choosing to wait for the U.S. and international consensus first.

Once Ukraine held its referendum and declared full independence in December 1991, Israel was one of the first to establish diplomatic ties (on December 26, 1991).

Israeli leaders welcomed independent Ukraine, recognizing its importance as the homeland of a large aliyah population and a strategic partner in Eastern Europe. Israeli-Ukrainian relations quickly developed on the basis of mutual respect.

Notably, even before independence, Ukraine supported restoring Soviet-Israeli diplomatic ties and moved to deepen its own connection with Israel. (For example, the Ukraine-Israel Friendship Society was founded in Lviv in 1990.) All this shows that both the State of Israel and the global Jewish diaspora viewed Ukraine’s sovereignty declaration not with negativity—but with cautious hope.

Directly or indirectly, Jews abroad supported Ukraine’s aspiration for freedom, expecting the new republic to become a democratic and safe home for Jews.

Participation of Jewish Deputies in the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian SSR

The Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian SSR of the 12th convocation (elected in spring 1990) included many representatives of national minorities—Russians, Poles, Jews, Tatars, Armenians, and others. It is difficult to determine the exact number of Jewish deputies, as nationality was often not specified in official biographies.

Nevertheless, available sources confirm that Jews were indeed present in the Ukrainian SSR’s parliament and played an active role.

In Kyiv in 1990, there was an attempt to form an informal “Jewish Council of Ukraine”—an association of deputies and public figures of Jewish origin. According to archival data, it was intended to include about 20 People’s Deputies of Ukraine.

This suggests that at least about two dozen members of the Verkhovna Rada were of Jewish origin. A significant number of them were elected from major industrial cities and academic centers (Kyiv, Kharkiv, Odesa, Dnipropetrovsk, etc.)—areas with traditionally large Jewish populations.

Some of the Jewish deputies belonged to the democratic opposition, while others were part of the communist majority. However, they ultimately stood united on the issue of sovereignty. On July 16, 1990, 355 deputies voted in favor of the Declaration of Sovereignty, with only 4 against—clearly, the Jewish deputies were among those who supported it.

Regarding the drafting of the declaration, the main author on behalf of the opposition was the lawyer Serhiy Holovaty (ethnically Ukrainian), while the leadership’s version came from the working group of the Presidium of the Supreme Council.

There were no direct representatives of the Jewish community in this group. Nevertheless, ideas important to the Jewish population were reflected in the final text, largely thanks to the cooperative atmosphere fostered in part by Jewish activists within the Rukh movement.

During parliamentary debates, the opposition’s “People’s Council” (125 democratic deputies) insisted on including principles of human rights and ethnic equality in the declaration. These provisions were also supported by many communist deputies, who believed it was necessary to assure all ethnic groups in Ukraine of their protected rights. As participants later recalled, the session was held under public pressure—people were protesting outside the parliament demanding sovereignty. Under these circumstances, the deputies almost unanimously approved language affirming civil equality.

In the preamble of the Declaration, it was stated that all power in the republic belongs to the people of Ukraine, and in the section on citizenship, it was declared: “All citizens are equal before the law, regardless of origin, social and property status, racial and national identity, gender, education, political beliefs, religious convictions…”.

It was further emphasized that citizens of all ethnicities together form the people of Ukraine. These principles directly aligned with the interests of the Jewish community: equality regardless of nationality or faith meant that the new Ukraine rejected any form of discrimination against Jews. It is no surprise that Jewish deputies supported these principles.

Thus, Jews in the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian SSR were not excluded from the process of adopting this historic document. On the contrary, they voted in favor of the declaration and thus contributed to the establishment of Ukrainian sovereignty. Their political affiliations varied—some were communist reformers, others were in the democratic opposition. But the general consensus was that a sovereign Ukraine should become a state of equal opportunity for all nationalities—a view supported and promoted by Jewish parliamentarians.

Hopes and Concerns of Ukrainian Jews Regarding Sovereignty

For Ukraine’s Jewish population, the declaration of sovereignty was a moment that sparked mixed emotions—hope for positive change, but also uncertainty and concern about the future.

On the one hand, the declaration promised a solid legal foundation for protecting the rights of Jews as a national minority. For the first time in decades, principles of equality and freedom of conscience were proclaimed at such a high level. Ukrainian Jews, having just emerged from the era of state-sponsored antisemitism (such as the “Doctors’ Plot” and anti-Zionist propaganda of the 1970s–80s), saw it as a breath of fresh air.

These hopes were based on the belief that “Ukraine would no longer pursue discriminatory policies.” And indeed, soon after independence, the Ukrainian government passed concrete legislation building on the 1990 declaration: in November 1991—the Declaration of the Rights of Nationalities of Ukraine, and in June 1992—the Law on National Minorities, which provided broad guarantees for language, cultural, and religious rights. These steps demonstrated the seriousness of intentions outlined in 1990.

Jewish leaders noted that state antisemitism was fading into the past and that the highest officials were showing respect for Jewish heritage and memory (for example, by participating in Babyn Yar commemorations and initiating dialogue with Israel). This inspired optimism, especially among younger Jewish activists who saw Ukraine as their future home.

As mentioned earlier, part of the Jewish intelligentsia chose not to emigrate but instead to help build a new life within Ukraine. Many shared the hope that independent Ukraine could become a democratic home for people of all ethnicities. Indeed, in the early 1990s there was a true revival of Jewish life: Jewish schools, libraries, and theaters were opening; films and books on Jewish themes were being produced; and ties with global Jewry were strengthening. These changes were seen as fulfillment of the hopes sparked in 1990.

On the other hand, a large part of the Jewish population also had concerns rooted in historical experience and the uncertainty of 1990. First, the collapsing Soviet market pointed to looming economic and social crises.

Many Jews feared that such instability could provoke nationalist backlash or lead to Jews being scapegoated. As noted by Kyiv activist Burakovsky, the mass emigration of Jews at that time was driven not only by new opportunities but also by “political uncertainty, economic hardship, and environmental problems (like Chernobyl)”. In other words, many were leaving “just in case,” unsure whether Ukraine would remain stable.

Second, there was lingering distrust toward ordinary citizens (the mob mentality).

According to some Jews who stayed, “we trust Rukh, but we’re unsure about the general public,” whose reactions could be unpredictable. This fear came from memories of early 20th-century pogroms and WWII atrocities perpetrated by mobs with official indifference.

While the new Ukrainian leadership expressed support for Jews, the question remained—what did the people think? To prevent possible incidents, the democratic government took steps: it blocked the Russian ultranationalist group Pamyat from operating in Ukrainian cities; police guarded synagogues in response to anonymous threats, and more.

Fortunately, no significant antisemitic violence occurred in Ukraine during 1990–1991. Nevertheless, the sense of unease among parts of the Jewish population lingered, as evidenced by high emigration rates.

By the end of 1991—after the independence referendum—many of the Jewish community’s fears began to fade.

Ukraine was proving itself to be a relatively peaceful and tolerant state. In international reports from 1992, Ukraine was cited as a “model of interethnic harmony,” especially considering its large Russian and minority populations.

The Jewish community saw that their worst fears—such as a return to state-sponsored antisemitism—had not materialized. By the mid-1990s, it was clear that antisemitism in independent Ukraine was declining, both institutionally and socially.

According to the Euro-Asian Jewish Congress, incidents of antisemitic discrimination by state agencies had ceased in the early 1990s; antisemitism became marginal, limited to fringe publications and individual extremists. This progress was rooted in the decisions of 1990–1991 that laid the foundation for equality. Thus, the hopes of Ukraine’s Jews linked to the declaration of sovereignty were largely fulfilled, while earlier fears gradually subsided.

Conclusion

The adoption of the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine on July 16, 1990, was a turning point not only for the Ukrainian people but also for all national communities of the republic, including Jews. The analysis leads to the following conclusions:

• The official and unofficial response of Jewish organizations in Ukraine was generally positive. Jewish activists actively engaged in the processes of perestroika and sovereignty, seeing in them an opportunity to secure their rights. As early as 1990, Jewish communities (in Kyiv, Lviv, Odesa, and others) cooperated with the Rukh movement, jointly opposing antisemitism and defending democratic ideals. No major Jewish organization in Ukraine opposed the declaration; on the contrary, many publicly supported it. They viewed the declaration as a guarantee of equality. Abroad, major Jewish institutions (such as the World Jewish Congress and the American Jewish Committee) did not issue special statements on Ukraine in 1990, as their focus was broader—the entire USSR. However, indirectly, the reaction was positive: international Jewish human rights groups noted the absence of pogroms or persecution during the rise of the Ukrainian national movement. In 1990, the State of Israel maintained official neutrality, awaiting Ukraine’s formal independence. Yet immediately after the December 1, 1991 referendum, Israel was among the first to recognize the new Ukraine. This signaled trust: Israelis saw Ukraine as a friendly state where Jews were not persecuted.

• Jewish deputies participated in drafting and adopting the declaration, though there were no clearly identified Jewish authors. Jewish presence in the 12th convocation of the Ukrainian Supreme Soviet was significant—dozens of MPs were of Jewish origin. They represented various political factions but unanimously supported sovereignty. It can be said that the Jewish community’s contribution to the declaration’s ideology was evident in the proclamation of Ukraine as a multiethnic democratic state. Jewish deputies, alongside other minority representatives, acted as a kind of parliamentary conscience, reminding the majority of the value of tolerance.

• Ukraine’s Jewish population in 1990 viewed the event with both hope and concern, though optimism predominated. Many Ukrainian Jews saw the declaration as a long-awaited step toward freedom, promising cultural and religious revival. Jewish leaders spoke of a new era of cooperation between Ukrainians and Jews. At the same time, there were fears: historical trauma, economic instability, and rising extremism raised concerns that things could go wrong. These fears were compounded by ongoing emigration—over 58,000 Jews left for Israel in 1990 alone. Still, some 400,000 Jews remained in Ukraine, and by the end of 1991 it became clear that their situation was improving—the state committed to protecting minorities, there were no ethnic clashes, and antisemitism was openly condemned by major forces. Statements by Jewish activists from that time reflect a dominant tone of cautious optimism. The prevailing sentiment was: “Yes, there are risks, but we cannot miss this chance to live with dignity in our homeland.” History proved that this optimism was largely justified—Jews in independent Ukraine gained opportunities for development that were unthinkable in the Soviet Union.

