On June 23, 2026, a post appeared on the official account of the Ministry of Tourism of Israel about the “visit of Denis Ustimenko, known as GeeGun”.

The ministry presented him as follows:

“אנחנו מארחים השבוע בישראל את הראפר והמשפיען הרוסי דניס אוסטימנקו (GeeGun), מהיוצרים המוכרים ביותר ברוסיה עם מיליוני עוקבים ברשתות החברתיות 🤩”

That is: “We are hosting the Russian rapper and influencer Denis Ustimenko in Israel this week.”

and they even added an emoji – 🤩.

This is not a random detail.

It was the Ministry of Tourism of Israel itself that highlighted his Russian media role. Not his private biography, not a possible Israeli status, not a family visit, but specifically the status of a person from the Russian information field.

Further in the same post, the ministry explained that the visit is “part of his activity in the Russian market.” This activity, according to the ministry itself, “includes working with influencers, tour operators, travel agents, and airlines.”

The goal is “to increase tourist demand for Israel and help restore inbound tourism.”

Who exactly does the Ministry of Tourism want to see here — ordinary vacationers or those very “heroes of the SVO” that Russian propaganda sends either to the front or to resorts?

This is where the tourism post turned into a political problem.

Because Denis Ustimenko is under sanctions from Ukraine, and the Ukrainian Embassy in Israel stated that his official invitation is “unacceptable and immoral.”

Russian artist or Israeli citizen: what the Ministry of Tourism itself highlighted

In the comments to this story, many users wrote that Denis Ustimenko may have Israeli citizenship.

The editorial team has no official confirmation of this information, so it cannot be stated as a fact.

But the discussion itself is important.

If the Ministry of Tourism was unaware of Ustimenko’s possible Israeli status, then the question arises about the quality of the check on the person whom the state body includes in an official campaign.

If the ministry knew, then the question is different: why in the official publication does it not emphasize this, but presents him specifically as a “Russian rapper and influencer.”

Perhaps the ministry wanted to “show” its work specifically in the Russian tourism market.

Then the whole story looks even more straightforward: an Israeli state body uses a media figure from the Russian information space to promote Israel among the Russian audience.

And even a possible Israeli connection of Ustimenko does not change the main point.

The Ministry of Tourism presented him not as an Israeli artist, not as a citizen of Israel, and not as a person who simply came for personal reasons.

It presented him as a “Russian rapper and influencer,” and the visit itself as part of “work in the Russian market.”

Like, they are trying.

That is why the question now sounds not only like this: who is Denis Ustimenko according to the documents?

The main question is different: why did the Israeli state body choose for the promotion of the country in the Russian direction a person who is under Ukrainian sanctions and about whom the Ukrainian Embassy sent a note to the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs?

What exactly did the Ministry of Tourism of Israel show

In its post, the Ministry of Tourism reported that Denis Ustimenko arrived in Israel with three children “following his Jewish roots.”

As part of the visit, as the ministry wrote, he is supposed to visit “key heritage sites and tourist spots in the country.”

Among them are Jerusalem, including Yad Vashem, the Dead Sea, Galilee, and Tel Aviv.

Separately, the ministry reported that Denis Ustimenko had dinner with the Director General of the Ministry of Tourism, Michael Itzhakov.

According to the ministry, during the meeting, they talked “about his connection with Israel and the importance of direct acquaintance with the country, its people, and history.”

In the language of tourism PR, such a story should have looked simple: a famous person with a large audience comes to Israel, visits symbolic places, talks about the country, and helps revive interest in Israeli tourism.

But in reality, this publication began to look different.

Because the Israeli state ministry chose for such a campaign a person whom Ukraine considers a supporter of Russian aggression.

And did it publicly, through an official account.

June 23 was the post. By June 25 — a different picture

The Ministry of Tourism of Israel reported on the visit on June 23.

By June 25, at the time of preparing this article, a rather modest reaction was visible under the publication: 47 likes and 15 comments.

For a campaign that the ministry itself associates with work in the Russian market through influencers, tour operators, travel agents, and airlines, such a picture looks at least ambiguous.

But the matter is not even in the number of reactions.

The main effect turned out to be not touristic, but political.

Instead of a beautiful story about “Jewish roots,” a route through Israel, and a meeting with the ministry’s leadership, the country received a diplomatic reaction from Ukraine.

This is no longer a question of likes under the post.

This is a question of how Israeli state structures choose people for the official promotion of the country.

What the Ukrainian Embassy stated

The Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Israel reacted sharply.

In the embassy’s statement on June 25, 2026, it is stated that Denis Ustimenko has been under official sanctions of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine since January 2023.

The Ukrainian side also stated that, despite being born in Odessa, GeeGun “supports Russian armed aggression against Ukraine and mocks Russians who refuse to fight against Ukraine.”

But the main part of the statement is not only in the assessment of his position.

The embassy reported:

Today the Embassy sent a corresponding note to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State of Israel.

That is, the Embassy of Ukraine sent a corresponding note to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State of Israel.

Then a direct appeal was made:

We urge the Government of Israel to cease any official cooperation with supporters of Russian terror.

The Ukrainian diplomatic mission called on the government of Israel “to cease any official cooperation with supporters of Russian terror.”

And another important paragraph:

At the same time, we appeal to all Israelis to boycott any events involving ‘GeeGun’ and other Z-propagandists.

The embassy appealed to all Israelis with a request “to boycott any events involving GeeGun and other Z-propagandists.”

This is no longer a dispute in the comments.

This is an official diplomatic reaction to the actions of the Israeli ministry.

Why this is painful for Israel

In Israel, hundreds of thousands of people live for whom Russia’s war against Ukraine is not a television topic.

Many here have relatives in Ukraine.

Many have friends in Odessa, Kyiv, Kharkiv, Dnipro, Mykolaiv, Sumy, Zaporizhzhia.

For some, Odessa is the city of childhood.

For some, Ukraine is the place where the graves of parents, family homes, memory, and personal history remain.

Therefore, when the Ministry of Tourism of Israel officially receives a person under Ukrainian sanctions, it is not perceived as an ordinary advertising move.

It looks like a signal.

Even if the ministry wanted to talk only about tourism, the audience heard something else: Israel promotes itself in the Russian field through a figure that Ukraine calls a supporter of Russian aggression.

Especially acute in this context is the itinerary of the visit.

Jerusalem.

Yad Vashem.

Places of Jewish memory and heritage.

The State of Israel cannot build such stories only as a tourist picture. There is always a moral context here.

Memory is not a decoration for a campaign with an influencer.

Who should have checked the risks

The Ministry of Tourism has a clear task — to bring back tourists.

After the war, flight cancellations, crises, and a drop in tourist flow, Israel really needs to work anew with external markets.

But tourism does not exist in a vacuum.

Especially when it comes to the Russian market after February 24, 2022.

Today, any official project related to Russian public figures requires verification not only by reach and subscribers.

It is necessary to understand what this person said about the war.

Whether he is on sanction lists.

How Ukraine perceives him.

What will be the reaction of Israelis of Ukrainian origin.

Will this be a promotion of Israel or a blow to Israel’s reputation.

In the case of Denis Ustimenko, these questions were either not asked, or their significance was underestimated.

Now they have returned already in the form of a note from the Ukrainian Embassy to the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

NAnews — News of Israel believes that this story is important not as another dispute around a famous name.

It is important because it shows the problem of state decision-making.

Who in Israel is responsible for checking public partners?

Who assesses political risks?

Who should have seen that a person under Ukrainian sanctions cannot calmly become the face of an official tourism campaign in the Russian market?

The main problem is not with GeeGun, but with the ministry’s decision

This story is not only about Denis Ustimenko.

It is about how the Israeli state works with sensitive topics.

Can Israel be promoted in the Russian market through a person who is under Ukrainian sanctions?

Can this be called ordinary tourist activity when the Ukrainian Embassy speaks of supporters of Russian terror?

Who in Israel is responsible for such decisions before the official post appears on Facebook?

And why did the problem become apparent only after Ukraine’s public reaction?

The Ministry of Tourism wanted to talk about the visit, roots, heritage, and the restoration of tourism.

In the end, it turned out differently.

The official account of the ministry on June 23 showed work in the Russian direction.

And by June 25, this work had already become a question for the state of Israel: where is the line between tourist promotion and official cooperation with toxic figures of the Russian information field.

For Israel, this is more important than one post and one trip.

Because a country that talks about memory, history, and moral responsibility cannot choose public partners as if Russia’s war against Ukraine does not exist.

The war changed the context.

And if the state ministry of Israel wants to work with the Russian market, it must understand: after February 24, 2022, such work requires not only marketing but also political responsibility.

Otherwise, the tourism campaign may end not with increased demand, but with a diplomatic note.

Why does Israel need tourists from Russia today?

There is a question that the Ministry of Tourism of Israel seems to have decided not to ask at all.

Why does Israel need to advertise itself on the Russian tourist market today?

Namely, to promote Israel in Russia through “influencers, travel agents, operators, and airlines.”

That is, to spend state efforts to bring more people here from a country that is waging war against Ukraine, is a partner of Iran, accepts representatives of Hamas, and has been acting against Israel on international platforms for years.

This is no longer tourism.

This is political blindness.

Europe has long understood that the “Russian tourist” after the start of the war is not just a “guest with money.” It is part of a bigger question: can a citizen of an aggressor country calmly relax on beaches, visit museums and national parks while their state destroys foreign cities.

For some reason, Israel pretends that this question does not concern it.

But it concerns Israel even more than Europe.

Russia today is not a neutral country for Israel.

Russia has become one of Iran’s key allies and partners.

It arms and supports Israel’s enemies.

Russia accepts Hamas.

Russia covers anti-Israel positions on international platforms.

Russia has been playing in the same political zone for years with those who want the destruction of Israel.

And after this, the state Ministry of Tourism of Israel effectively says: let’s work with the Russian market, let’s attract tourists from there, let’s show them Jerusalem, the Dead Sea, Galilee, Tel Aviv, and Yad Vashem.

Seriously?

And they will come here to “relax” — after what?

After Bucha?

After Mariupol?

After Izyum?

After Kherson?

After filtration camps, basements, torture, killings, rapes, deportation of children, and daily strikes on Ukrainian cities?

After the Russian army left behind destroyed homes, mass graves, raped women, killed civilians, kidnapped children, and cities turned into ruins?

And now the state Ministry of Tourism of Israel should spend resources, to bring this audience here — to beaches, hotels, nature parks, Jerusalem, the Dead Sea, and Yad Vashem?

This does not look like the restoration of tourism.

This looks like moral deafness.

It’s not about every person with a Russian passport personally committing crimes.

It’s about something else: the state of Israel cannot pretend that the Russian tourist market exists separately from the Russian war, Russian propaganda, Russian war crimes, and Russian support for Israel’s enemies.

When the Ministry of Tourism itself builds a campaign on the Russian market — it is a state choice.

And this choice looks especially cynical when the Embassy of Ukraine is forced to send a note to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel and call for an end to official cooperation with supporters of Russian terror.

Israel needs tourists.

But not at any cost.

Not at the cost of reputation.

Not at the cost of relations with Ukraine.

Not at the cost of the memory of crimes that have already become part of the history of this war.

Not at the cost of turning Israel into a comfortable vacation spot for an audience that Europe increasingly tries to limit.

The Ministry of Tourism can talk about the restoration of inbound tourism as much as it wants.

But after the start of the full-scale war, the Russian market is not just a market.

It is the market of an aggressor country.

A country that is at war against Ukraine.

A country that has become a partner of Iran.

A country that accepts Hamas.

A country whose army left behind Bucha and other places that have become symbols of killings, torture, and violence.

And if the state ministry of Israel does not understand this, the problem is not just in one Dzhigan.

The problem is that part of the Israeli bureaucracy still lives as if tourism can be separated from war, money from morality, the Russian market from Russian aggression, and an advertising campaign from political responsibility.

It cannot.

A Jew from Drohobych who became an artist of national revival

Ephraim Moses Lilien was born on May 23, 1874, in Drohobych — a city in Galicia, which was then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Today it is the Lviv region of Ukraine. At birth, his name is also indicated as Maurycy Lilien. He died on July 18, 1925, in Badenweiler, Germany, but between these two dates, he managed to travel a path that connected Ukrainian Galicia, European modernism, Jewish culture, Zionism, and the future Israel.

For the section “Jews from Ukraine” Lilien is an almost ideal hero. His biography shows that Jewish history on Ukrainian lands is not only about shtetls, synagogues, pogroms, wars, and tragedies of the 20th century. It is also a powerful contribution to world art, European graphics, the culture of the Jewish national movement, and the visual language without which early Zionism would look different.

He was not born in Jerusalem, Berlin, or Vienna. His first point on the map was Drohobych.