• The “Jewish issue” was present in the declaration and its discussions indirectly, through general references to equality and freedoms. The Jewish people or antisemitism were not specifically mentioned—which made sense, given the declaration’s universal nature. Still, the spirit of the document—nation-building without discrimination and with guarantees for all cultures—implied that Jewish interests were considered. The declaration paved the way for further legislation on minority rights and freedom of religion. In parliamentary debates, democratic leaders repeatedly emphasized that independent Ukraine must exemplify interethnic harmony—especially in contrast to conflicts elsewhere in the USSR. This consensus helped avoid the notion of “special status” for the titular nation. Ukraine was proclaimed the common homeland of all its citizens—something vitally important for the Jewish population.

In conclusion, it is clear that Ukraine’s Jewish community welcomed the proclamation of sovereignty with support and active participation, seeing it as a path to democratic change and enhanced security.

Jewish diasporas abroad and the State of Israel, though not issuing immediate official responses, generally viewed Ukraine’s emergence as a sovereign state positively—especially admiring its leaders’ commitment to tolerance.

The event of July 16, 1990, was a turning point in the Jewish history of Ukraine: it marked the beginning of a new chapter in Ukrainian-Jewish relations, grounded in partnership and mutual respect—as confirmed both by the documents of the time and the subsequent development of independent Ukraine.

In the Righteous Among the Nations Garden in Haifa, where 20 memorial stones bear the names of those who saved Jews and once lived in the city, Yaroslava Levytska remains the only one honored with a memorial plaque during her lifetime.

At the Latin Cemetery in Haifa, 11 Righteous Among the Nations are buried. In their honor, the Haifa municipality created a unique memorial garden in the Ramat Alon district.

On May 18, 2008, a solemn opening ceremony was held in Haifa’s Ramat Alon neighborhood for the “Haifa Residents’ Garden of the Righteous Among the Nations” (גן חסידי אומות העולם).

The garden features several paths with stone plaques engraved with names and brief descriptions of their heroic deeds. At the time of its opening, 19 Righteous Among the Nations were known to have lived in Haifa: 9 from Poland, 6 from Ukraine, and one each from Hungary, the Czech Republic, Romania, and Sweden. Later, a 20th plaque was added.

Only five of them were still alive at the time of the park’s opening.

Four were honored for their acts of bravery committed as children.

Yaroslava Levytska is the youngest person ever awarded this title for rescuing Jews.

At the park’s entrance, on an uneven stone, three symbols are engraved: the emblem of the Righteous, the Yad Vashem logo, and the emblem of the City of Haifa. Below them is a quote from the Talmud: “Whoever saves one Jewish life is as if they have saved the entire world.”

Memorial Stones of the Righteous Among the Nations in Haifa

The Righteous Garden in Haifa features plaques honoring those who saved Jews during the Holocaust. Here are brief summaries of their stories:

• Halina Lugovska (Poland): Hid a Jewish woman in her home for 32 weeks and later helped her find refuge with her family.
• Anna Hornung-Tomachak (Ukraine): Pretended to be the mother of a Jewish family to save them in the Ternopil region.
• Victoria Tsukrovych-Aichberger (Poland): Together with her sister, hid a Jew who was fleeing the Nazis.
• Pelagia Guchak-Springer (Poland): Saved 20 Jewish women and the family of a Jewish workshop owner.
• Yaroslava Levytska (Ukraine): As a teenager, brought food to the ghetto and hid Jewish children with her family.
• Jerzy Shelaga (Poland): Delivered food and letters to the Warsaw Ghetto, risking his life.
• Julia Kaldi-Ralbovska (Czechoslovakia): Hid a Jew and buried his mother to keep the hiding place secret.
• Elisabeta Nikopoi-Strul (Romania): Warned of a pogrom, sheltered and fed more than 15 Jews despite arrest and beatings.
• Tamara Maksymeniuk-Bromberg (Ukraine): Delivered food to the ghetto with her mother, rescued families, and organized shelters.
• Bela (Valya) Lipper (Ukraine): Hid her Jewish husband and six others for 19 months.
• Victor Melnyk (Ukraine): Hid Jews with his family, provided forged documents, and helped them escape.
• Zofia-Marta Avni (Poland): Hid six Jews in an attic in Warsaw with her family for a year and a half.
• Irena Yakira-Ziental (Poland): Hid 13 Jews with her mother in a specially prepared hiding place.
• Raoul Wallenberg (Sweden): Diplomat who saved thousands of Jews in Hungary; disappeared after being arrested by Soviet forces in 1945.
• Anna Dobrucka-Ezerska (Poland): Saved a family during the liquidation of the Tarnow Ghetto and later married one of those she rescued.
• Franya Dedek-Belska (Ukraine): Born in Nadvirna, rescued two Jewish boys and survived a displaced persons camp, the “Exodus” ship attempt, and eventually immigrated to Israel, where she converted to Judaism and became Fruma Belska.

Each name is a reminder of courage, humanity, and sacrifice. The Haifa memorial preserves the memory of those who risked everything to save others.

On February 12, 2025, students from the Bosmat School visited the “Beit Gil Zahav” nursing home in Kiryat Eliahu to congratulate Yaroslava Levytska on her 90th birthday and express their gratitude for her heroism. The event was part of the activities of Haifa’s Municipal Institute for Holocaust Studies, which works to preserve the memory of the Righteous Among the Nations and pass on Holocaust remembrance to future generations.

According to Yad Vashem, as reported by journalist Shimon Briman, Ukrainian native Yaroslava Levytska is the only Righteous Among the Nations currently living in Israel. She has lived in Haifa since the early 1990s and receives full support from the State of Israel.

Biography of Yaroslava Levytska: The Journey of a Righteous Among the Nations from Zolochiv to Haifa

Yaroslava Levytska, according to journalist Shimon Briman, was born in 1935 in the town of Zolochiv, which was then part of Poland and today is in Lviv Oblast, Ukraine. In July 1941, the German army occupied the region and began the systematic extermination of the Jewish population. A ghetto was established in Zolochiv, and Jews were stripped of their rights, food, and any chance of survival. It was during this time that the Levytsky family’s courageous acts became part of history.

The Heroism of the Levytsky Family: 29 Lives Saved

Yaroslava’s grandfather, Oleksandr Levytsky, began supplying food and medicine to his Jewish friends from the start of the occupation. In December 1942, when the Zolochiv Ghetto was officially created, he started sending supplies through his seven-year-old granddaughter Yaroslava. She walked two kilometers from their home to the ghetto each week for ten months. The risk was immense — German guards could have executed them. But Yaroslava carried out her task calmly and bravely.

Thanks to her actions, many Jewish families and children survived.

Yorek Shenker and Richards Feiring: Stories of the Rescued

One of the children saved was Yorek Shenker, only six years old, now known as Yoram Miron. To avoid suspicion, Yaroslava would play with him outside while he was in hiding. The family also sheltered Richards Feiring. Both boys survived the Holocaust thanks to the courage of Yaroslava and her family.

Additionally, for ten months, the Levytsky family provided food to a group of 25 Jews hiding in the basement of a destroyed building. Despite fear and fatigue, Yaroslava kept delivering food. This entire group survived until the Red Army liberated the area in July 1944.

Life After the War

After liberation, Yaroslava graduated from School No. 2 in Zolochiv in 1952 and went on to attend medical college. She worked as a feldsher and later as head of the infectious disease prevention department. She lived modestly and never sought any personal gain for her family’s heroism. Her father Petro Levytsky also played a key role in rescuing Jews but was not officially recognized by Yad Vashem — a fact that remains painful to this day.

Recognition and Immigration to Israel

On August 20, 1989, two of the people she rescued — Avraham Shapiro and Israel Fenster — submitted a petition to Yad Vashem to recognize Oleksandr, Kateryna, and Yaroslava Levytska as Righteous Among the Nations. On September 21, 1989, Yad Vashem officially awarded them the title. Yaroslava herself planted a tree in honor of her family in the Garden of the Righteous in Jerusalem.

In 1995, she permanently moved to Israel, where she was granted citizenship, a government pension, and an apartment. Later, she settled in the Beit Gil Zahav senior care facility in Haifa.

90 Years of Heroism and Humanity

On her 90th birthday, Yaroslava Levytska was honored by the Haifa Holocaust Education Municipal Institute, the Moriah-Haifa Rotary Club, and students of the “Basmat” school. She shared:

“I am happy to live here, in Israel. At 90, I want for nothing. This is a special country.”

Words of Gratitude from Israel

“Israel and the Jewish people will never forget the vital role played by the Righteous Among the Nations during World War II, when they took great risks to save the lives of thousands of Jews.”

Some of these heroes, like Yaroslava, chose Israel as their new home — and became part of its living history.

NAnews – Israel News continues to tell these stories to ensure the memory of Jewish-Ukrainian solidarity lives on and inspires future generations.

The Lessons of History and the Power of Memory

Today, Yaroslava Levytska’s name is engraved on a memorial stone in Haifa’s Righteous Garden — while she is still alive, a unique distinction. She is recognized, respected, and cared for.

Her story is a profound example of selfless humanity in the face of ultimate evil. It reminds us that children, adults, and the elderly alike can act with courage and conscience.

NAnews – Israel News believes that telling these stories is essential to preserving the bond between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples. In an age of war and terrorism, when hatred rises again, these stories help us to see the human being in one another.

The decision came at a time when Israel faced a difficult choice between historical responsibility and current diplomatic interests.