It was from this city that the man later called “the first Zionist artist” emerged. This definition does not mean that there were no artists among Jews before him. It means something else: Lilien was one of the first to turn the idea of Jewish national revival into recognizable images — prophets, exiles, heroes, farmers, people who look not only back to the past but also forward to the future.

Drohobych was not an accidental backdrop. Galicia at the end of the 19th century was a complex space where Ukrainian, Jewish, Polish, German-speaking, and Austrian cultural environments coexisted. Here, a talented person could hear different languages, see different religious traditions, and early understand that identity is not a flat scheme but a whole world.

Later, Drohobych will be associated with Bruno Schulz, the Gottlieb brothers, and other names important for European and Jewish memory. Lilien occupies a special place in this row: he became not only an artist of his city or his time but also one of those who helped the Jewish people see themselves in a new historical image.

From a sign maker to European modernism and Zionism

Ukrainian period: Drohobych, Lviv, Krakow, and Lilien’s first steps

Ephraim Moses Lilien was born on May 23, 1874, in Drohobych — then it was Galicia as part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, today the Lviv region of Ukraine. In the Ukrainian context, this is fundamental: his first cultural environment was precisely Galician, Drohobych, multinational.

He grew up in a poor Jewish family.

According to Ukrainian sources, Lilien’s father was a craftsman, a carver, or a turner. The family did not have money for a full gymnasium, so the future artist received primary education in a Jewish real school. It was already clear then that he had artistic abilities.

His first practical skills were not acquired in an academy but in a craft.

Young Lilien worked as an apprentice to a master who dealt with signs and shields. This is an important detail: his path to art began not with salons but with applied urban graphics — letters, lines, decorative forms, signs, the visual language of the street. Later, the sense of line and poster expressiveness would become one of the strong sides of his style.

In 1889, at about 15 years old, Lilien went to study at the Krakow School / Academy of Arts. There he studied painting and graphic techniques until 1893, including under Jan Matejko, one of the greatest artists of the Polish historical school. This stage is still connected with the Galician cultural space: Krakow was then an important artistic center for youth from Galicia.

Due to a lack of money, studies were not calm and continuous. Encyclopedic materials note that financial difficulties forced Lilien to return home and earn as a sign artist.

According to the “Encyclopedia of Modern Ukraine,” in 1892–1894, he worked in Drohobych, and later he repeatedly visited and worked in Lviv — in 1894, 1899–1905, 1911, 1914, and 1923.

Thus, Lilien’s Ukrainian period is not only a fact of birth in Drohobych.

It is childhood in Jewish Galicia, early craft school, first earnings, studies in the Krakow artistic environment, and constant returns to the Lviv-Drohobych region. Only later will there be Munich, Berlin, Basel, Herzl, “Bezalel,” and Jerusalem. But the basis of his view — the urban line, Jewish memory, Galician multilingualism, and the sense of cultural borderland — was formed precisely here.

This biography is similar to the path of many talented people from Galicia: first a provincial town, then a craft, then an art school, then major European centers. But Lilien did not dissolve in the European environment. On the contrary, it was there that he turned the Jewish theme into a modern artistic language.

He worked in the aesthetics of Art Nouveau, or Jugendstil — European modernism at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries. It was a style of decorative line, symbols, elongated figures, ornaments, strong black-and-white contrast, and almost musical rhythm of composition. But for Lilien, modernism was not just a beautiful form. Through it, he spoke of Jewish memory, exile, biblical past, national dignity, and hope for return.

His graphics were distinguished by a special tension. There was little accidental in them. The line could be soft and decorative, but the meaning often remained heavy: slavery, longing, expectation, spiritual resilience, the movement of people through history.

Lilien became known primarily as a book graphic artist, illustrator, and master of print graphics. His works existed not only in exhibition space. They appeared in books, magazines, albums, postcards, public projects — that is, they became part of mass visual memory. That is why his influence turned out to be broader than that of an artist working only for galleries.

How Lilien came to Zionism: Berlin, 1900, and the people around him

Lilien came to Zionism not through a party career but through the artistic and Jewish intellectual environment.

After studying in Krakow, Vienna, and Munich, he moved to Berlin in 1894. By the late 1890s, Lilien was already known in Berlin’s artistic and bohemian circles as a master of ex-libris, book, and magazine illustrator. At the same time, interest in the idea of “Jewish renaissance” — cultural renewal, which went alongside political Zionism, was growing in the German-speaking Jewish environment.

A key turning point was 1900 when the book “Juda” was published. The texts for it were written by the German poet Börries von Münchhausen, and the illustrations were created by Lilien. This book made him a notable figure among cultural Zionists: in it, Jewish antiquity was shown not as a museum past but as a source of strength, dignity, and national future.

It was after “Juda” that Lilien began to be actively perceived as an artist who could give the Jewish national movement its own visual language. His works were highly appreciated by representatives of cultural Zionism, including the circle of Martin Buber. Buber and cultural Zionists close to him saw in Lilien an artist capable of combining European modernism with the Jewish national idea.

An important figure next to Lilien was also Berthold Feiwel — a publicist, editor, one of the active figures of the Zionist movement. He was connected with circles where not only Herzl’s politics were discussed but also the need for new Jewish culture, literature, and art. Through such an environment, Lilien found himself not on the periphery but at the very center of cultural Zionism.

The next important date is 1901. Lilien participated in the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel and joined the democratic-Zionist faction. It was there that he created the famous image of Theodor Herzl on the balcony of the Les Trois Rois hotel. This portrait became one of the visual icons of political Zionism.

Thus, Lilien’s connection with Zionism became obvious. He was not a politician like Herzl and was not an organizer of the movement in the usual sense. His role was different: he made Zionism visible. Herzl gave the movement a program and a political dream, and Lilien gave this dream a face, a line, a symbol, and emotional strength.

In 1903, another important publication was released — “Lieder des Ghetto” / “Songs of the Ghetto” by Morris Rosenfeld with illustrations by Lilien. These images of poverty, exile, pain, and hope were also used in Zionist visual culture. Through them, Lilien showed the old Jewish world but at the same time hinted at the need to escape humiliation and return to dignity.

A logical continuation was the work with Boris Schatz. In 1904, Lilien, together with him, engaged in the idea of creating a Jewish art school in Jerusalem. In 1905, a society related to the future “Bezalel” project was created in Berlin, and in 1906, Lilien, together with Schatz, came to Jerusalem, helped open the school, taught the first class, and participated in forming its visual direction.

Therefore, Lilien’s path to Zionism can be shown as follows:

1894 — Berlin: entry into Jewish artistic and intellectual circles.

1900 — “Juda”: the first major work after which he began to be perceived as an artist of Jewish national revival.

1901 — Basel: Fifth Zionist Congress, democratic-Zionist faction, famous image of Herzl.

1903 — “Songs of the Ghetto”: visual language of Jewish pain, exile, and hope.

1904–1906 — Boris Schatz and “Bezalel”: transition from European Zionist graphics to an attempt to create Jewish art in Jerusalem.

Thus, it becomes clear that Lilien did not “accidentally find himself next to Zionism.” He entered it through Berlin, through the circles of cultural Zionism, through Martin Buber, Berthold Feiwel, Boris Schatz, through the book “Juda,” the Basel Congress, and the image of Herzl. His contribution was not political but visual: he helped Zionism see itself.

Why Lilien is called the first Zionist artist

At the end of the 19th — beginning of the 20th century, Zionism was not only a political movement. It needed a language. Not only the language of speeches, programs, and congresses but also the language of images. What does Jewish return look like? How to present Zion to a person who has never seen Eretz-Israel? How to show not only the suffering of exile but also the dignity of a people who want to become the subject of their own history again?

Lilien gave this movement a strong visual form.

The National Library of Israel directly calls him “the first Zionist artist.” Materials about him emphasize that his turn to Zionist art is associated with the Fifth Zionist Congress.

It is important to understand: he did not “create Zionism.” Zionism as a political movement had its leaders, ideologists, organizers, congresses, and institutions. But Lilien helped make Zionism visible. He gave it faces, lines, symbols, poses, biblical depth, and modern artistic energy.

In his works, the Jew was no longer just an image of an exile or a victim. He could be a prophet, a warrior, a farmer, a thinker, a builder of the future. This was fundamentally important for an era when the Jewish national movement was trying to create a new image of itself.

In this sense, Lilien worked not just as an illustrator. He worked as an artist of national imagination.

Herzl in Basel: a portrait that became almost an icon

The most famous visual episode in Lilien’s biography is associated with Theodor Herzl.

In 1901, during the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel, Lilien made the famous image of Herzl on the balcony of the Les Trois Rois hotel. Herzl stands by the railing and looks into the distance, at the Rhine. This photograph became one of the most recognizable images of political Zionism. The Jewish Museum of Switzerland describes it as a postcard with a reproduction of Ephraim Moses Lilien’s photograph “Theodor Herzl in Basel, 1901“.

The strength of this portrait is not only that it depicts Herzl. The strength is in the composition. He looks not like an ordinary congress participant but like a person looking into the future. In this image, there is loneliness, a prophetic pose, anxiety, and confidence at the same time.

And here it is important to remember: one of the main visual symbols of the Zionist movement is associated with an artist from Drohobych.

Lilien did not just press the camera button. He knew how to see the symbol. He understood how to create an image of an era from a real person. That is why Herzl on the balcony became more than a portrait. It became a visual formula for the dream of a Jewish future.

There is another important detail. Lilien often used Herzl’s features as a model for the image of the “new Jew.” In Herzl, he saw not only a politician but also a type of face that could be turned into an artistic sign of national revival.

Main works of Lilien: from “Juda” to “Songs of the Ghetto”

Lilien is known not for one work. His legacy includes book graphics, biblical illustrations, Zionist symbols, photographs, portraits, and projects related to Jewish culture at the beginning of the 20th century.

“Juda”: ancient history as an image of the future

One of Lilien’s key works was the 1900 edition of Juda — a book of ballads on Old Testament themes by the German poet Börries von Münchhausen with illustrations by Lilien. Encyclopedic sources note that it was this project that helped turn him into one of the main artists of the Zionist theme; the Israel Museum writes that the illustrations for this book almost immediately made Lilien an outstanding Zionist artist.

Why is this important?

Because in Juda, the ancient history of Israel was presented not as a dead past. It looked like a source of strength. Biblical characters in Lilien’s work were not museum figures. They were strong, monumental, almost modern. In them, a reader at the beginning of the 20th century could see not only a religious plot but also a national idea.

This was an important step: Jewish antiquity became the language of the future.

“Lieder des Ghetto”: the pain of exile and the dignity of the people

Another important project is Lieder des Ghetto, or “Songs of the Ghetto,” illustrations for the German translation of poems by Morris Rosenfeld. This cycle became one of the most famous in Lilien’s legacy. It features themes of poverty, labor, exile, suffering, social pain, and hope.

For the Ukrainian context, there is an additional bridge here. Morris Rosenfeld was a Jewish poet writing in Yiddish, and Ivan Franko translated his texts into Ukrainian. Therefore, around “Songs of the Ghetto,” an amazing cultural connection arises: Jewish poetry, a world-class Ukrainian translator, and an artist from Drohobych who creates strong visual images for these motifs.

This does not mean that Franko and Lilien worked together on one project. But it shows how close intellectual and artistic intersections could be in the Eastern European Jewish-Ukrainian space.

Biblical illustrations: the past as the energy of return

Lilien worked a lot with biblical plots. He was interested in prophets, patriarchs, exodus, land, exile, struggle, spiritual mission. In such works, he did not just illustrate the text. He created an image of Jewish history as a continuous line leading from antiquity to modern national awakening.

Researchers note that in Lilien’s biblical graphics, the past is often presented as majestic and alive, resonating with the ideas of spiritual and artistic revival.

In his work, a biblical hero could look like a person already belonging to the modern world. This was Lilien’s special strength: he did not leave Jewish history in the past. He translated it into the language of his time.

Images worth remembering

Among the well-known works and motifs of Lilien, “The Queen of Sabbath,” “The Silent Song,” “Zion,” images of the victims of the Kishinev pogrom, biblical scenes with Abraham, Joshua, Balaam, and other characters are often mentioned. In these works, it is visible how the artist combined the decorativeness of modernism with heavy historical memory.

His art was beautiful but not easy.

Lilien and “Bezalel”: from Drohobych to Jerusalem

Another important chapter is Lilien’s connection with Jerusalem and the “Bezalel” art school.

In 1906, he, together with Boris Schatz, was involved in the creation of the “Bezalel” Academy of Arts and Design in Jerusalem. The National Library of Israel notes Lilien’s participation in the trip to Eretz-Israel with Schatz and associates him with the school’s emblem.

Yes, his stay in Jerusalem was not long. But even short participation had symbolic significance. Lilien found himself next to one of the first institutional projects of Jewish art education in Eretz-Israel.