Just a few weeks earlier, the Israeli government unanimously supported Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar’s proposal to recognize the Armenian genocide. Following the cabinet’s decision, a Knesset vote was expected to finally solidify the new state approach.

However, the parliamentary stage was halted, and now the issue is once again in limbo.

Jewish News Syndicate — JNS was founded in the USA in September 2011 as an English-language news agency specializing in Israel, the Jewish world, anti-Semitism, US politics, and the Middle East. It now also uses the name Jerusalem News Syndicate and describes itself as an independent nonprofit news organization distributing materials through more than 100 media outlets.

Formally, JNS does not belong to any political party and claims to be nonpartisan. However, editorially, it is usually classified as conservative, right-wing, and strongly pro-Israel; it is noticeably closer to the positions of the Israeli right-wing camp and American Republicans than to left or centrist forces. It is not a party organ of Likud or the Republican Party, but a private nonprofit agency with a pronounced ideological orientation.

The publishers and founders of the project are named as Russell Pergament and Joshua Katzen. The editor-in-chief is American journalist Jonathan Tobin, and the agency’s director is Alex Traiman.

An important detail concerns funding. In 2015, The Forward established that the largest individual sponsor of JNS was the foundation of American billionaire and major Republican Party donor Sheldon Adelson. From 2013 to 2015, Adelson’s foundation transferred more than $1.2 million to the agency. This does not mean that Adelson officially owned JNS, but his foundation was one of the main financial sources of the publication.

The vote was halted before the parliamentary recess

The Knesset is set to go on summer recess at the end of the week and not return to full work until the national elections scheduled for October 27, 2026.

This means that in the absence of an urgent change in the agenda, the vote may be postponed until the formation of a new parliament.

This is not about an official cancellation of the government’s decision. The cabinet has not withdrawn its position, and Gideon Sa’ar’s proposal formally remains in force.

But without a Knesset vote, the process has not received the final political endorsement that the initiators had hoped for.

A representative of the foreign minister did not provide a comment on the reasons for the postponement. An official Knesset statement explaining the decision and a new date for consideration has also not been published.

What the cabinet decided earlier

In June 2026, the Israeli government unanimously approved a proposal to recognize the mass killings, deportations, and persecutions of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire during World War I as genocide.

The initiative was introduced by Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar.

He stated that the historical evidence of what happened is extensive and unequivocal, and the denial of the Armenian genocide continues in the form of organized policy and attempts to rewrite history.

Sa’ar called the recognition a moral and historical duty of Israel.

For a country created after the Holocaust and making the memory of the genocide of the Jewish people one of the foundations of its national identity, this issue has not only diplomatic but also moral significance.

However, Israel has avoided official parliamentary recognition of the Armenian genocide for decades.

The reason was not the lack of historical data, but primarily foreign policy calculations.

Why Israel avoided this decision for years

For many years, Turkey remained an important regional partner for Israel.

There were close economic, military, and diplomatic relations between the countries. Israeli authorities feared that recognizing the Armenian genocide would cause a serious conflict with Ankara.

Even after repeated deterioration of bilateral relations, Israeli governments preferred not to bring the issue to a final vote.

The topic regularly returned to the Knesset, was discussed by deputies, parliamentary committees, and public organizations, but a full plenary decision was never made.

The situation began to change as relations with Turkey worsened under Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

After the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, and the start of the war in Gaza, Erdogan sharply intensified anti-Israel rhetoric, openly supported Hamas, and repeatedly accused Israel of crimes.

Against this backdrop, the previous argument about the need to preserve relations with Ankara began to lose its former strength.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also previously called the extermination of Armenians genocide, but until 2026, no formal vote on this issue was held.

Turkey called the decision politically motivated

Ankara reacted sharply to the Israeli cabinet’s decision.

Turkish authorities called it politically motivated and linked it to the ongoing confrontation between Israel and Turkey.

Turkey acknowledges that hundreds of thousands of Armenians died during World War I in the Ottoman Empire but rejects the term “genocide.”

Ankara’s official position is that the mass deaths occurred in the context of war, the collapse of the empire, deportations, uprisings, and interethnic violence.

Most genocide researchers and historians hold a different position.

They view the organized deportations, mass killings, starvation, and destruction of the Armenian population as genocide.

According to various estimates, up to 1.5 million Armenians died.

The dispute over the term has long gone beyond historical discussion and has become an important element of Turkey’s foreign policy.

Ankara exerts diplomatic pressure on states considering official recognition.

Why the vote might have been frozen now

The official reason for the suspension has not been named.

However, the decision was made at a time of serious regional instability.

In the Middle East, the situation around Iran has once again escalated, and relations between Israel, Turkey, and the United States have acquired additional sensitivity.

Shortly before this, a NATO summit was held in Turkey, during which Ankara sought to advance the issue of possibly acquiring American F-35 fighters.

Against this backdrop, the final recognition of the Armenian genocide could further complicate relations between Jerusalem and Ankara.

The suspension of the vote can be seen as an attempt to avoid an additional diplomatic crisis at a time when the region is facing new military and political risks.

However, this remains an assumption.

Neither the government nor the Knesset has officially stated that the decision is related to Turkey or broader diplomatic negotiations.

Azerbaijan also opposed

The situation is complicated by Azerbaijan’s position — one of Israel’s key strategic partners.

After the Israeli cabinet’s decision, Baku condemned the recognition and called for a change in the adopted position.

Azerbaijan is closely linked with Turkey through political, military, and cultural relations. At the same time, it maintains extensive cooperation with Israel in the fields of security, energy, and defense technologies.

For Israel, relations with Baku are of special importance.

Azerbaijan is located on Iran’s northern border and plays an important role in Jerusalem’s regional strategy.

In 2023, Azerbaijan opened an embassy in Israel, becoming the first country with a Shia Muslim majority to take such a step.

Baku has also repeatedly tried to mediate between Israel and Turkey.

That is why its negative reaction could have been an additional factor prompting Israeli authorities to act more cautiously.

But there is no direct evidence that the vote was suspended specifically under pressure from Azerbaijan.

What the government’s decision without a Knesset vote means

The question of whether the June decision can be considered the final recognition of the Armenian genocide by Israel remains controversial.

On the one hand, the cabinet unanimously expressed the official position of the executive branch.

This was Israel’s most serious step in this direction in the entire history of the issue’s discussion.

On the other hand, a separate Knesset vote was planned, which was supposed to give the decision a broader and more sustainable state status.

As long as the parliament has not voted, the decision can be perceived as the position of the current government, not a finally established act of the entire state.

A future cabinet could theoretically change this position.

The new Knesset composition could also refuse to return the issue to the agenda or, conversely, adopt it after the elections.

Therefore, the suspension of the vote has not only symbolic significance.

It effectively leaves the process unfinished.

The history of the issue in the Knesset

Attempts to achieve recognition of the Armenian genocide have been made in Israel for decades.

Initiatives were put forward by deputies from different parties, representatives of the Armenian community, and public figures.

In 2016, the Knesset Education Committee recognized the Armenian genocide and called on the government to do the same.

However, the decision of the parliamentary committee is not equivalent to a plenary resolution and did not become a full-fledged state recognition.

In 2018, another initiative also did not result in a final vote.

Israeli governments faced the same contradiction each time.

On the one hand — historical facts and the moral obligation of a state that preserves the memory of the Holocaust.

On the other — relations with Turkey, Azerbaijan, and other regional partners.

In 2026, it seemed that the long-standing caution was finally overcome.

The government unanimously supported recognition, relations with Ankara were at one of their lowest levels, and the foreign minister publicly stated the need to do the right thing.

But at the last stage, the process was halted again.

Why this issue is important for Israel

For Israel, recognizing the Armenian genocide is not an ordinary foreign policy statement.

The Jewish state constantly emphasizes the need to preserve the memory of the Holocaust, combat the denial of crimes, and prevent new genocides.

Therefore, the long-standing refusal to officially recognize the Armenian tragedy has repeatedly drawn criticism within Israel itself.

Opponents of cautious policy argued that historical truth should not depend on current relations with Turkey.

They also reminded that Raphael Lemkin, who formulated the concept of “genocide,” studied not only the extermination of Jews by the Nazis but also the mass killings of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire.

For supporters of recognition, this issue is related to the universality of memory.

One cannot demand honest treatment of the Holocaust from the world while simultaneously avoiding the assessment of other cases of mass extermination due to diplomatic gain.

NAnews — Israel News views this situation precisely as a conflict between historical responsibility and realpolitik.

The government took a step towards recognition, but at the decisive moment, foreign policy calculations might have once again prevailed.

What is known as of July 14, 2026

The Israeli government unanimously approved the recognition of the mass extermination of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire as genocide.

The initiative was introduced by Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar.

After this, a Knesset vote was planned for the final approval of the decision.

The vote was suspended.

A new date has not been announced.

The official reason has not been named.

The Knesset is going on summer recess and is not expected to return to full work until the elections on October 27, 2026.

Turkey called the government’s decision politically motivated.

Azerbaijan condemned the recognition and urged Israel to change its position.

The cabinet’s decision is not formally canceled, but without a parliamentary vote, the issue remains unresolved.

Israel took a step but did not put a period.

The history of the recognition of the Armenian genocide in Israel has once again stalled between morality and diplomacy.

The government unanimously supported the historic decision.

The Foreign Minister called it a moral duty.

However, the Knesset has not yet managed to put a final point.

If the vote does not take place before the parliamentary recess, the issue will most likely pass to the next Knesset.

Then everything will depend on the results of the elections on October 27, the composition of the new government, and the state of relations between Israel, Turkey, and Azerbaijan.

At the moment, the most accurate wording looks like this:

The Israeli government supported the recognition of the Armenian genocide, but the parliamentary vote, which was supposed to finally secure this decision, was suspended.

This is not a refusal of recognition.

But this step cannot yet be called the final completion of a long-standing history.

This biography (Ukr.) was compiled by Israeli author Shimon Briman on the website Ukrainian Jewish Encounter. He writes about Frankfurt without romanticizing — as a person who spoke equally confidently in the language of chemistry, agricultural practice, and state decisions. And that is why in Ukrainian agricultural history, Frankfurt has a figurative nickname: the network of scientific centers around Kyiv was later called the “Temple of Solomon” — not in a religious sense, but as a metaphor for a “built system” that survived the change of eras.

Who is Solomon Frankfurt — briefly, but to the point

Solomon Lvovich (Shlomo Meirovich) Frankfurt was born in 1866 in Vilno (now Vilnius). He received a European education and a doctorate in chemistry in Zurich, researching sugars in plants — a topic that directly intersects with Ukrainian beet growing and the sugar industry of the early 20th century.

But an “imperial career” for a Jewish scientist at the end of the 19th century often did not depend on abilities. Briman cites a telling episode: in 1898, Frankfurt was denied a professorship at the Moscow Agricultural Institute precisely because of his religion. In simple terms, it sounds like this: the road to universities is closed — so science must find a way through practice.

And Frankfurt found this way in Kyiv.

Kyiv: the laboratory from which the system grew

Moving to Kyiv was a turning point for Frankfurt. In 1901–1920 (Briman highlights this period as the most productive), he worked where science meets real production: sugar factories, agrochemistry, seed quality, yield.

Frankfurt headed the agrochemical laboratory of the Kyiv Agricultural Syndicate and began promoting what today seems obvious but was then new managerial thinking: seeds should not just be bought and sown, but checked, compared, improved, standardized. Science should measure results, not serve beautiful reports.

Briman emphasizes that from this laboratory over time grew a functioning scientific center at the specialized Institute of Agriculture. That is, it is not about a “flash of talent,” but about creating an institutional base: structure, people, methods, a habit of experimentation.

Experimental fields and fertilizers: work not in theory

Frankfurt did not confine himself to office chemistry. According to Briman, he participated in creating a network of experimental fields in several provinces — to test ideas not on paper, but in soil and weather. This is important: Ukraine is vast and diverse, and universal recipes in agriculture work poorly.

A separate direction was work with mineral fertilizers. At that time, it sounded like a “modernization tool” — an opportunity to increase yield and stabilize product quality. In the text, Frankfurt appears as a person who explained to producers and landowners: yes, it’s money, yes, it’s technology, but without it, the agro-economy will lag behind.

Briman essentially shows a “transition model”: from agriculture as a tradition — to agriculture as an industry where decisions are confirmed by data.

Myronivka and “Ukrainka”: when selection becomes part of the country

One of the key episodes is the organization in 1909 of the Central Research Station for Sugar Beet Culture near Myronivka. Briman writes that the station was supported by local sugar manufacturers: this is an important link between science and business, without which infrastructure usually does not survive.

Later, based on these initiatives, the Myronivka Breeding Station (today — the Institute of Wheat) appeared. And here Briman gives a detail that catches even people far from the agricultural topic: Frankfurt is credited with the authorship of the idea of naming the winter soft wheat variety “Ukrainka 0246.”

This is not a trifle. The name of the variety is a symbol that “Ukrainian” can be not only a political declaration but also a specific product of science: grown, tested, distributed.

Frankfurt and Ukrainian statehood: a choice that was not “neutral”

Briman shows Frankfurt as a person who did not hide from politics — although he was not a political tribune. During the Ukrainian revolution, Frankfurt participated in creating professional and scientific structures, worked in commissions, and dealt with what often remains behind the scenes: the institutional design of the industry.

The text contains a thought that Briman formulates harshly and without embellishments:
“He believed in Ukrainian statehood more than many Ukrainians” — writes Briman.

Separately noted is the work under the Hetman government, where Frankfurt dealt with agriculture and food issues and participated in preparing agricultural legislation. That is, it was not “sympathy in words,” but involvement in managerial routine: documents, norms, rules.

Negotiations of 1918: economic diplomacy and sugar

There is also an international layer. Briman cites the position of historian Ruslan Piroh: Frankfurt twice represented Ukraine in complex economic negotiations with Germany and Austria-Hungary in 1918. The essence — the Ukrainian side defended economic conditions, including a fair price for Ukrainian sugar.

Briman emphasizes: it was not a “symbolic trip,” but negotiation work where each figure had political weight.

The text also mentions Frankfurt being awarded a German order — as a marker of recognition of his role in these contacts.

Emigration and World ORT: continuation of the Ukrainian biography in the world

After the defeat of the UNR, Frankfurt, according to Briman, refused to cooperate with the Bolsheviks and emigrated at the end of 1920. Then another part of life begins — but it logically continues the first: building a system, only now at an international level.

For decades, Frankfurt worked at World ORT — an organization engaged in technological education and support for artisans and farmers. Briman lists the cities and stages of ORT’s European work, and then the move to the USA. From 1947, Frankfurt became the president of World ORT.

He died in 1954 and was buried in New York State. But the Ukrainian trace in his biography did not disappear: Briman builds the line so that the reader sees — the experience of creating agricultural infrastructure in Ukraine became part of his broader, global project.

Why “Temple of Solomon” sounds especially poignant today

The metaphor “Temple of Solomon” Briman associates with the assessment of academician Viktor Vergunov: it is about the agricultural scientific centers of Ukraine created by Frankfurt, which worked even after him. The meaning of the metaphor is in the built “architecture of science”: when the system continues to function, even if the creator is long gone.

The finale with Briman is modern and very direct: he reminds that Jewish school No. 141 in Kyiv, operating under the aegis of ORT, is experiencing a difficult military winter — with shelling, power, and heat outages. The story of a person from the early 20th century suddenly turns out to be close to the reality of 2026.

Main conclusions for the section “Jews from Ukraine”

Frankfurt is an example of a Jewish intellectual who became part of the Ukrainian modernization project not with slogans, but with infrastructure.

His contribution is not one “loud idea,” but a habit of scientific verification, standardization, and systematic experimentation in agriculture.

During the Ukrainian revolution, he made a conscious choice in favor of Ukrainian statehood and worked in real managerial mechanisms.

His subsequent work at World ORT shows the continuation of the same logic: education, applied skills, community support — through institutions, not declarations.

Text: Shimon Briman (Israel). https://ukrainianjewishencounter.org/uk/hram-solomona-bilya-ki%d1%94va-yak-%d1%94vrejskij-vchenij-prosuvav-agroindustriyu-ukra%d1%97ni/

The author is grateful to the employee of the World ORT Archive in London, Jennifer Brunton, for assistance in finding materials and providing a photograph of Solomon Frankfurt.

These are structures for treating complex fractures of the upper and lower limbs, spinal injuries, and oncological bone lesions. The main feature of the technology is the use of a carbon composite material, which significantly interferes less with X-ray, CT, and MRI examinations than traditional massive metal structures.

In a written message, Moshe Asman noted that the CarboFix Orthopedics branch in Ukraine is already in the process of opening. In the published video, he was even more specific: according to the rabbi, the branch is already being established, and the implants themselves should soon arrive in Ukraine.

“There is already a branch in Ukraine. I think that many people — military personnel, the wounded, and civilians — will be able to benefit from these unique prostheses. They will soon arrive in Ukraine and help people heal,” said Moshe Asman.

However, it is technically more correct to call CarboFix products not prostheses, but orthopedic implants. They do not replace a lost limb like a regular prosthesis but are surgically installed inside the body to fix bones, stabilize the spine, and treat fractures.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views this initiative as another practical example of Israeli-Ukrainian cooperation, capable of directly influencing the treatment of people. It is not only about the entry of an Israeli medical company into the Ukrainian market but also about the possible transfer of technologies to Ukraine, especially necessary to help wounded military personnel, affected civilians, and patients with complex injuries or oncological diseases.

Moshe Asman’s visit to Herzliya

The video was recorded in Herzliya — a city in central Israel, where the Israeli office of CarboFix Orthopedics is located. The official address of the company is 11 Ha’Hoshlim Street, Herzliya 4672411, Israel. This same address is listed in the documents of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration — FDA.

At the beginning of the video, Moshe Asman emphasized that he arrived at a company with unique technology for producing orthopedic products for the spine and limbs.

According to the rabbi, CarboFix products are exported to many countries around the world. He characterized the company’s carbon technology as more modern compared to traditional titanium structures.

The conversation included a company representative named Alexander, from Ukraine.

Alexander explained that the company produces products for treating various types of fractures — injuries to the spine, arms, legs, and almost all major bones.

The footage showed elements of the spinal system, including screws that are installed in the spine to fix and align damaged or unstable segments.

“The most important thing about this technology is our carbon products. They are very well accepted by the body, do not create reflections, do not interfere with further intermediate checks, and are very light,” explained the company representative.

Most likely, the absence of “reflection” referred to the reduction of radiological and tomographic artifacts. Metal structures can obscure part of the bone on an X-ray and create distortions during CT and MRI. CarboFix carbon-polymer implants are radiolucent and provide minimal interference during diagnostics.

Branch and first deliveries

Asman’s written message and his words in the video differ somewhat in wording.

The text states that the branch “is already opening”. In the video, the rabbi says that the branch in Ukraine “already exists”, then adds that the implants will soon arrive in the country.

Most likely, this is a transitional stage: a Ukrainian representative or distributor has already been identified, but legal, registration, and logistical procedures are not yet complete. This would explain why Moshe Asman speaks of an existing branch, while CarboFix’s official contacts do not yet include a separate Ukrainian office.

At the time of publication, the company has not disclosed:

• the legal name of the Ukrainian branch or distributor;
• the name of its head;
• the address of the office or warehouse;
• the start date of regular deliveries;
• the list of modern implants registered for Ukraine;
• the names of hospitals that will receive the products first;
• the estimated cost of operations;
• the conditions for providing implants to wounded military personnel and civilians.

Therefore, it is premature to assert that a full-fledged CarboFix office in Ukraine has officially started operations. However, Asman’s video statement indicates that preparations have moved beyond preliminary interest and are already associated with expected product deliveries.