This was a path that beautifully fits into one line: Drohobych gave him a start, Krakow and Munich — a school, Berlin — an artistic scene, Basel — a Zionist symbol, Jerusalem — a connection with future Israeli art.

For the Israeli audience, this line is especially important. Lilien was not just a “Jewish artist from Europe.” He was one of those who helped form the visual ground on which the art of Eretz-Israel and Israel later developed.

Ukrainian trace: why Lilien is important not only to Israel

In the Ukrainian perspective, Lilien is important as part of the multinational heritage of Galicia.

He was born on the territory of modern Ukraine. His early environment — Drohobych, Galicia, the Jewish community, the Austro-Hungarian cultural world. His path shows that Ukrainian land gave the world people who influenced not only local history but also world culture.

Such biographies are especially important today when Ukraine is rethinking its own complex memory. Russian propaganda has been trying for decades to simplify Ukrainian history, presenting it as flat, secondary, or artificial. But stories like Lilien’s biography show the opposite: Ukraine was and remains a space of many cultural lines.

Here lived and created Ukrainians, Jews, Poles, Armenians, Greeks, Germans, Crimean Tatars, and other peoples. Their heritage does not cancel Ukrainian identity. On the contrary, it shows its depth.

Lilien is not a “foreign” figure for Ukrainian memory. He is a Jewish artist from Drohobych, a son of Galicia, a person whose biography connects a Ukrainian city with Berlin, Basel, and Jerusalem.

For NANovosti — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency, such stories are especially important because they help see Ukrainian-Israeli connections not only through diplomacy, war, and politics but also through a deeper layer — memory, culture, art, family roots, and the shared history of the Jewish people in Ukraine.

Lilien, Franko, Lesya Ukrainka: invisible cultural threads

In recent years, Lilien’s name in Ukraine is increasingly spoken of not only as a Zionist artist but also as a figure that can be placed alongside Ukrainian intellectual pursuits at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries.

Here an interesting connection arises: Lilien, Ivan Franko, Lesya Ukrainka.

At first glance, these are different worlds. Franko — a Ukrainian writer, thinker, translator, and public figure. Lesya Ukrainka — one of the key figures of Ukrainian literature, author of dramatic and poetic texts about freedom, strength of spirit, captivity, dignity, and resistance. Lilien — a Jewish graphic artist associated with modernism and Zionism.

But if you look deeper, there are indeed “invisible threads” between them.

All three lived in an era when the peoples of Eastern Europe were searching for the language of their own dignity. All three worked differently with themes of freedom, national awakening, historical memory, spiritual strength, and resistance to humiliation. For Franko, it was word and thought. For Lesya Ukrainka — dramatic energy and inner freedom. For Lilien — line, image, symbol, the face of a new person.

It is especially interesting that Lilien and Franko meet through the theme of Morris Rosenfeld. Lilien illustrated “Songs of the Ghetto,” and Franko translated Rosenfeld into Ukrainian. This is one of those cultural bridges that are rarely visible in school textbooks but are important for understanding the true depth of the Ukrainian-Jewish space.

What image of a Jew did Lilien create

Before the era of Zionism, European art often depicted Jews through an outsider’s view. These could be stereotypes, religious caricatures, images of poverty, alienation, or exoticism. Lilien offered a different image.

In his work, the Jew is not an object of someone else’s observation but a subject of his own history.

He can suffer but does not disappear. He can be an exile but does not lose dignity. He can remember destruction but look forward. He is connected with the Bible but does not get stuck in the past. He is modern, strong, beautiful, tragic, and aimed at return.

This is the essence of his Zionist graphics.

Lilien did an important thing: he visually restored the dignity of the Jewish body, the Jewish face, the Jewish memory. His heroes often look monumental. They possess a strength that was so lacking in European stereotypes of the ‘weak’ or ‘landless’ Jew.

Therefore, his works were important not only as art. They participated in the creation of a new self-perception.

Why Lilien is important for Israel today

For Israel, Ephraim Moshe Lilien is part of the early cultural history of Zionism. He lived before the creation of the State of Israel but worked with images that helped make this future imaginable, visible, and emotionally convincing.

Herzl gave Zionism a political language. Congress organizers gave it structure. Settlers and builders gave it practical form on the ground. And artists like Lilien gave it a face.

Without images, a national movement remains a program. With images, it becomes part of memory.

That is why Lilien is important not only to art historians. He is important to everyone who wants to understand how the Jewish idea of return became not only a text but also a picture, a symbol, a postcard, an emblem, an illustration, a portrait.

He is also important because his biography reminds us: part of Israel’s cultural roots pass through the cities of modern Ukraine — through Drohobych, Lviv, Odessa, Chernivtsi, Kyiv, Zhytomyr, Uman, Berdychiv, and many other places.

Why Lilien is important for Ukraine today

For Ukraine, Lilien is part of a reclaimed memory.

For a long time, many Jewish names associated with Ukrainian cities were perceived separately: as the history of ‘Jews of Eastern Europe,’ but not as part of the Ukrainian cultural landscape. Today, such an approach no longer works. If a person was born in Drohobych, studied, formed in the Galician environment, absorbed its multilingualism, and then influenced world art, it is impossible to erase him from the Ukrainian cultural map.

Lilien helps Ukraine speak about itself more honestly and deeply.

Not as a monotonous territory where there was only one line of history, but as a complex European space where different peoples created a common cultural fabric. This is especially important during the war when Ukraine defends not only its territory but also its right to its own memory.

Russia tries to destroy Ukrainian cities, erase archives, kill people, destroy cultural symbols, and impose an imperial version of the past. In response, Ukraine reclaims names, places, languages, and destinies that prove: its history is much richer than any imperial schemes.

Ephraim Moshe Lilien is one of those names.

Finale: an artist from Ukraine who helped the Jewish people see themselves

Ephraim Moshe Lilien lived only 51 years. But his path turned out to be surprisingly rich. He was born in Drohobych, went through European art schools, became a master of modernism, joined the circle of Jewish intellectuals and Zionists, created iconic illustrations, photographed Herzl in Basel, and was connected with the artistic beginnings of Jerusalem.

He was called the first Zionist artist not because he was the only one. But because he was one of the first to give the Jewish national revival a coherent artistic image.

Lilien helped the Jewish people see themselves not only through the pain of exile but also through dignity, beauty, strength, memory, and hope.

And in this, there is a special Ukrainian note. One of the artists who created the face of early Zionism was born in Ukrainian Drohobych. His line went from Galicia to Basel and Jerusalem. Therefore, his name rightfully belongs to several stories at once — Jewish, Ukrainian, European, and Israeli.

For the section ‘Jews from Ukraine‘, Ephraim Moshe Lilien is not just the biography of an outstanding artist. It is proof that Ukrainian land gave the Jewish world people who changed not only the culture of their time but also how an entire people envisioned their own future.

Man-bridge: Drohobych — Berlin — Basel — Jerusalem — Braunschweig

The biography of Ephraim Moshe Lilien is most accurately described not by a straight line ‘Drohobych — Jerusalem,’ but by a route through several cultural centers: Drohobych, Berlin, Basel, Jerusalem, and Braunschweig.

Lilien was born on May 23, 1874, in Drohobych — then it was Galicia within Austria-Hungary, today the Lviv region of Ukraine. It was there that the path of the artist began, who would later become one of the main visual authors of early Zionism.

After his first steps in the craft and studies in Krakow, his road went through Vienna, Munich, and Berlin. In 1894, Lilien moved to Berlin, where he became known as a book graphic artist, illustrator, photographer, and master of modernism.

A key date is 1901. During the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel, Lilien created the famous image of Theodor Herzl on the balcony of the hotel Les Trois Rois. This portrait became one of the visual icons of political Zionism.

In 1906, Lilien found himself in Jerusalem and was associated with the early history of the Bezalel School of Arts, created by Boris Schatz. He did not just ‘visit’ Eretz Israel: Lilien participated in launching a new Jewish art school, taught the first class, helped set its visual direction, and, according to the National Library of Israel, created the design of the Bezalel emblem.

His task was not only pedagogical. Lilien helped connect biblical plots, the Zionist idea of return, and the language of European modernism. Through him, early Bezalel received not just a curriculum but an artistic idea: Jewish art should speak of the past but look to the future.

In Eretz Israel, he also worked as a photographer. In 1906, Lilien photographed Jerusalem, the country’s inhabitants, types, and scenes around the new school: among the known subjects are a Yemenite Jew, Samaritan high priest Amram ben Yitzhak, an Arab figure in an abaya, as well as the Bezalel drawing class. This is important: Lilien looked at the country not only as a Zionist artist but also as a visual witness of the era.

However, Jerusalem did not become his permanent home. Already in 1907, Lilien returned to Berlin but continued to visit Palestine. Sources usually indicate that between 1906 and 1918 he was there four times. One of the subsequent trips was related to World War I: Lilien served in the Austrian military press corps as a war photographer.

In the same 1906, he married Helene Magnus from a Jewish family in Braunschweig. Therefore, after his death on July 18, 1925, in Badenweiler, Lilien was buried not in Jerusalem but in the Jewish cemetery in Braunschweig.

Thus, his map looks briefly: Drohobych, 1874 — Berlin, 1894 — Basel, 1901 — Jerusalem, 1906 — Palestine, trips until 1918 — Braunschweig, 1925.

Drohobych gave him roots, Europe — an artistic language, Basel — a place next to Herzl, Jerusalem — a connection with Bezalel, and Braunschweig became the last point of his earthly journey.

Ephraim Moshe Lilien is buried in the New Jewish Cemetery in Braunschweig, Germany, next to his wife Helene. His tombstone is made based on his own illustration ‘Cemetery’ / ‘Friedhof’ for Morris Rosenfeld’s book ‘Lieder des Ghetto.’ In this illustration, Lilien depicted a tombstone with his name in advance — and after his death, this artistic image was brought to reality.

Read more – in the section ‘Jews from Ukraine‘.

Film about overcoming and returning to life

The project was initiated by Gennady Gazin — a Jewish-Ukrainian-American businessman and philanthropist, founder of the fund “If Not Now Then When”. He served as the idea author, producer, and financier of the film.

“This project is a natural continuation of my interests. Love for the mountains has become an important part of life, and I am glad to combine mountaineering with charitable initiatives. The experience of challenging climbs and dangerous situations has made me appreciate every moment even more and support those who bravely defend their land,” noted Gennady Gazin.

According to Gennady Gazin, the idea for the film was born in Israel. It was there that he saw a soldier with a prosthetic who, despite the amputation, lived an active, full life. This moment became the starting point for the idea to show the strength, dignity, and ability of Ukrainian veterans to overcome. This is mentioned in a review by the publication “Ukrainian Truth. Culture”, which notes that it was in Israel that the idea for the film and the eponymous veteran movement arose.

Alexander Pedan, a well-known TV presenter and athlete, became the host and co-producer of the film.

“This project became personal for me. Mountaineering always teaches respect for life and gratitude for the opportunity to move forward. I am glad that I could combine this experience with a cause that has meaning,” says Pedan.

Cinematographer — Sergey Mikhalsky, a recognized master of Ukrainian cinema, whose works “Dovbush”, “The Guide”, and “Mamay” have been noted at international festivals. His visual solution gave the film depth and expressiveness — each frame conveys real effort, breath, step, light, and shadow on the faces of the heroes.

Filming took place in Ukraine and Tanzania. The crew worked at an altitude of over five thousand meters with sharp temperature fluctuations — from heat to night frosts. The film was shot without staged scenes: the camera captures the real steps of the participants, their fatigue, pain, jokes, and joy, at times becoming a participant in the climb.

“Ukrainian defenders and a defender climbed Kilimanjaro to show other servicemen who have experienced injuries or amputations that life does not lose its meaning after this. After an injury, it changes, but you can still live fully, engage in sports, and even conquer peaks,” says the project description.

Heroes of the film: what was found out from open sources

The film “Second Wind” features five Ukrainian defenders who, after injuries and amputations, climbed Kilimanjaro. Here’s what was established about them based on public sources:

Names and general information

Project participants (according to reviews and press materials) —
Roman “Dobryak” Kolesnik, Vladislav “Shatya” Shatilo, Mikhail “Grizzly” Matviev, Alexander “Ragnar” Mikhov, and Olga “Height” Yegorova.

The review in UP.Culture states that four out of five men have lower limb amputations and use prosthetics.

Roman “Dobryak” Kolesnik

• Veteran of the 3rd Separate Assault Brigade (3 OShBr).
• Injured in May 2022, leg amputation.
• Completed a series of climbs in the Carpathians — Petros, Hoverla, Nesamovyte, Shpytsi.
• Covered more than 50 km with a 20 kg backpack on a prosthetic.
• Raised 1,000,000 UAH for the needs of the Armed Forces units.
  (RBC-Ukraine, NV Life, Life.Pravda.com.ua).

Olga “Height” Yegorova

• Servicewoman who received a wound during combat operations.
• The only woman among the film’s participants.
• Some publications mention a possible connection with Surma Team (not officially confirmed).
  (UNIAN, Ukr.net, Rubryka).

Vladislav “Shatya” Shatilo

• Veteran with a lower limb amputation.
• One of four men climbing on a prosthetic.
  (UP.Culture, Interfax-Ukraine).

Mikhail “Grizzly” Matviev

• Combat veteran.
• Has a lower limb amputation.
  (Interfax-Ukraine, Cinema.in.ua).

Alexander “Ragnar” Mikhov

• Special forces unit fighter.
• One of the participants who climbed Kilimanjaro with a prosthetic.
  (Rubryka, UNIAN).

How the idea for the film was born

The plot of the film grew out of Gennady Gazin’s personal initiative.

“Then Gazin, an American of Ukrainian-Jewish descent, feeling the war of his two peoples against terror, came up with a veteran movement and a way to promote it — creating a film of the same name, and then a support fund ‘If Not Now Then When’,” notes the review in UP.Culture.

Gazin proposed the script basis: veterans with amputations storm the mountain, proving that physical limitations do not set limits on human capabilities.

To realize the idea, he invited Maria Kondakova, whose previous documentary film “My War” (2020) told about women on the front line and was noted by critics for its sincerity and accuracy of observation.

The team decided to focus on real stories, without actors, without staging, and without pathos.
The result is an honest and powerful film in which each hero speaks in their own voice, and the camera does not hide weakness or pain.

Perception

The film “Second Wind” received positive reviews from film critics and viewers.
Reviewers from UP.Culture call it a “story of overcoming, rehabilitation, and inner rebirth”, noting that “the strength visualized in the dynamics of light and sound is understandable to every viewer, regardless of language and citizenship.”

The film became not just a cinematic work but part of a humanitarian project that combines culture, volunteering, and psychological support for veterans.

Gennady Gazin: biography and international activities

Gennady Gazin was born in Zhitomir, in a Jewish family. As a child, he emigrated with his parents to the USA.
Education: Cornell University (engineering), Stanford (master’s), Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania (MBA).

Professional path:

• Engineer at Bell Communications Research and General Dynamics;
• Partner at McKinsey & Company, head of the technology and telecommunications practice;
• CEO of EastOne Group (2007–2012);
• Chairman of the Supervisory Board of “Kyivstar” (since 2022).

In recent years, Gazin is primarily known as a philanthropist and public figure.
He heads the Genesis Philanthropy Group (GPG) — an international fund supporting Jewish educational and cultural initiatives in Israel, the USA, and Europe.

Under his leadership, GPG funds programs:

• Yad Vashem (the national Holocaust memorial),
• Jewish Agency for Israel,
• Taglit–Birthright Israel,
• JDC (Joint Distribution Committee),
• Cultural and youth projects of the Jewish diaspora.

Gazin is a member of the planning committee of Taglit–Birthright Israel, regularly participates in events in the Knesset, at forums in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv.
He is known as a supporter of bringing Ukrainian and Israeli societies closer through education, culture, and humanitarian initiatives.

Fund “If Not Now Then When” and connection with Israel

The fund If Not Now Then When was created before the film’s release as a humanitarian and cultural platform to help Ukraine.
It implements programs in the fields of medicine, psychological rehabilitation, and veteran support.

Main areas of work:

• Providing hospitals and military units with first aid kits, equipment, and transport;
• Assistance in rehabilitating servicemen with amputations;
• Cooperation with Israeli organizations, adopting experience in working with veterans;
• Cultural initiatives aimed at strengthening humanistic values.

One of the fund’s projects was supporting the Ukrainian premiere of the film “Golda”, dedicated to Golda Meir, a native of Kyiv and Prime Minister of Israel.
The screening was held in conjunction with the Jewish Confederation of Ukraine and the Babi Yar Memorial Center, symbolizing the cultural unification of the two countries.

The source of inspiration for the fund was precisely Israel. Gazin emphasizes that the Israeli system of social integration of veterans is one of the best in the world:
society perceives wounded soldiers not as disabled but as people deserving respect and support.

The fund If Not Now Then When applies this approach in Ukraine, implementing projects that combine Israeli experience in medical and psychological rehabilitation with Ukrainian volunteer self-organization practices.

“Every person has the right to their second wind. The question is who will be there when they seek it,” said Gennady Gazin, explaining the project’s philosophy.

Conclusion

The film “Second Wind” became part of a larger process — a social and humanitarian movement inspired by Israel’s experience and implemented in Ukraine.
It combines personal history, professional cinema, and real aid programs supported by Gennady Gazin’s fund.

This is not just a film about veterans — it is proof that culture, charity, and international cooperation can restore meaning and self-belief to people.

Main sources of material

• Review of the film “Second Wind” — UP.Culture
  
• Review of the film “Second Wind” — UNIAN
  
• Veteran with a prosthetic raises a million for the army — RBC Ukraine
  
• Film “Second Wind” — Cinema.in.ua
  
• Official website of the fund “If Not Now Then When”
  
• Genesis Philanthropy Group — official website
  

On the evening of June 24, 2026, the north of the country was shaken by two powerful earthquakes with magnitudes of 7.2 and 7.5. They occurred less than a minute apart, approximately 160 kilometers west of Caracas, according to the US Geological Survey, as reported by Reuters. The first official figures already look grim: at least 164 dead and nearly 1,000 injured, but rescuers warn that the data may change after clearing the debris and restoring communication with the affected areas.

Caracas, the coastal state of La Guaira, and settlements in the Caribbean coastal area were the hardest hit. It is there that the most intensive search and rescue operations are currently underway. Authorities are calling La Guaira a disaster zone: dozens of buildings have collapsed, infrastructure is damaged, and communication, power supply, and transportation links are disrupted.

For Israel, this news is important not only as an international tragedy. The country is home to people from Latin America, including the Venezuelan Jewish community, and the disaster once again reminds us that a strong earthquake can turn an urban area into a mass disaster zone in minutes.

What happened in Venezuela

The first powerful tremor occurred on the evening of June 24. A few dozen seconds later, a second, even stronger one followed. This sequence intensified the destruction: buildings already damaged by the first strike might not withstand the second.

According to Reuters, the earthquakes were felt in the capital and at a great distance from the epicenter. In Caracas, people ran out of homes, hospitals, shopping centers, and office buildings. In some areas, power and communication outages began, and schools and some institutions were closed.

Particularly severe reports are coming from La Guaira — a coastal region near Caracas, where the country’s main international airport is located. AP reports that buildings in the area were damaged, people were evacuated, and patients from one hospital were placed outside after the damage.

In photos and videos published by international agencies, you can see destroyed facades, debris, rescuers with stretchers, people spending the night in open areas, and patients being carried out of damaged buildings.

Why the death toll might rise

The official figure — 164 dead — is still preliminary. In such disasters, the initial data almost never reflect the full scale of the tragedy. The main reason is that people may remain under the rubble, and some areas may be inaccessible to rescuers due to destroyed roads, communication outages, and lack of equipment.

Reuters reports that, according to a site associated with opposition representatives, more than 10,000 people were unaccounted for shortly after the earthquakes. This does not mean that they all died or are under the rubble, but it shows the scale of chaos and the difficulty in establishing contact with families.

The US Geological Survey’s PAGER impact assessment system warned of the risk of a much more severe scenario. Such models are not an official death toll count, but they take into account the magnitude, depth of the earthquake, population density, building types, and the likelihood of secondary destruction. According to estimates cited by Reuters, the death toll could exceed 10,000 if the worst-case scenario in densely populated areas is confirmed.

La Guaira has become one of the main disaster zones

Acting President of Venezuela Delcy Rodriguez stated that La Guaira has become a ‘real tragedy’ and a disaster zone. According to her, dozens of buildings have collapsed there, and rescuers are conducting intensive operations to find survivors under concrete and metal in time.

This region is particularly vulnerable: it is located between mountains and the sea, near Caracas, with dense urban development, transport hubs, and an airport. If roads, bridges, or access to destroyed buildings are damaged, the rescue operation immediately becomes much more difficult.

The situation is further complicated by possible secondary consequences. Experts point to the risk of landslides and soil liquefaction — a phenomenon where water-saturated soil loses strength after strong tremors and begins to behave almost like a liquid. This is especially dangerous for coastal areas, buildings on weak foundations, and slopes.

Airport, hospitals, and communication

According to international agencies, the main airport near Caracas was damaged and closed. This is critically important because rescuers, humanitarian aid, medicines, and equipment usually arrive through the airport.

Hospitals are operating in overload mode. In Caracas, medical staff increased shifts to receive the injured. Some facilities were damaged, and some patients were taken outside due to the risk of aftershocks and destruction.

Communication problems also hinder assessing the real number of victims. After major earthquakes, people often cannot reach relatives, mobile networks are overloaded, electricity goes out, and messages from certain areas arrive with significant delays.

International reaction and assistance

The US has expressed readiness to help Venezuela. According to Reuters, Washington expressed readiness to provide support, and American representatives reported contacts with Venezuelan authorities. Other countries in the region also offered or expressed readiness to provide assistance.

For Venezuela, international aid can be crucial. The country has been in a severe economic and political crisis for many years, and medical and utility infrastructure in many areas operates with limited resources. Even under normal conditions, hospitals, communication, and the transport system are under strain; after the earthquake, this strain becomes critical.

NAnews — Israel News notes: in such disasters, the first 24 hours often determine how many people can be saved. Rescuers need heavy equipment, search dogs, mobile hospitals, generators, water, medicines, and safe routes to the destroyed areas.

Was there a tsunami threat

After the tremors, warnings of a possible tsunami threat briefly sounded, but they were later lifted. This does not eliminate the danger for coastal areas: even without a tsunami, the earthquake can damage port infrastructure, roads along the coast, buildings on slopes, and communications.

Why Venezuela is vulnerable to such earthquakes

Venezuela is located in a zone of complex tectonic plate interaction. The north of the country is near the boundary of the Caribbean and South American plates, so strong earthquakes are possible here. The country’s history already includes destructive seismic events, including the 1812 catastrophe, when, according to historical estimates, tens of thousands of people died.

But magnitude is not the only factor. The final tragedy depends on the depth of the tremor, the distance to cities, the quality of construction, the time of day, the readiness of rescue services, and the condition of hospitals and roads.

If a strong earthquake occurs near dense urban development, and buildings are not designed for such loads, the destruction can be enormous even at a lower magnitude. In Venezuela, this risk is exacerbated by old housing stock, economic crisis, and limited capabilities for rapid large-scale mobilization.

What is known now

At the moment, several key facts are confirmed.

Two strong earthquakes with magnitudes of 7.2 and 7.5 occurred on the evening of June 24, 2026.

At least 164 people died, and nearly 1,000 were injured.

The most severe destruction is recorded in the Caracas area, La Guaira, and the Caribbean coast.

People may remain under the rubble.

The main airport and part of the hospital infrastructure were damaged.

Rescue operations continue, and the number of victims may change.

For readers in Israel, this tragedy is another reminder of the importance of earthquake preparedness. Israel is also located in a seismically active region, near the Syrian-African Rift. Therefore, issues of building reinforcement, hospital readiness, backup communication, civil defense, and personal home supplies are not abstract theory but part of real security.

NAnews — Israel News will continue to monitor the situation in Venezuela and updates from international agencies.

What is important to remember

Venezuela experienced not one tremor, but a double blow, which sharply increased the destruction.

The official death toll is still preliminary.

The main hope now is for rescue operations in the first hours and days after the disaster.

The most severe consequences may be in areas where communication is disrupted and rescuers have not yet reached all the debris.

For Israel, this is also an occasion to talk again about seismic preparedness, because earthquakes do not warn in advance.

This is the most common and absolutely logical question.
And the short answer to it is — no, not all the land in Israel belongs to the state.

…

Let’s say right away, in Israel, a petition/open appeal by Israeli citizens to the government is gaining momentum, demanding “to stop the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard to Russia and related IPPO structures“, because they believe that such a transfer “threatens Israel’s security” and poses “risks associated with external influence and the political interests of Moscow and related organizations”.

“Protect Israel from the Russian threat: stop the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard to Hamas supporters“
“Protect Israel from the Russian threat: stop the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard to Hamas supporters”

here it is (Hebrew) – https://www.atzuma.co.il/threatfromrussia

…

Let’s return to land ownership.

Where did this myth come from

In Israel, indeed:

• most of the land is under state management;
• there is the Israel Land Authority;
• land is often not sold, but leased long-term.