What CarboFix Orthopedics produces

CarboFix Orthopedics is an Israeli medical technology company specializing in the development of orthopedic implants made from polymer materials reinforced with continuous carbon fibers.

The company’s official website lists two main product groups.

Piccolo Composite — plates and intramedullary nails for fixing fractures of the humerus, femur, tibia, radius, and fibula. The line also includes structures for the ankle joint and complex fractures of the lower limbs.

CarboClear — systems for spinal surgery. They include transpedicular and cervical screws, rods, intervertebral implants, vertebral body replacement systems, and structures for treating patients with spinal tumor lesions.

Different sources provide different dates for the creation of CarboFix. The European distributor Adyton names 2003, PitchBook — 2009, and the Israeli Startup Nation Central database indicates January 2011. The latter also provides the Israeli company’s registration number — 514562628. The discrepancies are likely related to the stages of technology development, business establishment, and subsequent registration of the current legal entity.

Today, CarboFix operates through its own divisions and international partners. In addition to Israel, the company indicates presence in the USA and China, as well as cooperation with European representatives and distributors. The Ukrainian office has not yet appeared in the public contact list.

Not just “carbon,” but a complex medical composite

The phrase “carbon implants” conveys the essence of the technology but is simplified.

The material is called CFR-PEEK — carbon-fiber-reinforced polyetheretherketone. This is a medical polymer PEEK, reinforced with continuous carbon fibers.

The fibers are arranged longitudinally, diagonally, and spirally, forming a strong structure. Thanks to this, the material can withstand the loads necessary for fixing large bones and the spine.

The company claims that its plates and nails are radiolucent. This allows doctors to better see the fracture line, the position of bone fragments, and the formation of callus during surgery and subsequent examinations. During CT and MRI, the material creates minimal artifacts, facilitating the assessment of bones, soft tissues, and the area around the implant.

This is especially important for patients with oncological diseases. After removing a bone or vertebra tumor, a person needs to regularly undergo control studies. A massive metal structure can partially obscure the area under study, while a radiolucent implant facilitates monitoring for possible recurrence.

Carbon-polymer structures can also simplify the planning of radiation therapy. The manufacturer indicates that the material does not create the characteristic metal backscatter and has less impact on radiation passage.

However, not all CarboFix systems are completely devoid of metal elements.

FDA documentation indicates that hybrid spinal screws are made from CFR-PEEK but may have a titanium head, a thin titanium shell around the threaded part, and tantalum markers. Separate fixing elements and rods can also be made from titanium.

Therefore, the technological advantage lies not in the complete abandonment of metal but in replacing the massive metal base with a radiolucent carbon-polymer material.

More than fifteen years of medical system registration

CarboFix developments are not experimental samples created specifically for the Ukrainian market. Different company systems have undergone the American FDA 510(k) procedure for more than fifteen years.

On May 3, 2011, a decision was made on the Piccolo Composite intramedullary nail system for the femur and tibia.

On July 28, 2015 — on the proximal femur fixation system.

On July 18, 2018 — on the CarboClear transpedicular system for the thoracic, lumbar, and sacral spine.

On October 11, 2019 — on the CarboClear VBR system, designed to replace a vertebral body damaged or destroyed by a tumor.

On March 2, 2020 — on the CarboClear Lumbar Cage intervertebral system.

On April 25, 2024, the FDA made a decision on the hybrid CarboClear transpedicular system, including navigation tools and screw options that can be used with bone cement.

On March 16, 2026, less than four months before Moshe Asman’s visit, the regulator made a decision on the CarboClear Posterior Cervical Screw System and the hybrid system for posterior cervical spine fixation.

The indications include cervical spine tumors, traumatic fractures and dislocations, spinal instability, consequences of unsuccessful previous surgeries, degenerative diseases, and spinal infections.

The 510(k) procedure does not mean full preliminary approval under the most stringent PMA procedure. It means that the FDA recognized the device as sufficiently equivalent to already approved medical devices for sale.

CarboFix already had a history of working with Ukraine

The upcoming deliveries will not be the first appearance of CarboFix products on the Ukrainian market.

On December 14, 2012, the Ukrainian list of registered medical devices included:

No. 12234/2012 — implants for osteosynthesis CarboFix Orthopedics Ltd.;

No. 12235/2012 — tools for installing implants for osteosynthesis.

The Ukrainian organization associated with the registration was LLC “VOSTOK-MEDSERVICE”, registered in Donetsk (2012) at Shchorsa Street, 108. The registry noted that the validity of the certificates is unlimited.

The commercial customs database contains information about CarboFix deliveries to Ukraine in 2013–2014.

On April 24, 2013, deliveries of implants for osteosynthesis and surgical tools for their installation were processed.

On May 5, 2014, another batch of products was registered. The recipient was indicated as entrepreneur T. from Donetsk.

However, descriptions of some historical deliveries mention products made of stainless steel. Therefore, they cannot be automatically equated with modern radiolucent CFR-PEEK lines shown to Moshe Asman in Herzliya.

These data confirm another thing: CarboFix or related structures already had a registration and commercial history in Ukraine more than ten years ago.

The current process may mean the company’s return to the Ukrainian market, the creation of a new official distributor, or the restoration of operations after the loss of the previous structure in Donetsk.

Why the technology is especially important today

In the video, Moshe Asman specifically linked the appearance of CarboFix in Ukraine with helping wounded military personnel and civilians.

This direction indeed corresponds to the company’s specialization. CarboFix implants are designed for treating complex fractures of the femur, tibia, humerus, and other bones, non-unions, spinal injuries, and pathological fractures in oncological patients.

For people who have received severe injuries, the ability to constantly monitor the position of bones and the process of their fusion is of great importance. If the implant covers the damaged area less, it is easier for the doctor to assess the result of the operation, timely notice complications, and make decisions about further treatment.

But the real availability of the technology will depend not only on the appearance of the branch.

It is necessary to determine which modern systems have passed the Ukrainian conformity assessment, who will become the official importer, which hospitals will receive the necessary surgical tools, and whether Ukrainian doctors will be trained to work with specific systems.

The financial question is no less important: will the implants be purchased by the state, supplied as part of charitable programs, or paid for by the patients themselves.

At the moment, Moshe Reuven Asman has become the first public source to report not only on the creation of the CarboFix Orthopedics branch in Ukraine but also on the preparation of the first deliveries.

His statement from July 14, 2026 contains two main promises: modern Israeli implants should soon appear in Ukraine, and their potential recipients will be wounded military personnel and civilian patients.

Now, official information from CarboFix Orthopedics is expected: the name of the Ukrainian partner, the start date of deliveries, the list of available systems, and the medical institutions where the new implants will be used for the first time.

It is important for small businesses to understand a simple thing: the client does not always come from the first click.

Sometimes they first see a publication, then check the profile, then open a video, then look at an additional page, then search for the main site, and only after that write. Therefore, external platforms do not work as random “extra accounts” but as part of a large trust system.

The example of NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News shows how such a network can be built. The project itself is related to Israeli news, Ukrainian topics, Jewish communities, regional security, culture, international politics, and historical memory. But the same principle applies to small businesses: each platform should explain who you are, what you are useful for, where the main site is, and how to contact you.

Friendica: decentralized network and connection with Fediverse

Friendica is a decentralized social network and software platform for communication between different servers. It appeared in 2010 and became part of the broader Fediverse environment, where different independent nodes can interact with each other.

Unlike regular social networks, Friendica is not built around one central corporate site. Its idea is distributed communication, control over one’s own profile, connection with other networks, and the ability not to depend entirely on one platform.

In terms of market share, Friendica does not compete with Facebook, X, or LinkedIn. It is a niche platform for users who value independence, open code, federation, privacy, and alternative social infrastructure. It is used by technical communities, independent authors, activists, media projects, and people interested in the development of the open web.

For small businesses in Israel, Friendica can be useful as an additional point of presence. It is not a channel for quick sales, but a good signal for an audience that values independent digital solutions and a freer network architecture.

The profile Friendica Profile — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can work as another federated page of the project and an additional entry into its digital ecosystem.

Wattpad: stories, texts, and working with the reader audience

Wattpad is a platform for reading and publishing stories. It has been operating since 2006 and became known as a space for authors, readers, fan stories, teenage literature, novels, short prose, and original texts.

In terms of scale, Wattpad holds a strong position specifically in the storytelling sphere. It is not a regular social network for news or business, but a huge reader environment where people come for stories. The platform is used by authors, aspiring writers, fan communities, publishing projects, and readers looking for long texts, serialization, and an emotional connection with the author.

For small businesses, Wattpad may not be useful for everyone. But if the business is related to culture, education, personal branding, books, creativity, history, media, or storytelling, such a platform helps to show not only the service but also the voice of the project.

For example, an educational project can publish short stories, an author — book fragments, a cultural initiative — essays, and media — texts that work not as news but as a narrative.

The profile Wattpad — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can be an additional platform for the project’s textual presence and work with an audience that loves to read stories, not just short publications.

Parler: alternative social network and niche audience

Parler is an alternative social network that became known as a platform for users seeking a different environment for public discussions outside of major social platforms. It appeared in 2018 and was especially actively discussed in the context of American political and media agendas.

In terms of market share, Parler is significantly smaller than the largest social networks. It cannot be considered a mass promotion channel for any business. Rather, it is a niche platform where the audience is specific, and the perception of the platform itself depends on the political and social context.

For small businesses in Israel, Parler may make sense only as an additional external profile, not as a basis for promotion. If a business builds a wide digital map, it is sometimes useful to secure the brand name on different platforms, but the main focus should still be on the website, Google, maps, Facebook, LinkedIn, Telegram, video, and local channels.

The profile Parler — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can be used as an additional point of presence for the project, but not as the main communication channel.

GETTR: short publications and alternative public feed

GETTR is a social platform launched in 2021. It was positioned as an alternative network for public messages, short publications, subscriptions, comments, and political discussions. In format, it is closer to microblogging and a public feed.