Because of this, there is a feeling that

“everything state-owned means the state decides everything.”

But this is not quite so.

What actually belongs to the state and what does not

In Israel, there are three different types of land:

1. State land
   Yes — belongs to the state.
   This is simple.
2. Private land of citizens and organizations
   Yes — it exists.
   With documents, registers, and property rights.
3. Historical and foreign private property
   This is where the whole story with courtyards, churches, and old objects begins.

Many such plots:

• were purchased even before 1948,
• during the Ottoman Empire, British Mandate,
• by private societies, churches, foundations.

And Israel did not automatically nullify these rights.

Why didn’t Israel say: “Everything is ours, period”

When Israel was being re-established, it consciously did not go down the path of confiscating all private property.

The reasons are simple and harsh:

• it wanted to be a state of law, not a revolutionary regime;
• it inherited the British legal system, not destroyed it;
• mass confiscation would mean:
  • endless courts,
  • international isolation,
  • destruction of its own legitimacy.

Simply put:

Israel could have taken it — but decided not to become one who takes by force.

Then what does “transfer” mean in such disputes

When it is said that an object is “transferred”, it does not mean that:

• Israel is giving away “its land”,
• or making a gift to someone.

In fact, Israel:

• is not the owner of such objects,
• acts as an arbiter,
• decides whom to recognize as the legal owner between disputing parties.

Can Israel take it for itself?

Theoretically — yes:

• if the object is recognized as ownerless,
• if no party proves the right,
• or for exceptional reasons of public interest.

“Public interest” — these are rare cases when the state can intervene in private property for the sake of security, vital infrastructure, or protection of unique heritage, for example, for road, railway, or metro construction, creating a security zone, or preserving a historical object.

But this is a extreme scenario, which Israel almost does not resort to, because it:

• creates a dangerous precedent,
• hits international reputation,
• undermines the very logic of a state of law.

The shortest explanation

Land under the sovereignty of Israel — yes.
But ownership — not always state-owned.
Therefore, Israel does not “give away its own”, but decides, whose it is by law (Israeli and international).

Let’s start.

What is the Alexander Courtyard today — in fact

The Alexander Courtyard, here it is on Google map, is a historical-archaeological, cult, and museum complex in the Old City of Jerusalem, located approximately 40–50 meters from the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (1–2 minutes walk). It is not a hotel or commercial lodging: accommodation for tourists or pilgrims is not provided.

Area and location.
The complex occupies a plot of about 1,300–1,500 m², which is a significant size for the dense development of the Old City. Nearby are key shrines and locations:

• Church of the Holy Sepulchre — 40–50 m;
• route Via Dolorosa — directly adjacent (the Judgment Gate Threshold is part of it);
• district Muristan — about 100 m;
• Jaffa Gate — approximately 250–300 m.

What exactly is on the territory of the courtyard:

• House Church of St. Alexander Nevsky — a small Orthodox church of the late 19th century; services are held periodically, there is no permanent monastic community.
• Judgment Gate Threshold — an authentic archaeological object of the Roman era (1st century AD), a fragment of an ancient pavement and threshold; according to Christian tradition, associated with the path of Jesus Christ to the trial of Pontius Pilate and included in the Via Dolorosa route.
• Archaeological site — elements of ancient city walls and buildings of Jerusalem, discovered during 19th-century excavations and preserved.
• Small museum and exhibition rooms, dedicated to the history of the complex and findings.
• Inner courtyard and historical buildings, forming a closed architectural ensemble within the Old City.

What is happening there now:

• the courtyard is open to visitors as a cultural-historical object;
• tours and archaeological site inspections are conducted;
• there is a museum exhibition;
• the cult function of the church is maintained;
• work is being done on the maintenance, protection, and conservation of monuments.

What is fundamentally absent there:

• there is no hotel or hostel;
• there is no commercial tourist service;
• there is no diplomatic or state institution.

Who manages the object:

Management and daily activities are carried out by the Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS) — a non-governmental public association operating in Jerusalem within the Israeli legal framework. Administrators, guides, and caretakers work on-site; restorers and monument protection specialists are involved as needed. The State of Israel does not directly manage the courtyard but oversees it within the framework of heritage protection and security legislation.

It is the combination of significant area, archaeological value, and extreme proximity to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre that makes the Alexander Courtyard an object of special attention and explains why the dispute around it goes far beyond a usual property issue.

Let’s continue.

In November 2025, a new round of hearings on the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard took place in the Jerusalem District Court — from the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (IPPO) — to whom — Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (IPPO).

No, this is not a typo.

Why “IPPO ≠ IPPO”, if OPS was in between

(in the international-legal sense, considering the role of OPS)

In practice, it is about not two, but three different entities, which creates the main confusion. Two of them bear the same name — the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, and the third — Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS) — occupied an intermediate position during the legal gap period.

Imperial IPPO (1882–1917)

The pre-revolutionary “Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society” (IPPO) was a private public association, founded in 1882 and operating within the legal framework of the Russian Empire.

Principally important legal clarification:
the imperial IPPO did not belong to the state of the Russian Empire and was not the property of the royal family or the House of Romanov.

• the society was not a state body;
• was not part of the structure of ministries or departments;
• its property was not state property;
• it was not in the personal property of the emperor or members of the dynasty.

Imperial patronage was expressed exclusively in:

• approval of the charter,
• moral and political support,

but not in ownership rights.

All land plots and buildings in “Palestine”, including the Jerusalem courtyards, belonged to the society itself as an independent legal entity, not to the state and not to the royal family.

The term “Palestine” is used here exclusively in a historical-legal sense, as it appeared in Ottoman, European, and mandate documents of the late 19th — early 20th century, and has no relation to modern political realities or issues of Israeli sovereignty. For clarity, this name will be used strictly in the form and meaning in which it is recorded in official acts of the corresponding period.

After 1917, the Russian Empire and the imperial legal order ceased to exist. As a result, the imperial IPPO lost its legal personality and ceased to exist as a legal entity. There was no formal act of liquidation, but in the international-legal sense, the society ceased to exist.

Important for the IPPO case

Already in 1918, Soviet Russia, and then the USSR, officially renounced succession in relation to the Russian Empire, which was recorded by the decree of the Council of People’s Commissars on the annulment of state debts and the rupture of imperial legal and contractual obligations. This renunciation meant not only the non-recognition of imperial state debts but also the absence of succession for private imperial societies, including the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society. Accordingly, the property of the IPPO abroad was not considered inherited by the USSR and was not under the protection or management of the Soviet state, which cemented the international-legal gap in the fate of the society and its property.

OPS as a period of factual continuation

In the legal vacuum that arose after 1917, the activities and management of the property of the former IPPO in the Holy Land effectively passed to the Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS)— a Jerusalem Orthodox organization formed in the emigrant community from the Russian Empire in the 1920s. People, local structure, archives, and actual management of the courtyards moved to OPS.

Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS) — is a non-governmental public association operating in Jerusalem and associated with the historical tradition of the pre-revolutionary Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, but legally independent and not representing any state. It operates within the Israeli legal framework and manages historical objects, including the Alexander Courtyard. In this article, OPS is mentioned only as one of the parties to the property dispute, without delving into its history.

At the same time, OPS was not and was not recognized as the legal successor of the imperial IPPO. It did not receive the property by an act of inheritance or transfer and acted in the international-legal logic as a factual holder and custodian, not as a legal owner.

Russian IPPO (since the 1990s)

The modern Russian “Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society” (IPPO) was created in the 1990s and registered under Russian Federation law. In a legal sense, this is a new legal entity, not identical to the pre-revolutionary society.

The Russian IPPO declares itself the successor of the imperial IPPO, relying on historical continuity, mission, traditions, and the restoration of the name. However, from the point of view of international and Israeli law, the coincidence of the name and appeal to historical identity does not create automatic succession.

International-legal conclusion

In international-legal logic, automatic succession is possible only if there is continuity of the same legal entity or an internationally recognized act of transfer of rights. In the case of the IPPO, such conditions did not exist. An additional factor cementing the gap is the existence of OPS as an independent factual holder of property in the period between 1917 and the 1990s.

Final formula

The Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society was a private public association and did not belong to either the state of the Russian Empire or the royal family; its property was not state property. In the international-legal sense, the modern Russian IPPO is not an automatic successor of the pre-revolutionary IPPO, as there is no continuity of the legal entity and there was no internationally recognized act of transfer of rights.

What is the legal collision

In December 2019, Israeli media reported on the registration of the Alexander Courtyard for Russia in the Israeli real estate register. It was this entry that created the impression that the object had already been transferred. However, the registration was carried out administratively, without completing legal proceedings and without resolving objections from the Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS).

OPS, led by Nikolai Vorontsov-Hofman, filed a protest, after which the Jerusalem District Court imposed a temporary ban on the transfer of the object to the Russian IPPO, effectively freezing the situation.

Administrative decision of 2020

In 2020, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu signed an administrative document categorizing the Alexander Courtyard as a “place of Christian worship”.

This decision was not an act of property transfer and did not replace legal proceedings, but it placed the object in a special legal regime, where questions of its status could be considered at the government level, not exclusively within the framework of ordinary civil litigation. Thus, the executive branch received an additional tool for resolving the dispute outside the classic judicial path.

Current legal status

The Jerusalem District Court ruled to maintain the status quo until a political-administrative decision is made.

According to the court’s decision, the courtyard temporarily remains under the management of the OPS (Orthodox Palestine Society) — that is, the structure that carries out the actual ownership and management of the object at the moment — until a special interdepartmental commission of the Israeli government makes a final decision on the ownership issue.

The court did not recognize any of the parties as the final owner, emphasizing the limited jurisdiction in this situation.

Positions of the parties

• The Russian side claims that Israel should fulfill previous political commitments and complete the transfer process in favor of the Russian IPPO, which is considered by it as a historical successor.
• OPS (Orthodox Palestine Society) insists that the courtyard is its historical property, which Russia or Russian structures never directly owned, and disputes the very idea of transfer.
• The Israeli government takes an intermediate position, trying to balance between external political pressure, internal legal risks, and international criticism, avoiding a unilateral decision without the conclusion of a specialized commission.

What’s next

The court directly indicated that the final decision is within the competence of the governmental interdepartmental commission, not the court and not the prime minister individually.

Until such a decision is made, the situation remains legally suspended. At the same time, continued pressure from the Russian side is expected, especially given the current geopolitical context, while the Israeli government continues to postpone the final decision, striving to minimize legal and political consequences.

By the way –

there is material about the modern Russian IPPO from the Israeli publication “Details”

“The Alexander Courtyard is wanted to be transferred to a structure, accusing Israel of the “October 7 massacre” and promoting more than 170 exhibitions about the “genocide of Palestinians”

And here is the video Sergey Auslender – Nikita Aronov on this issue:

Ancient Hebrew period (10th century BC — 70 AD)

Land was regulated by the norms of ancient Hebrew law (din Torah), as well as city and royal administration. The plot was outside the sacred zone of the Temple Mount, so the temple property regime (קדשי המקדש) did not apply to it. Ownership was secular and could be private, communal, or administrative within the framework of ancient Hebrew property law.

Specific owners are not known by name, as cadastral fixation of property in the modern sense did not exist. After the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD and the liquidation of the city structure, the former ancient Hebrew property titles effectively lost legal force.

Roman period (70 AD — 4th century AD)

After the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD, the territory came under the direct control of the Roman Empire and was regulated by the norms of Roman law (ius Romanum). Land was considered either state property (ager publicus) or private property (dominium privatum), transferred to Roman citizens or municipal structures of the city.

Specific owners of the plot are not recorded in surviving sources. Property rights of the previous population were terminated as a result of war and deportations, and subsequent ownership was determined by decisions of the Roman administration and city management (municipium).

Byzantine and early Christian period (326–637 AD)

In 326–335 AD, at the initiative of Empress Helena, mother of Emperor Constantine the Great, and by direct order of the imperial authority, the territory in the area of the future Church of the Holy Sepulchre was withdrawn from the usual city circulation. This decision was part of the state policy of Christianizing Jerusalem after the legalization of Christianity. Land, previously part of secular urban development, was transferred to the status of sacred property (res sacrae) according to the norms of Byzantine and Roman imperial law (ius Romanum, ius Byzantinum).

The legal holder of rights to the plot became the Jerusalem Church (ecclesia Hierosolymitana), that is, the local Christian institution under the management of the Bishop of Jerusalem, operating under imperial patronage (imperial patronage). The transfer was not formalized by a purchase-sale agreement, as the mechanism of imperial withdrawal and sacralization of land, characteristic of the 4th century, was applied. Private individuals were not owners, and the alienation of the plot was taken out of the civil circulation.