GETTR does not occupy a market share comparable to X, Facebook, Instagram, or TikTok. Its audience is more niche, and the platform itself is more associated with an alternative political and social environment. For businesses, this means that expecting a large flow of clients from GETTR is not advisable.

But as an additional profile in the overall presence system, such a platform can be used. Especially if the project works with an international audience, public topics, media agenda, or wants to secure its brand on different network platforms.

The profile GETTR — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can work as an additional microblogging point of the project.

PayChute: support for authors and connection with the audience

PayChute is a platform for authors and communities related to content support, feedback, and direct interaction between the creator and the audience. Its logic is close to the creator economy: the author or project receives a separate page where they can collect support, publish materials, and build relationships with subscribers.

In terms of market, PayChute is not a mass social network and does not compete with Patreon, Ko-fi, or Gumroad in terms of popularity. It is a more niche platform that should be considered as an additional support channel, not as the main sales tool.

For small businesses in Israel, PayChute can be useful if the project is related to independent content, media, educational materials, cultural initiatives, author programs, or community. In such cases, audience support becomes not just a donation but a way to show that the project is alive and has people who care about it.

The page PayChute — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can work as an additional support page and contact with the project’s audience.

BitChute: alternative video hosting and additional video archive

BitChute is an alternative video platform launched in 2017. It became known as a video hosting for authors who want to post materials outside of YouTube and other major video services. The platform is often discussed as part of the alternative media environment.

In terms of mass market share, BitChute is much smaller than YouTube, TikTok, Instagram Reels, or Vimeo. Its audience is more niche, and the platform’s reputation is ambiguous due to content often associated with alternative politics, controversial topics, and weak moderation.

For small businesses, BitChute should not be the main video channel. But as an additional video archive, backup platform, or another external point of presence, it can be used if the project wants to expand coverage beyond standard video services.

The channel BitChute — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can be an additional video page of the project, but the main video strategy of the business is better built around more familiar and mass platforms.

Diaspo.it: Diaspora pod networks and distributed communication

Diaspo.it is one of the pod servers of the Diaspora network. Diaspora itself appeared in 2010 as a distributed social network where there is no single central owner of the entire platform. Users create accounts on different servers but can interact within the overall network.

In terms of mass market share, Diaspora did not become a competitor to Facebook or X. Its significance is different: it is one of the early attempts to create a social network where privacy, distribution, data control, and independence from a large platform are important.

For small businesses, such a network is not suitable for everyone. But if the project is related to media, IT, culture, independent communities, international audience, or digital freedom issues, such a profile can become a useful element of the overall presence map.

The profile Diaspo.it — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can work as another distributed social point of the project.

Locals: subscription community and independent audience

Locals is a platform for subscription communities created for independent authors, podcasters, video bloggers, experts, and media projects. It was founded in 2019 and later became part of the Rumble ecosystem. The main idea of Locals is to give the author a space for direct connection with a supportive audience.

In terms of market, Locals is not a regular social network and does not compete directly with Facebook or Telegram. Its niche is creator communities, subscriptions, closed materials, author support, and closer connection with the audience. The platform is interesting for those who build not just a post feed but a community around the project.

For small businesses in Israel, Locals can be useful if there is a client club, educational program, author newsletter, media, podcast, closed materials, or community around an event, service, or topic.

The page Locals — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can work as an additional community of the project and a space for closer contact with the audience.

Clip.place: video, channels, and short visual content

Clip.place is a video platform with channels and short visual materials. There is little open data about its scale, so it is better considered as a niche tool for additional video placement, not as a competitor to YouTube, TikTok, or Vimeo.

For businesses, such platforms can be useful as a backup or auxiliary video channel. There you can place short clips, material fragments, visual announcements, video explanations, or additional versions of content.

It is important for small businesses not to spread themselves too thin. If the video is created with quality, it can be adapted: the full clip on YouTube or Vimeo, short fragments on TikTok, Reels, or Shorts, and additional copies on niche video platforms. This way, one material works longer and wider.

The channel Clip.place — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can be an additional video point of the project in the overall online presence system.

Gumroad: digital products, publications, and direct sales

Gumroad is a platform for selling digital products, publications, files, books, courses, templates, subscriptions, consultations, and other author materials. It was created in 2011 and became popular among independent authors, designers, developers, writers, educational projects, and small teams.

In terms of market, Gumroad is related not to regular social networks but to digital commerce and creator economy. It is used by people and projects that need to quickly sell a digital product without a complex online store: e-book, PDF, template, mini-course, recording, design file, research, media package, or paid material.

For small businesses in Israel, Gumroad can be useful if there is a digital product or simple service that can be formatted as a purchase: consultation, guide, instruction, presentation, template, course, checklist, webinar recording, ticket, material archive, or publication.

The page Gumroad — NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News can work as a showcase of the project’s digital materials. For businesses, this is an example of how content can not only be published but also turned into a separate product.

How to use such platforms without unnecessary noise

The main mistake of small businesses is to open accounts on all platforms in a row and not link anything together.

If a company has Friendica, Wattpad, Parler, GETTR, PayChute, BitChute, Diaspo.it, Locals, Clip.place, and Gumroad, but nowhere has a clear description and link to the main site, the client will not understand where to go next.

Each platform should have its own role. Friendica and Diaspo.it — federated presence. Wattpad — stories and texts. Parler and GETTR — alternative social profiles. PayChute and Locals — support and communities. BitChute and Clip.place — additional videos. Gumroad — digital products and sales.

For businesses in Israel, this is especially important because the audience is multilingual and heterogeneous. One client searches in Hebrew, another in Russian, a third in English, a fourth in Ukrainian. One wants to see the site, another video, a third profile, a fourth — the opportunity to buy digital material or subscribe to a community.

Why this is important for small businesses in Israel

The Israeli market is very fast. A person can see a publication in the evening, check the company in the morning, and write via WhatsApp in five minutes. But they will just as quickly go to a competitor if they see chaos, empty profiles, or unclear pages.

Therefore, external platforms should not scatter the brand but strengthen it. The main site remains the center, and additional profiles help to show: the company is alive, active, present in different environments, able to explain its services, and gives the client several paths to contact.

The example of NAnews – Nikk.Agency Israel News shows that even niche platforms can be part of the overall system. A reader can find the project through Friendica, Wattpad, Locals, Gumroad, BitChute, or a Diaspora server, but everywhere they should see one clear logic: this is a project about Israel, Ukraine, Jewish communities, regional security, culture, and historical memory.

Who can help with such promotion in Israel

Such services in Israel are provided by the partner agency of the project NAnews and sTDe | NAnews — Israel Events Poster.

Nikk.Agency is engaged in website promotion, lead generation, and internet marketing in Israel. The agency works with Google Ads, Google Maps, local promotion, websites, content, landing pages, and business visibility in AI assistants.

For small businesses, this is especially important because not just views are needed, but real inquiries: calls, applications, WhatsApp messages, site visits, and clients from the desired city or region.

The agency’s website is available in Hebrew, Ukrainian, and Russian: Nikk.Agency — website promotion, lead generation, and internet marketing in Israel.

Conclusion of the eighth part: Friendica, Wattpad, Parler, GETTR, PayChute, BitChute, Diaspo.it, Locals, Clip.place, and Gumroad do not replace the main site and main social networks. But they help small businesses in Israel expand their digital footprint, work with niche audiences, preserve content, create communities, host videos, and turn materials into digital products.

In Israel, the debate over the conscription of ultra-Orthodox men has moved from coalition negotiations to a direct conflict between the country’s political leadership and the IDF command.

July 13, 2026 Yair Lapid, Naftali Bennett, Gadi Eisenkot, Avigdor Lieberman, Yair Golan, Chili Tropper, and the reservist movement of Yoaz Hendel published a joint appeal to the deputies of the ruling coalition.

They demanded not to support the temporary law that effectively blocks the application of the military service law to tens of thousands of Haredim.

The opposition emphasized that the vote is taking place not in peacetime, but against the backdrop of an ongoing multifaceted war and an acute shortage of servicemen.

“We urge coalition deputies to show responsibility and not vote for a law that will cause serious damage to the IDF during the war, contrary to the unequivocal warning of the Chief of General Staff,” the statement said.

The authors of the appeal warned that politicians who supported the initiative will “forever bear the shame of this vote” in the eyes of Israeli citizens who serve in the army, attend reservist gatherings, and work.

Who united against the law

The joint statement became a rare example of a coordinated position of almost the entire opposition camp.

It was signed by:

1. Yair Lapid — leader of the parliamentary opposition and chairman of the Yesh Atid party;
2. Naftali Bennett — former Prime Minister of Israel and leader of the Beyahad movement;
3. Gadi Eisenkot — former Chief of General Staff of the IDF and chairman of the Yashar! party;
4. Avigdor Lieberman — leader of the Yisrael Beiteinu party;
5. Yair Golan — former Deputy Chief of General Staff and chairman of the Democrats party;
6. Chili Tropper — opposition deputy, previously representing Benny Gantz’s political camp;
7. Yoaz Hendel’s reservist movement.

The joint appeal did not include the signature of Benny Gantz’s Kahol Lavan party. Gantz separately opposed the Basic Law on Torah Study related to this initiative.

He stated that Torah study is an essential part of Jewish heritage, but the state is obliged to protect the value of military service as well. According to him, there can be no rights without responsibility, and the defense of the country should not be placed solely on one part of the population.

What exactly does the coalition propose

The bill is officially framed as a temporary amendment to the Security Service Law.

It is important to understand: the document does not formally exempt yeshiva students from the obligation to serve and does not grant them a legal deferment.

Instead, it deprives the state of the main tools of coercion to fulfill this obligation.

The law provides that for yeshiva students who meet its conditions, it will be impossible to:

• initiate arrests;
• conduct investigations;
• apply enforcement measures for draft orders;
• initiate new criminal cases;
• continue already open criminal procedures.