The formation of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the adjacent territory secured a stable Christian status for this area, which was maintained throughout the Byzantine period. Documentary confirmation of this is provided by contemporaneous sources of the 4th century, primarily the testimonies of Eusebius of Caesarea (Vita Constantini), as well as subsequent Byzantine church management practices. By the time of the Arab conquest of Jerusalem in 637 AD, the plot was recognized as church property, under institutional, not private ownership.

Early Islamic period (from 637 AD — 10th century)

After the capture of Jerusalem in 637 AD by the troops of Caliph Umar ibn al-Khattab, the city came under the rule of the Rashidun, and then the Umayyad and Abbasid caliphates. Upon the change of sovereignty, Christian shrines and church possessions were not confiscated. The rights of the Jerusalem Church to the plot in the area of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre were preserved within the framework of Islamic law.

The legal basis was the granting of Christians the status of dhimmi (ahl al-dhimma), which guaranteed the protection of the person, cult, and property upon payment of a poll tax (jizya). Church property was recognized as legal and inviolable, and the land continued to be owned by the Christian institution as a religious collective. The caliphate did not convert such plots into waqf and did not include them in the state land fund (bayt al-mal).

Thus, in the early Islamic period, there was no redistribution of property, but a confirmation of the previously established Byzantine church title. By the 10th century, the plot remained part of the Christian confessional zone around the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, with continuous institutional ownership and without a break in legal status.

Medieval period: Crusaders, Ayyubids, Mamluks (11th–15th centuries)

In 1099, Jerusalem was captured by the Crusaders, and the city came under the control of the Latin Kingdom. Christian property in the area of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was redistributed within the Christian world: management and ownership of plots passed to Latin church institutions under canon law (ius canonicum). At the same time, the category of church sacred property was preserved, and the land was not turned into secular private property.

After the return of Jerusalem under the control of the Ayyubids in 1187 and the subsequent establishment of Mamluk control, there was a rollback of Latin dominance. Muslim authorities restored the principle of protecting Christian shrines and property within Islamic law. Church plots around the Church of the Holy Sepulchre were preserved for Eastern Christian communities, including Greeks and Copts, as recognized religious corporations. Property was considered collective confessional ownership and was not included in the state land fund.

By the end of the Mamluk period, the plot on which the Alexander Courtyard later arose was part of a stable Christian property mass in the Old City. The legal status was determined not by a specific purchase-sale agreement, but by continuous recognition of religious property with the change of political regimes.

Ottoman period (1517 — mid-19th century)

After the conquest of Jerusalem by the Ottoman Empire in 1517, the city was included in the Ottoman administrative-legal system. Christian communities were recognized by the state as religious corporations within the millet system, which gave them the right to collective ownership of real estate and independent management of internal affairs. The property of Christian denominations, including land plots in the area of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, was regulated by the norms of Ottoman law, combining sharia and imperial legislation (kanun).

At the early stage of Ottoman rule, the rights of religious communities were primarily fixed in fiscal-land registers (defter). These documents reflected the recognition of a specific community’s ownership of a plot and its responsibility to the state, but did not represent an individual title deed in the modern sense. It was about state confirmation of existing confessional ownership, not the creation of new property rights.

With the development of the Ottoman land system and the implementation of reforms in the 18th–19th centuries, religious possessions in Jerusalem were more formally registered in the tapu land certificate system. It was the tapu senedi that became the first type of document that can be considered a full-fledged title deed, recognized by the state and allowing for the alienation of property.

Within this registration, part of the Christian plots around the Church of the Holy Sepulchre was secured for the Coptic Orthodox community of Jerusalem as an independent legal entity.

It is important to emphasize that the Ottoman authorities did not “transfer” the land to the Copts. Their right was based on continuous confessional ownership, which the state recognized and formalized through registration. The Ottoman administration considered the Coptic community as a legitimate owner, capable of disposing of real estate, including its sale, subject to the established procedure and obtaining permission from the authorities.

By the mid-19th century, the Coptic community had a formalized and state-recognized title of ownership, confirmed by tapu documents. It was the emergence of this formalized Ottoman title deed that became the first case of documentary securing of property rights to the plot in a legal sense and created the legal possibility of its lawful sale to the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in 1859–1860.

Purchase of the plot by the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission (1859–1860)

In 1859–1860, the land plot in the area of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, previously registered for the Coptic Orthodox community of Jerusalem, was alienated in favor of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem. The transaction was formalized as a private purchase-sale between two religious corporations and was carried out within the framework of the existing Ottoman law. The seller was the Coptic church institution, possessing a formalized title of ownership, confirmed by the tapu system, and the buyer was the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, acting through its head, Archimandrite Antonin (Kapustin).

The legal basis of the transaction was a purchase-sale agreement concluded under the norms of sharia and kanun with the mandatory administrative permission of the Ottoman authorities for the alienation of real estate to a foreign religious entity. Such a procedure was standard for Jerusalem in the mid-19th century and applied to all foreign Christian missions. The Ottoman administration considered the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission not as a state body of the Russian Empire, but as a church institution, which excluded the qualification of the transaction as interstate.

The financing of the purchase was carried out at the expense of donations and church funds, but the source of the money did not affect the legal status of the property. In Ottoman documents and registers, the owner of the plot was recorded as the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem, not the Russian Empire, not the imperial family, and not the treasury. No acts transferring the plot to the state property of Russia were formalized.

The conclusion of the transaction in 1859–1860 created a new initial title of ownership, recognized by the Ottoman state and valid in subsequent periods. From this moment, the plot was in the private church ownership of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, which became the legal basis for the subsequent construction and formation of the Alexander Courtyard, but did not generate any rights for the Russian Empire as a state.

Development of the plot and formation of the Alexander Courtyard (1860s — 1890s)

After the completion of the purchase-sale in 1859–1860, the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem began the development of the plot as the legal owner under Ottoman law. The use of the land was carried out based on the formalized tapu title and was not accompanied by any acts of alienation or change in the legal status of ownership. The Ottoman authorities considered construction and archaeological work as permissible disposal of private church property (mulk).

In the 1860s–1870s, the plot was cleared and adapted for religious and pilgrimage purposes. In the 1880s–1890s, an architectural complex was formed here, which received the name Alexander Courtyard. This name had a memorial character and did not reflect the form of ownership or state affiliation of the object. The right of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission to the plot continued to be preserved without changes and did not require re-registration.

Transfer of management of the Alexander Courtyard to the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society (late 19th century)

By the end of the 19th century, the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem decided to transfer the economic and pilgrimage management of the Alexander Courtyard to the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society. The basis for this was the statutory goals of the IPPO, aimed at organizing pilgrimages, maintaining Russian institutions in Palestine, and exploiting religious real estate. The transfer was carried out in the form of an internal order between affiliated church-public structures and was not formalized as a civil-law transaction of alienation.

From a legal point of view, it was about delegating management and use functions (administratio), not about transferring ownership rights (dominium). The Russian Ecclesiastical Mission retained the title of owner, based on the Ottoman tapu, while the IPPO acted as the managing organization, carrying out actual possession, maintenance, and exploitation of the object. No purchase-sale, donation, or other title deed in favor of the IPPO was formalized, and the change of owner was not registered in either Ottoman or subsequent registers.

The transfer of management did not require separate permission from the Ottoman authorities, as it did not affect the title of ownership and was considered an internal order of the owner within his powers. In legal terms, the IPPO acted as a lawful possessor (lawful possessor), having gained access to the object based on the owner’s consent.

It was this status that later became key for assessing the continuity of possession after 1917, but it did not itself turn the IPPO into an owner at this stage.

1917–1922: cessation of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, renunciation of succession, and creation of a legal vacuum

After the revolutionary events of 1917, the pre-revolutionary church-state order of the Russian Empire was destroyed. The Holy Synod, through which the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in Jerusalem operated, was abolished, centralized management and financing of the mission ceased, and the Soviet government refused to recognize pre-revolutionary church institutions as holders of property rights abroad. As a result, the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission lost its legal personality and ability to act as an active owner of real estate.

The cessation of the mission’s activities was not accompanied by an act of liquidation, confiscation, or transfer of property. The Alexander Courtyard was not transferred to either the state or another church structure. In 1918–1922, Soviet Russia officially renounced succession for foreign private and church property of the Russian Empire, which excluded the emergence of a title for the RSFSR or the USSR. Thus, the title of ownership, formalized in the 19th century for the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, was “orphaned”: it was not annulled but lost its active holder.

The Moscow Patriarchate, restored in new conditions, did not become the successor of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission in a property sense. It arose as a new church structure within the Soviet legal framework and did not receive automatic international recognition as the heir to pre-revolutionary foreign assets. Neither the Soviet state nor foreign authorities formalized acts of succession linking the patriarchate with the mission’s rights to real estate in Jerusalem.

In these conditions, the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society, which even before 1917 carried out lawful management and use of the Alexander Courtyard based on the owner’s consent, continued actual possession of the object. This possession was qualified as lawful and continuous (lawful possession), as the IPPO did not enter arbitrarily, did not displace another owner, and acted within the framework of previously obtained powers. The absence of a successor for the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission and the refusal of the USSR to make claims created a legal vacuum in which the IPPO remained the only subject exercising possession, forming the basis for subsequent recognition of the title based on the principle of continuity of possession (continuity of possession).

British Mandate period (1917–1948): administrative practice and recognition of the IPPO

During the British Mandate in Palestine (1917–1948), the new authorities adopted the principle of preserving existing property rights and titles formed before the change of sovereignty. Regarding the Alexander Courtyard, the British administration did not carry out expropriation, sequestration, or nationalization and did not declare the object ownerless (bona vacantia). The absence of an active owner, which arose after the cessation of the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, was not filled by transferring the property to the mandate state.

The practice of management and administrative interaction was built directly with the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society. All official correspondence, permits, and orders for the operation and maintenance of the courtyard were addressed to the IPPO as the responsible owner and manager. British authorities did not require the IPPO to present an act of transfer of ownership and did not initiate re-registration of the title, which meant tacit recognition of the established possession through the administrative behavior of the authority (recognition by conduct).

Legally, this period became key for consolidating the status of the IPPO. Continuous and lawful possession (lawful possession) in the absence of a competing owner and in the absence of state actions to expropriate the property led to the crystallization of the title. The British Mandate did not create new property rights but confirmed the existing situation based on continuity of possession (continuity of possession), which was later accepted by subsequent sovereign authorities.

Jordanian period (1948–1967): preservation of the status quo of ownership and applicable law

After 1948, East Jerusalem came under Jordanian control, which applied the principle of preserving the existing property order (status quo), used in international practice during the change of sovereignty. The applicable law included the norms of Ottoman land law (Ottoman Land Code 1858), which continued to operate in East Jerusalem, as well as the provisions of mandate law, inherited from the British administration. These sources were considered as a continuing legal order and did not require automatic re-registration of ownership.

Regarding the Alexander Courtyard, Jordanian authorities did not carry out confiscation, sequestration, or recognition of the property as ownerless (bona vacantia). The absence of such actions meant the preservation of the previous title. Administrative interaction was carried out with the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society as the factual owner and manager, without requiring an act of transfer of ownership. In these conditions, the principle of lawful and continuous possession (lawful possession, continuity of possession) was applied, where the right is not created anew but preserved in the absence of competing claims.

Former Russian state property in West Jerusalem after 1948

After the declaration of independence of the State of Israel in 1948 and the establishment of its control over the western part of Jerusalem, Israel came under its jurisdiction a number of objects that previously belonged to the Russian Empire as a state. The issue of their fate was not resolved automatically but under active external political pressure from the Soviet Union.

The USSR became one of the first states to recognize Israel and used this recognition as a tool of political pressure. Soviet diplomacy directly insisted on the transfer of former imperial state real estate to the USSR as the successor of the Russian Empire. For the young Israeli state, which was in international isolation and dependent on external support, this factor was decisive.

As a result, in 1949–1951, Israel recognized the USSR’s rights to objects that before 1917 were state property of the Russian Empire and were located within western Jerusalem. Such objects included the complex of the Russian Compound (Migraash ha-Rusim), buildings of the former Russian hospital, as well as administrative and representative buildings, constructed and registered to the state treasury. These objects did not belong to church property and were not owned by public or religious organizations.

Legal formalization was carried out by administrative decisions of the Israeli government and subsequent registration in property bodies. The basis was Israel’s recognition of the USSR as the state successor of the Russian Empire exclusively in terms of state property, as well as diplomatic agreements between the parties. A separate special law was not adopted; the legal effect was achieved through a combination of executive acts and international obligations.

This mechanism did not extend to objects that before 1917 belonged to the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, monasteries, or public structures, as they were not state property and did not fall under the principle of state succession.

“Orange Deal”. Redemption by the State of Israel of former Soviet real estate in West Jerusalem (1964)

In 1964, the State of Israel redeemed from the Soviet Union a significant part of the real estate in West Jerusalem, previously recognized for the USSR as state property of the Russian Empire. The deal was formalized within the framework of an interstate agreement and received the unofficial name “orange deal”.

The subject of the redemption was exclusively objects that had the status of state (treasury) property before 1917 and were located on territory under Israeli control. These included the main buildings of the Russian Compound (Migraash ha-Rusim), administrative and economic buildings, as well as buildings of the former Russian hospital and accompanying infrastructure. After the completion of the deal, the USSR’s ownership of these objects was terminated, and they passed into the full ownership of the State of Israel.

The decision to redeem was due to several reasons. The formal ownership of the USSR of large objects in the center of Jerusalem was considered by Israel as a problem of sovereignty and internal security. Legally, Israel could not nationalize foreign state property without serious international consequences, so redemption was chosen as a legal way of final settlement. In addition, the USSR was interested in converting unused foreign real estate into economic compensation, and Israel — in gaining full control over the territory for the placement of state, judicial, and municipal institutions.

The 1964 deal did not extend to objects located in East Jerusalem, did not concern church and public property, and was not related to objects that before 1917 belonged to the Russian Ecclesiastical Mission, monasteries, or the Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society. The Alexander Courtyard was not included in this process.

1967: extension of the Israeli land registration system and fixation of IPPO ownership

After the Six-Day War of 1967 and the establishment of Israeli control over East Jerusalem, Israel extended its civil and property law to this territory. For the first time for the Old City, a unified national system of real estate registration was applied — the Israeli land registry Tabu (Lishkat rishum mekarkein).

Before this, other forms of land accounting existed in Jerusalem: Ottoman tapu records, as well as mandate and Jordanian practices of preserving these records. However, none of them represented a modern state cadastre with mandatory fixation of the current owner. The Israeli Tabu, unlike previous systems, fixes property rights as a legal fact recognized by the state.

When including objects of East Jerusalem in Tabu, Israel did not carry out nationalization, did not create new titles, and did not change owners. The principle of preserving previously existing property rights (status quo / continuity of title) was applied: if an object had a legal owner and was not alienated, its right was preserved and subject to fixation in the register.

The Alexander Courtyard was entered into the Israeli real estate register (Tabu) with the indication of Orthodox Palestine Society (OPS) as the owner of the plot. The basis was Ottoman purchase-sale documents, the lawful entry of the pre-revolutionary Imperial Orthodox Palestine Society into possession, continuous actual management of the object by the local structure after 1917, and the absence of any act of alienation in favor of the state(?). The object was not registered for the State of Israel and was not considered state property.

Thus, after 1967, the property rights to the Alexander Courtyard were first formally fixed in a modern state register precisely for OPS. It was not about the emergence of a new right, but about the state fixation of an already existing historical title, which in Israeli law is a full confirmation of private property.

1967–1990: absence of disputes and the beginning of Russian claims

From the moment of the inclusion of East Jerusalem in the legal field of the State of Israel in 1967 until the early 1990s, the issue of the ownership of the Alexander Courtyard was not raised or disputed.

During this period, the Soviet Union did not make property claims to the Alexander Courtyard, which corresponded to its previously declared renunciation of succession for foreign private and church property of the Russian Empire.

1991–1996: first practical steps of Russia

In 1991–1992, after the collapse of the USSR, Russian diplomatic missions in Israel began raising the issue of the status of certain objects of so-called “Russian real estate”, including the Alexander Courtyard, within the framework of working contacts with Israeli departments. These actions were informal and consultative in nature and were not accompanied by the filing of lawsuits, official statements of ownership rights, or attempts to change the entry in the real estate register.

In 1993–1996, the Russian side sent administrative requests to Israeli bodies asking to clarify the legal status of the object and the possibility of its re-registration. In response, Israeli registering bodies pointed to the presence of a valid entry in Tabu, as well as the absence of title documents necessary for changing the register. Formal procedures for reviewing the entry were not initiated.

During this period, no legal proceedings were conducted, no transfer decisions were made, and no changes in the real estate register occurred. All actions were limited to correspondence and consultations at the interdepartmental level.

Late 1990s — early 2000s: transition to formalized demands

In the late 1990s — early 2000s, the Russian Federation moved from consultations to formalized appeals to Israeli bodies demanding a review of the status of the Alexander Courtyard.

During this period, the Russian side began officially declaring that the object is “Russian property” and insisting on its re-registration in the state registers of Israel.

Israeli registering bodies refused to change the entry in Tabu, citing:

• the absence of proper title documents;
• the absence of a continuous and recognized chain of title;
• the presence of a valid registration for another entity.

No legal decisions were made during this period, and the entry in the real estate register remained unchanged.

2019–2022: administrative decisions and their review

In 2019, an administrative process related to changing the status of the Alexander Courtyard was initiated in Israel. The consideration of the issue took place not in a judicial order, but at the level of executive power and registration bodies.

In December 2019, within this process, an attempt was made to administratively formalize the rights of the Russian Federation to the object. These actions were of a political-administrative nature and took place against the backdrop of negotiations between Israel and Russia on the case of Israeli citizen Naama Issachar, convicted in the Russian Federation.

It is important to emphasize that it was not about judicial recognition of ownership rights. Registration actions were carried out administratively, without considering the issue of a continuous chain of title and without canceling the previously existing entry in the real estate register, which created a legal collision.

In 2020, a separate administrative decision was simultaneously made to categorize the Alexander Courtyard as a “place of Christian worship”, which transferred the object to a special legal regime, but was not an act of property transfer and did not replace legal proceedings.

In 2022, Israeli bodies canceled the administrative decisions of 2019–2020 related to changing the status of the object. The cancellation was carried out administratively, based on the results of an internal review of the legality of registration actions, without issuing a court decision on the merits of the ownership dispute.

During the review, it was established that the changes in the status of the Alexander Courtyard were made:

• without proper legal basis;
• without a court decision;
• without confirmation of a continuous and recognized chain of title.

After the cancellation of administrative decisions, the entry in the real estate register was returned to the state that existed before 2019.

2022 — present: status quo and awaiting decision

Currently, the legal status of the Alexander Courtyard remains uncertain. The object continues to be in a status quo mode until a final decision is made by the authorized bodies of the State of Israel. The process is not complete: further steps depend on the conclusions of the governmental interdepartmental commission and possible new legal actions.

Ultimately, the key decision remains with the government of Israel, not the court. The courts only fixed the status quo and directly indicated that the final answer should be developed by the interdepartmental commission and then approved by the executive branch. Thus, the issue goes far beyond a private property dispute and becomes a test of the ability of the Government of Israel to withstand external pressure without destroying the internal logic of a state of law.

Whether Benjamin Netanyahu will ultimately be able to protect the interests of the State of Israel — standing firm against the persistent demands of Putin — or whether the country will confirm its commitment to historical-legal facts, law, and democratic procedures, will be an indicator of which principle will be decisive: “political expediency” or “rule of law”.

This choice and its consequences continue to be closely monitored by NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency.

Public reaction: petition on risks to Israel’s security

Amid the ongoing dispute over the Alexander Courtyard, a public initiative emerged in Israel in the form of a petition posted on the Atzuma platform under the name Threat from Russia. The authors of the appeal urge the Israeli government to stop any forms of transferring the Alexander Courtyard to structures associated with the Russian Federation, considering such a step as a potential risk to national security.

“להגן על ישראל מהאיום הרוסי: לעצור את העברת חצר אלכסנדר לתומכי חמאס”
“Protect Israel from the Russian threat: stop the transfer of the Alexander Courtyard to Hamas supporters”

here it is (Hebrew) – https://www.atzuma.co.il/threatfromrussia

The text of the petition emphasizes that it is not just about a property or historical dispute. According to the initiators, the possible transfer of the object could lead to “institutional consolidation of Russian presence in a sensitive area of Jerusalem”, which is seen as a factor of political and symbolic influence, going beyond religious use.

A separate emphasis is placed on the risk of using religious and public structures as a “tool of external influence”, including promoting “political narratives and informal contacts that do not coincide with Israel’s interests”. The authors of the petition point out that similar “influence mechanisms” have already been used by Russia in other countries under the guise of cultural and religious institutions.

The appeal also emphasizes the geopolitical context: “active interaction of Russia with states and structures hostile to Israel, including Iran and related forces”. In this light, the transfer of the object in Jerusalem is perceived as a “potential channel of external pressure”, not as a neutral legal act.

Finally, the authors consider dangerous the very “precedent of a political decision bypassing a full legal procedure”, as it, in their opinion, “undermines trust in state institutions and creates vulnerability for future external pressure on Israeli decisions”.

At the same time, the petition is not a legal document and has no binding force. It reflects the position of part of Israeli society and serves as a form of public pressure on the executive branch, complementing the legal and political context around the Alexander Courtyard.

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2. Second scenario — RedotPay as a card for payment via phone, it is added to Google Wallet or Apple Wallet.
3. Third scenario — RedotPay as a crypto wallet and payment app, where the user can work with supported digital assets, top up the balance, transfer funds, buy crypto assets, and use them for payments.

In official descriptions, RedotPay mentions virtual and physical cards, payment with BTC, ETH, USDT, USDC, and other assets, mobile payments, the ability to pay online and in stores, as well as using the card with a large number of merchants worldwide.

But an important point: RedotPay should not be perceived as a “card without rules.” It is a financial payment tool with its limits, fees, identity verification, top-up rules, country restrictions, and possible questions about the origin of funds.

Why a separate virtual card is needed

The main benefit of a separate virtual card is control.

When the main bank card is linked to all sites and services, the user effectively opens access to their main payment tool to dozens of different platforms. This is not always dangerous, but often inconvenient.

For example, a small business owner launches advertising on Facebook and Google.

At the same time, he pays for domains, hosting, CRM, newsletters, design services, AI tools, Canva, Adobe, subscriptions, marketplaces, and apps. After a few months, it becomes difficult to understand where the business expenses are, where the personal payments are, where the advertising is, and where the automatic renewal of an old subscription is.

A separate virtual card RedotPay allows you to separate payments. One card can be used only for advertising. Another — for subscriptions. A third — for travel or online purchases. Even if something goes wrong, the main bank card will not be linked to every service in a row.

For users in Israel, this is especially relevant because many work with international platforms, pay for services abroad, run advertising accounts in different languages, and use services that do not always work perfectly with local cards.

Payment for advertising on Facebook, Instagram, and Google

One of the main pains of business is advertising payments.

Facebook Ads, Instagram Ads, and Google Ads charge money regularly. Sometimes the charge occurs after accumulating a certain amount, sometimes on a schedule, sometimes after changing limits in the advertising account. If the main card is linked to advertising, the advertising budget mixes with personal and other business expenses.

A separate RedotPay card can help bring order. It can be used only for advertising, topped up with the necessary amount, and control spending on the project.

RedotPay in the help center separately mentions that after activating the card, information is synchronized with platforms like PayPal, Google Pay, and Facebook, but this does not mean that every payment in every advertising account will always go through without rejections. Advertising platforms, banks, payment networks, and the service itself may have their own payment verification rules.

Therefore, the correct approach is this: first test small amounts, check how the card goes through in the desired advertising account, and only then use it for regular budgets.

Limits on one payment and per day

Another strong point of a separate card is the ability to limit expenses.

If the service allows setting a limit on a one-time payment and a daily limit, it is convenient for advertising, subscriptions, online purchases, and team expenses. The user can pre-limit the amount the card can spend at one time or per day.

This is important when the card is linked to an advertising account. For example, if you want to spend no more than a certain amount on an ad test, the limit helps reduce the risk of unexpected charges.

This is also useful for subscriptions. An old service will not be able to charge more than allowed by the limit. And if the card is used only for a specific project, expenses are easier to control.

In the help center RedotPay there are separate materials on card limits and fees, as well as a section on card usage, where among the questions is the setting of transaction limits. Before active use, you need to check the current limits in your account because conditions may differ by card type, country, verification level, and service rules.

Google Wallet and Apple Wallet: card in the phone

Many users no longer need plastic. They pay by phone: in stores, cafes, transport, apps, and services.

Therefore, an important question: can a virtual card be added to a mobile wallet?

RedotPay has separate instructions for linking a virtual card to Google Pay, as well as a help center section on digital wallets, where there are materials on Google Pay and Apple Pay. On the RedotPay website, there is also a separate page about RedotPay Card on Apple Pay.

For the reader, this means a simple thing: if the function is available for their card, country, device, and account, the virtual card can become a regular payment tool in the phone. For Israel – available.

But here you cannot promise too much. Before use, you need to check whether adding the card is supported specifically for you: in Israel (it can), on your device, with your account, with your card version, and in your mobile wallet.

If the card is added to Google Wallet or Apple Wallet, it is convenient for regular purchases. If not, it can still be considered as a card for online payments, advertising, subscriptions, and international services.