Immunity is expected to be granted to tens of thousands of Haredim who received draft notices but did not report for service. Formally, the temporary provision is supposed to be in effect until November 30, 2026.

However, due to the upcoming parliamentary elections and the rules for extending temporary laws, its actual effect may last at least seven months. Eyal Zamir also indicated in his letter that the term is likely to be extended after the start of the election period.

In other words, an unusual legal construct arises: a person remains obliged to report to the IDF, but the state is prohibited from arresting and prosecuting him for refusing to fulfill this obligation.

This is why opponents of the initiative call it not a temporary settlement, but a law on draft evasion or an amnesty for evaders.

How will it be determined who is eligible for immunity

Protection from prosecution is expected to be provided to men who are officially registered as students of recognized yeshivas.

To do this, it will be necessary to submit declarations that the person:

• is indeed studying in a yeshiva or kollel;
• is engaged in Torah study for 40 to 45 hours a week;
• does not engage in other work or professional activities;
• has received confirmation from the head of his religious educational institution.

At the same time, the bill weakens the ability to financially penalize yeshiva leaders and their staff for false declarations about the status of students. Legal advisors warned that real control over tens of thousands of statements would be practically impossible.

The most controversial part of the law provides for the creation of a special commission of three senior IDF officers.

They are supposed to review the documents of yeshiva students and decide whether the applicant meets the criteria for protection from arrest and criminal prosecution.

In essence, army officers are being asked to confirm with their own signatures that a specific person who did not comply with the order to report for service should not be prosecuted temporarily.

Eyal Zamir: the law contradicts the needs of the army

July 12, 2026 IDF Chief of General Staff Lieutenant General Eyal Zamir sent an unusually sharp letter to three recipients:

1. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu;
2. Defense Minister Israel Katz;
3. Chairman of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Boaz Bismuth.

Zamir emphasized that the law is being advanced in the midst of a multifaceted war, when the shortage of personnel is already directly affecting the IDF’s ability to perform operational tasks.

According to him, the proposed scheme will not bring additional people into the army. On the contrary, it will create an incentive to ignore draft notices, as potential conscripts will understand that they are not threatened with arrest and criminal prosecution for non-appearance.

“The bill does not meet the needs of the IDF — this is clear and unequivocal,” warned the Chief of General Staff.

Zamir highlighted three main problems.

Blow to the trust of servicemen

The IDF is simultaneously expanding the call-up of reservists, considering extending service terms, and trying to use all available human resources.

In such a situation, Zamir believes, the military system cannot demand unprecedented dedication from some Israelis while simultaneously formalizing mass protection from prosecution for others.

According to his warning, this will create a deep divide among the military, who have been bearing the brunt of the war for about two and a half years, and will further increase inequality.

The army has no authority and expertise

The Chief of General Staff emphasized that IDF officers do not have the necessary tools to verify whether a person is indeed studying the specified number of hours, not working, and meeting the internal criteria of a religious educational institution.

Such work is administrative and legal, not military.

Therefore, including officers in the procedure has no professional justification and merely attempts to shift political responsibility onto the army.

Distracting commanders during the war

Creating new commissions, checking thousands of declarations, and participating in a politically explosive process will require officers, time, and managerial resources.

Zamir warned that in the conditions of ongoing hostilities, this will become a heavy organizational burden and distract the command from operational tasks.

He demanded at least to exclude from the law the provision forcing army officers to participate in granting immunity.

The IDF needs 12,000 servicemen

The conflict around the law is occurring against the backdrop of an unprecedented personnel burden.

According to available estimates, about 80,000 ultra-Orthodox men aged 18 to 24 are subject to conscription but have not enlisted.

At the same time, the IDF states that it urgently needs about 12,000 additional servicemen to perform current tasks on various fronts. A significant portion of the new people is required for combat units.

Earlier, Zamir warned government members that without resolving the personnel crisis, the army risks “collapsing inward.”

At a ceremony at the National Security College, he stated that the IDF’s numbers need to be significantly increased: the army must perform all the missions assigned to it, and therefore it needs representatives from all parts of Israeli society.

For NANews — Israel News it is fundamentally important to clarify: the discussion is no longer reduced to a dispute between secular and religious citizens.

It is about the actual number of fighters, the duration of reservist service, the combat readiness of units, and the trust of those who are already bearing the military burden.

What did Boaz Bismuth respond

Chairman of the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee Boaz Bismuth rejected the criticism of the Chief of General Staff.

He stated that army representatives participated in discussions for three weeks and could have presented their objections earlier. Bismuth called the timing of Zamir’s letter suspicious, noting that the document appeared after the committee had already approved the bill.

The chairman of the committee also claims that the arrests of yeshiva students do not lead to their actual enlistment. According to him, IDF representatives could not provide an example where the detention of an evader resulted in his conscription.

However, reports from meetings show that officers repeatedly warned deputies: the initiative does not meet the army’s personnel needs.

The position of ultra-Orthodox parties is that arrests increase confrontation with the community and allegedly reduce the willingness of young Haredim to voluntarily enlist.

Critics respond that for two years the state has conducted very few active arrests anyway.

Following the 2024 Supreme Court decision, more than 79,000 draft notices were sent to ultra-Orthodox men, but about 2,100 people enlisted in the army. From January 2025 to January 2026, the police conducted only 17 active arrests of Haredim for draft evasion.

Therefore, the claim that mass arrests hinder conscription seems questionable: there were practically no mass arrests.

Lawyers warned of discrimination

Before advancing the bill, the legal advisor to the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee warned that the document violates the principle of equality before the law.

One specific group of citizens receives protection from arrest and criminal prosecution for failing to fulfill an obligation that continues to apply to others.

Knesset legal advisor Sagit Afik also called the legislative process itself illegitimate.

The coalition used an old bill that had already passed the first reading, then removed most of its original content and turned a small element of the document into its main goal.

Such a method of advancing the law could become a separate basis for its annulment by the High Court of Justice.

In parallel, the Basic Law on Torah Study has already been adopted

The law on suspending arrests is only one part of a broader coalition scheme.

On the evening of July 13, 2026, the Knesset finally approved the Basic Law, proclaiming Torah study as a “fundamental value of the heritage of the Jewish people and the State of Israel.”

The document was voted for by 63 deputies, against — 52. The discussion and opposition obstruction lasted about ten hours.

The final version removed the provision that directly equated Torah study with military service. However, critics believe that the law creates a constitutional basis for further protection of the mass non-conscription of yeshiva students.

Likud deputies Yuli Edelstein and Dan Illouz voted against.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was absent at the final vote. Gadi Eisenkot called his absence cowardice and stated that the new law would become another indelible stain on the government’s activities.

The Movement for Quality Government immediately appealed to the High Court, claiming that the coalition is trying to turn draft evasion into a constitutionally protected value.

The organization warned that the Basic Law and the temporary ban on arrests together represent a de facto law on exemption from conscription, passed “through the back door.”

Political deal before elections

The promotion of initiatives is taking place in the last week of the Knesset’s work before its dissolution and the elections scheduled for October 27, 2026.

Ultra-Orthodox parties Shas and United Torah Judaism demand to stop the prosecution of yeshiva students and to enshrine the special status of Torah study.

In exchange, they support laws important to Benjamin Netanyahu, including changing the procedure for creating a commission to investigate the failure of October 7, 2023 and weakening the powers of the government’s legal advisor.

Against this backdrop, the debate over conscription has turned into part of a major pre-election deal.

The coalition seeks to maintain the support of ultra-Orthodox parties, while the Haredim receive laws that can mitigate the consequences of Supreme Court decisions and stop the ongoing enforcement of service.

The law has not yet been finally adopted.

As of July 14, 2026, the temporary amendment on immunity for yeshiva students was approved by the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee and forwarded to the plenum for second and third readings.

Legislators have already begun discussing it, but at the time of preparing the material, the final voting result had not yet been officially published.

Therefore, it is incorrect to claim that immunity has already come into force.

Only a separate Basic Law on the study of Torah has been adopted. The law stopping arrests, investigations, and criminal procedures against draft-dodging yeshiva students is still undergoing the final parliamentary stage.

The debate is no longer just about the Haredim.

The study of Torah remains a central value of the Jewish people, and the recognition of this role itself does not cause controversy among most participants in the discussion.

The conflict begins where the state requires one part of society to serve in the regular army and reserves for years, while providing actual protection from fulfilling the same duty to another part.

That is why not only politicians but also the current Chief of Staff, former IDF leaders, reservists, and Knesset legal advisors opposed the law.

NAnews — Israel News views this story primarily as a matter of national security and equality of responsibility.

The IDF states that it lacks thousands of servicemen. Reservists spend hundreds of days on duty. The families of servicemen bear an increasingly heavy burden.

At this moment, the Knesset is not discussing how to bring additional groups of citizens into the army, but how to prohibit the state from prosecuting tens of thousands of people who have already ignored summonses.

This is what made the bill a point of unification for the opposition and the reason for one of the most sharp public statements by the Chief of the General Staff against the initiative of the current government.

On July 9, 2025, the second episode of the “Balachky” podcast was released on the UDM Israel channel, in which Hanna Andriienko, owner of the “SHO?” restaurant, spoke about her journey from economist to the hostess of one of the most heartfelt Ukrainian establishments in Tel Aviv.

Below we will reveal the main topics of the conversation and recommend watching the full video to hear all the details firsthand:

Main Topics of the Conversation

• The story of turning a karaoke club into the “SHO?” restaurant
• Adapting “SHO?” to wartime restrictions and switching to takeout and delivery
• Cultural mission: gastronomic evenings, “Territory Show” and “Odessa Courtyard”
• The role of “SHO?” in the life of the Ukrainian community in Israel: support, gatherings, and traditions
• Challenges and achievements of Ukrainians in Tel Aviv: how the community unites and develops

The “SHO?” Restaurant – A Home for the Ukrainian Soul in Israel

• Origin story: a sudden call from the former owner of a karaoke club and Hanna’s bold decision to create a “place of strength.”
• Atmosphere and menu: interior with Ukrainian rushnyky, family recipes for borscht, varenyky, deruny, and six types of signature nalivky.
• Supporting guests: the switch to takeout and delivery during the crisis when it was important to keep warmth in the community.

Subscribe to the “SHO?” Restaurant on Facebook: facebook.com/shoukrainianfood

3 Karlibach Street, Tel Aviv, Israel

The Ukrainian Community in Israel: Challenges and Achievements

Community Challenges

Emotional burnout after intense months, lack of coordination among initiatives, adaptation of new arrivals, and the need to preserve traditions.

Main Achievements

Regular “Zdybanka” gatherings with hundreds of participants, cultural projects “Territory Show” and “Odessa Courtyard,” volunteer campaigns, and the growth of the UDM Israel channel, confirming keen interest in the topic.

UDM Israel and the “Balachky” Podcast

UDM Israel https://www.youtube.com/@udmIsrael is the first Ukrainian-language channel from Israel where activists and entrepreneurs share stories of resilience and support in the “Balachky” format.

The high production quality and live format make this project a true bridge between cultures.

On the NAnews — Israel News website, we continue to tell stories of resilience and mutual aid. The stories of “SHO?” and UDM Israel inspire and show: together we are stronger.

The Israel Airports Authority warns: in such a case, about ten flights will have to be canceled daily. In terms of passengers, this means approximately 50,000 canceled airline tickets each month.

The situation is especially dangerous because the crisis is unfolding at the height of the summer season, when Ben Gurion is supposed to serve from 80,000 to 94,000 passengers a day.

Four planes returned, eight refused to withdraw

The new escalation became known on July 14, 2026.

The US was supposed to withdraw another eight tanker aircraft from Ben Gurion by the end of the week. This stage was part of an agreement reached after several months of pressure from the Israeli Ministry of Transport and the Airports Authority.

However, due to the resumption of hostilities against Iran, the American command suspended the withdrawal of aviation.

Moreover, four tankers that had previously left the airport returned to Ben Gurion.

The Israel Airports Authority stated that such a change of plans has “immediate and serious operational significance.” If American aviation does not start freeing up parking spaces, starting from July 23, there will be a significant shortage of spaces for civilian aircraft at the airport.

Israeli Transport Minister Miri Regev ordered not to allow the landing of additional American tankers without prior coordination.

Thus, the conflict between Israeli civilian agencies and the American military has reached a new level. Israel does not refuse strategic cooperation with the US but demands that military needs do not paralyze the country’s civil aviation.

The problem is not only in the number of aircraft.

Tankers are significantly larger than many passenger planes, require larger parking spaces, special ground services, security, fuel, and separate procedures for departure. Their landing or urgent takeoff during peak hours forces dispatchers to rearrange the civilian schedule.

In March or May, such an operation could delay other flights by about half an hour. In July and August, when planes take off and land almost continuously, one such disruption can cause a multi-hour chain of delays affecting hundreds of flights.

From the first tankers to an actual military base

American planes began arriving at Ben Gurion even before the start of the large-scale war with Iran.

On February 23, 2026, American tanker aircraft and C-17 military transport planes were spotted at Israel’s main civilian airport. By that time, military aviation observers had counted more than 85 tankers and over 170 transport aircraft sent by the US to the Middle East region since mid-February.

On the night of February 27, at least nine more American tankers arrived at Ben Gurion. Simultaneously, American F-22 fighters and accompanying aircraft were stationed at the Ovda airbase.

On February 28, 2026, the US and Israel launched a large-scale military operation against Iran.

Aerial tankers became one of the most important elements of the campaign. They allowed American and Israeli fighters and bombers to stay in the air longer and strike targets deep within Iranian territory.

After the start of the war, Israel’s airspace was closed. On March 2, Ben Gurion began gradually resuming operations, initially in a very limited format and mainly for Israeli airlines.

However, American tankers did not disappear from the airport.

According to satellite images studied by the Financial Times, there were about 36 military tanker aircraft at Ben Gurion in early March.

After the ceasefire, which came into effect on April 8, their number did not decrease but increased to about 47.

By mid-May, there were already at least 52 American military aircraft at the airport. The reasons for placing such a large group specifically at Israel’s main civilian airport, rather than at military bases, were not fully explained officially.

By this time, Ben Gurion had effectively ceased to cope simultaneously with civilian and military tasks.

The head of Israel’s Civil Aviation Authority, Shmuel Zakai, stated that Ben Gurion had turned into an American military airfield with limited civilian activity.

The Director General of the Airports Authority, Sharon Kedmi, reported on May 28 that the airport was using only about one-third of its operational capacity. According to him, approximately 70% of Ben Gurion’s activities were limited due to the space and resources occupied by American aviation.

In two months, the Airports Authority lost about 700 million shekels. If the situation continued as it was, losses could grow to several billion.

The passenger traffic forecast for 2026 had to be reduced from 18 million to 15 million people. Up to three million passengers risked facing cancellations or being unable to purchase tickets.

Many El Al, Arkia, and Israir planes had to be kept outside Israel. This meant additional expenses for parking, crews, and maintenance, as well as reducing the number of flights Israeli companies could perform daily.

NAnews — Israel News notes that it’s not just about inconveniences for tourists. For Israel, which effectively has one main international aviation hub, the overload of Ben Gurion quickly turns into a national economic and transportation problem.

Foreign carriers also received another reason not to return to Israel. The reduction in supply amid high demand created conditions for further increases in ticket prices.

June crisis: 2.4 million trips were at risk

By mid-June, the number of American planes reached maximum levels.

According to Miri Regev, there were about 72 American tankers and military transport aircraft at Ben Gurion. The Airports Authority cited the figure of 74 aircraft.

Another 26 American machines were stationed at Ramon Airport in southern Israel, occupying about 90% of the available parking spaces there. Meanwhile, according to Israeli officials, at that time, not a single American tanker was stationed at Israeli Air Force bases.

On June 10, Miri Regev publicly criticized the situation, stating that if US President Donald Trump does not intend to continue the war against Iran, American planes should vacate Ben Gurion.

On June 14, the minister sent an urgent letter to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

She demanded the relocation of at least 30 American aircraft to Israeli Air Force bases or outside the country. Otherwise, Regev warned, about 2.4 million tickets sold for the summer months and the period of the autumn Jewish holidays would be at risk of cancellation.

This figure included trips of Hasidim to Uman for Rosh Hashanah.

The critical date was announced as June 16, 2026.

It is in mid-June that the Airports Authority allocates summer slots to airlines — the time during which a carrier has the right to land or take off a plane.

If an airline does not receive the necessary slot, it is forced to cancel the flight. At the same time, Israeli law allows the carrier not to pay standard compensation if the passenger was warned of the cancellation at least 14 days in advance.

Therefore, on June 16, foreign companies could begin to massively cancel July flights without incurring additional compensation costs.

Miri Regev warned of direct damage in billions of shekels to airlines, the tourism industry, and Israel’s economy. She also noted that mass cancellations would harm the country’s reputation as an aviation destination and could deter carriers just beginning to return after the April ceasefire.

At the last moment, Israel and the US managed to find a temporary solution.

On June 16, Israeli media reported that in the coming days, 20 planes would be transferred to Israeli Air Force bases, and another 17 machines would leave Ben Gurion by the end of the month. At the time of publication, there was no official confirmation of the full schedule.

By June 24, about 20 American planes had indeed been withdrawn.

But this was still not enough. Of the 99 parking spaces intended for civilian passenger aircraft, only 65 remained free.

For normal operations in July, at least 80 parking spaces were required, and for the August peak — all 99.

Sharon Kedmi warned that without freeing up at least 15 more spaces, cancellations could affect about 100,000 passengers. In June, Ben Gurion served more than 65,000 people a day, while in August, between 70,000 and 100,000 passengers were expected daily.

By early July, the situation began to improve.

On July 1, Lufthansa and ITA Airways resumed flights to Israel. Austrian Airlines had previously returned, and Air Europa restored service to Madrid. The Ministry of Transport announced an agreement to accelerate the withdrawal of American aviation: about 30 planes were to be moved in the first stage and another 20 later.

However, the achieved normalization proved to be unstable.

On July 7, 2026, the US resumed strikes on Iran after attacks on merchant ships in the Strait of Hormuz. The American command announced the targeting of more than 80 targets, including ships and objects of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Iran responded with strikes on American targets in the Persian Gulf countries.

On July 13, Donald Trump officially notified the US Congress that hostilities had resumed on July 7.

Amid this escalation, the American military decided to keep the tankers in close proximity to the operations zone again. That is why the previously agreed withdrawal of eight planes was stopped, and four machines returned to Ben Gurion.

Now the consequences of the military decision may become noticeable as early as July 23.

By the end of the month, passenger traffic is expected to exceed 80,000 people almost every weekday.

On July 16, about 91,000 passengers were forecasted.

On July 26 — about 90,000.

The maximum load is expected on July 30: approximately 94,000 passengers and about 560 takeoffs, landings, and other aviation operations.

In total, about 2.3 million passengers are expected to pass through Ben Gurion in July, which is approximately 25% more than in July 2025.

Therefore, even the daily cancellation of ten flights will have a cumulative effect. Over the month, this is about 300 flights and 50,000 unrealized flights.

The main question now is whether Israel and the US can find alternative places for the tankers — at military bases or outside the country — without weakening American capabilities in the war against Iran.

NAnews — Israel News emphasizes: the history of American tankers has shown how closely Israel’s security is now linked to the daily lives of citizens.

The decision made by the American military command due to attacks in the Strait of Hormuz and strikes on Iran may determine in a few days whether tens of thousands of Israelis can go on vacation, return home, or meet with relatives.

Ben Gurion has simultaneously become an international airport, a logistics center for war, and one of the most vulnerable points of the Israeli economy. As long as American tankers remain on its parking spaces, each new turn of the conflict with Iran will directly affect passengers, airlines, the tourism industry, and ticket prices.