Crypto wallet inside RedotPay: not just a card

RedotPay is interesting not only as a virtual card. Inside the service, there is the logic of a wallet and working with digital assets.

The official app download page RedotPay lists among the possibilities Personal: Card, Send to bank & e-wallet, Send to RedotPay user, Multi-Currency Wallet, Credit, Earn, Swap, and P2P Marketplace. This shows that the service covers not one scenario, but several: card, wallet, transfers, exchange, and working with different payment functions.

For the user, this can be convenient if they already work with USDT or other assets. For example, they can top up the balance, use the supported asset to pay with the card, transfer funds within available functions, or buy crypto assets through the app.

But the more functions, the more responsibility. You need to understand fees, networks, limits, transfer rules, withdrawal conditions, and identity verification requirements.

USDT, USDC, BTC, ETH, and other assets

RedotPay in app descriptions indicates support for payments with BTC, ETH, USDT, USDC, and other assets. But the current list is always better to check inside the app because supported assets, networks, and conditions may change.

For most users, the most understandable scenario is USDT or USDC because these are stablecoins. But even here there is a risk of error: USDT can exist in different networks, and it needs to be transferred only to the correct address in the correct network.

Crypto top-up: where mistakes are most often made

In the RedotPay help center, a standard way to top up with cryptocurrency is described: open the app, go to Home > Deposit, select the currency, for example, USDT, and then choose the appropriate network for the selected currency.

The most dangerous mistake is thinking that “USDT is USDT everywhere.”

For the user, this can end in a problem. If you choose the wrong network or send the wrong asset, the deposit may not arrive. Therefore, before transferring a large amount, it is better to make a test transfer of a small amount and make sure that the address, network, and asset are chosen correctly.

This is especially important for people who have only used a regular bank card before and are not used to crypto wallets. In a bank, you can sometimes cancel or dispute a transaction. In crypto transfers, a network or address error can be much more complicated.

Top-up with a regular bank or credit card

For users from Israel, an important question sounds like this: can RedotPay be topped up not only by transferring cryptocurrency from an external wallet but through a regular bank or credit card?

In the RedotPay help center, it is stated that the user can buy supported cryptocurrencies in the app using a credit/debit card, as well as other available payment methods.

But for the Israeli user, this needs to be checked practically.

One card may pass and another may not. The bank may decline the transaction. The payment provider may charge a fee. There may be purchase limits, country restrictions, KYC requirements, or additional checks.

Therefore, the correct wording is this: RedotPay indicates the possibility of purchasing supported crypto assets with a credit/debit card, but before use, you need to check whether your specific Israeli bank or credit card passes, what fees apply, and whether there are any restrictions from the bank or service.

Transfers between wallets and users

Another scenario is transfers.

If the service allows sending funds to other RedotPay users, working with a multi-currency wallet, transfers to bank & e-wallet, or other functions, this can be convenient for those who often make international payments or separate business and personal funds.

But here again, it is important not to promise too much. Each function may have separate conditions: country, currency, fee, speed, limit, KYC, availability for a specific user.

Therefore, in the article, it is better to write not “everything is possible,” but “the app declares different functions for the card, wallet, transfers, and fund management; before using a specific operation, you need to check its availability and conditions.”

This approach is safer and more honest.

How RedotPay differs from a regular bank card

A regular bank card is linked to a bank account. RedotPay is a separate payment service.

There are advantages in this.

You can avoid linking the main bank card to all sites.

You can use a separate card for advertising.

You can separate business expenses from personal ones.

You can set limits.

You can use a virtual card for subscriptions and international services.

You can add the card to a mobile wallet if the function is available.

You can work with supported digital assets.

But there are also limitations.

It is not a bank in the usual sense.

There are service rules.

There are fees.

There is KYC.

There are limits.

There is a risk of payment rejections.

There is a risk of errors in crypto transfers.

There are tax and banking issues if significant amounts and digital assets are involved.

That is why RedotPay is better considered not as a replacement for an Israeli bank, but as an additional payment tool for specific tasks.

Who RedotPay can be useful for

RedotPay can be of interest to entrepreneurs, marketers, website owners, freelancers, digital specialists, and anyone who regularly pays for international services.

For example, if you launch advertising on Facebook, Instagram, or Google, a separate card helps separate the advertising budget from personal expenses.

If you pay for hosting, domains, SEO services, AI tools, CRM, newsletters, design platforms, and subscriptions, a virtual card helps avoid linking the main bank card to everything.

If you travel frequently or shop in foreign online stores, a separate card can be a convenient backup payment tool.

If you already have USDT, USDC, or other supported assets, RedotPay can be interesting as a link between digital assets and everyday payments.

If it is important for you to pay by phone, you should check the support of Google Wallet and Apple Wallet for your card and country.

Who should not rush

RedotPay should not be used on emotions.

Do not rush if you do not understand the difference between a bank, a card, a crypto wallet, an exchange, and a payment service.

Do not rush if you do not know what a transfer network is.

Do not rush if you think that USDT in any network can be sent to any USDT address.

Do not rush if you are looking for an “anonymous card,” “bank bypass,” or “payments without questions.”

Do not deposit large amounts until you have checked the fees, limits, support, withdrawal rules, and card operation on small payments.

And especially do not use such services for dubious operations. Any normal payment service operates with rules, checks, and restrictions.

What to check before registration

Before registering with RedotPay, a user from Israel should go through a small checklist.

Is the service available for your country and your document.

What documents are needed for identity verification.

What fees are there for issuing and using the card.

What limits are there for one payment and per day.

Can you set the necessary limits manually.

Can the card be added to Google Wallet.

Can the card be added to Apple Wallet.

Does the card work with Facebook Ads, Instagram Ads, and Google Ads.

Is the card suitable for your subscriptions and online services.

Can you buy supported crypto assets with your bank or credit card.

What fees does the payment provider charge when purchasing with a card.

What crypto assets are supported.

What networks are available for USDT or other assets.

Can funds be transferred to other users.

Can the balance be withdrawn.

How does support work.

What to do in case of a disputed charge.

What to do if the deposit did not arrive.

What are the terms of the referral program.

This is not bureaucracy, but normal financial hygiene. The sooner the user checks these questions, the fewer surprises there will be later.

RedotPay referral program: how to speak honestly

RedotPay has a referral program. A user can invite another person via a link or code and receive a reward if the invitee fulfills the service conditions.

For media, it is important to present this transparently. There is no need to disguise the referral link as a “neutral recommendation.” The reader should understand that the author or editorial team may receive a reward.

A normal formulation looks like this:

You can register and independently study the terms of RedotPay via the link:

https://url.hk/i/en/0h7rn

The material contains a referral link. If you register through it and fulfill the conditions of RedotPay, the author or editorial team may receive a reward. This is not financial, investment, tax, or legal advice.

Main risks to remember

The first risk is fees. The card, purchasing crypto assets, exchange, withdrawal, payments, or service may have different fees. They need to be checked before the operation, not after.

The second risk is limits. If a payment does not go through, the reason may not be the store, but the card limit, service limit, account settings, or payment network rules.

The third risk is KYC. RedotPay requires identity verification to obtain a card, and this is a normal part of the operation of such services. In the help center, obtaining a card is directly linked to identity verification.

The fourth risk is errors in crypto transfers. The wrong network, wrong asset, or wrong address can create a serious problem.

The fifth risk is payment rejections. Not every service is obliged to accept a specific card. Advertising accounts, subscriptions, stores, and payment systems may have their own rules.

The sixth risk is questions from the bank or tax specialist. If it concerns digital assets and significant amounts, it is important to keep a history of operations, purchase confirmations, transfers, statements, and documents about the origin of funds.

How to start more safely

The most sensible way is not to start with a large amount.

First, you need to download the app, study the terms, register, and check which functions are available specifically to you.

Then you can issue a virtual card, look at fees, limits, and security settings.

After that, it is worth making a small test payment: for example, in an online service or where you actually plan to use the card.

If you want to use the card for advertising, first test it on a small advertising budget.

If you want to top up with cryptocurrency, first make a test transfer of a small amount.

If you want to buy crypto with a regular bank or credit card, first check if your Israeli card goes through and what the final fee is.

If you want to pay by phone, check adding it to Google Wallet or Apple Wallet.

This approach does not guarantee the absence of problems, but it significantly reduces the risk of unpleasant surprises.

Frequently asked questions

Is RedotPay a bank card?

No, it is not a regular bank card from an Israeli bank. It is a separate payment service with a virtual and, depending on the conditions, a physical card.

Can RedotPay be used in Israel?

Before registration, you need to check the availability of the service, KYC, and functions specifically for users from Israel. Conditions may depend on the country, document, account, and internal service rules.

Can you pay for advertising on Facebook, Instagram, and Google?

The card can be considered for advertising payments, but each advertising account needs to be tested separately. Payment may depend on the platform’s rules, card, limits, and verification.

Can you set a limit for one payment and per day?

RedotPay has reference materials on limits and card usage. Before use, you need to check what limits are available specifically in your account and whether they can be adjusted to your tasks.

Can the card be added to Google Wallet or Apple Wallet?

RedotPay has instructions for Google Pay and Apple Pay, but availability needs to be checked for your country, device, account, and specific card.

Can you pay in regular stores?

If the card is added to a mobile wallet and supported by a specific terminal, it can be used for contactless payment. But before that, you need to check the availability of the function and test the payment.

What crypto assets does RedotPay support?

The official app descriptions list BTC, ETH, USDT, USDC, and other assets. It is better to check the current list in the app.

Can RedotPay be topped up via USDT?

The RedotPay help center describes topping up via Deposit with a currency choice, such as USDT, and the corresponding network. The main thing is to choose the right network and not send a large amount without testing.

Can RedotPay be topped up with a regular bank or credit card?

RedotPay states that supported cryptocurrencies can be purchased in the app using a credit/debit card and other available payment methods. But a user from Israel needs to check if their specific card goes through, what fees apply, and if there are any bank restrictions.

Is this financial advice?

No. Such material should be an informational overview. The decision to register, top up, purchase digital assets, or use the card is made by the user independently.

Conclusion

RedotPay may be of interest to users in Israel not only as a crypto service but also as a separate virtual card for online payments, advertising, subscriptions, international services, and phone payments.

Its practical value lies in separating expenses and control. The main bank card does not need to be linked to all sites. A separate payment tool can be used for advertising. Limits can be set for subscriptions. A separate card can be kept for online purchases. A wallet, top-up, and supported payment functions can be used for digital assets.

But RedotPay should not be perceived as a “simple card without questions.” It is a service with KYC, fees, limits, rules, supported countries, networks, payment conditions, and possible risks.

Before registration, it is worth calmly checking the conditions, testing a small amount, understanding the limits, understanding the top-up rules, ensuring the availability of Google Wallet or Apple Wallet, and not storing large amounts without understanding all the conditions.

You can register and independently study the terms of RedotPay via the link:

https://url.hk/i/en/0h7rn

The material contains a referral link. If you register through it and fulfill the conditions of RedotPay, the author or editorial team may receive a reward. This is not financial, investment, tax, or legal advice.

For the Israeli audience, this episode is important not only as a religious conversation. It is essentially the public position of one of Ukraine’s most famous Jewish leaders on issues that often become the subject of Russian propaganda: is there a “Nazi regime” in Ukraine, do Jews serve in the Ukrainian army, why does Israel fight against the Iranian threat, how are Ukraine and Israel connected, and why are anti-Semitic myths once again used as a tool of information warfare. The basis of the material is the transcription of the video, passed on for editorial work by NANovosti.

What is this video about

Moshe Asman begins the episode by explaining that he continues to answer viewers’ questions in sequence because there are so many. He says that people are interested in hearing honest answers to complex topics, and words that come from the heart can enter another heart.

The main feature of the video is the direct format. The Rabbi reads questions, among which there are thanks, religious topics, historical disputes, accusations, anti-Semitic attacks, and questions about the war. He responds calmly but firmly to many provocative formulations, especially when it comes to anti-Semitism, Russian propaganda, and accusations against Ukraine.

Who is speaking

The main speaker is Moshe Asman, the Chief Rabbi of Ukraine, head of the Jewish community, associated with the Kyiv synagogue and humanitarian aid during the full-scale war. In the video, he speaks in the first person: as a religious leader, as a person who remains in Ukraine, as the father of a son, Matityahu, who died on the front, and as a representative of the Jewish community that helps Ukraine during the war.

Who asks questions

Questions are asked by channel viewers. Among them are Ukrainians, Jews, Christians, people interested in Judaism, as well as commentators with openly anti-Semitic or provocative theses. Asman specifically emphasizes that he answers everyone, even those who write unpleasant or erroneous things, because he considers it important to convey the truth.

Main theses of the episode

1. Israel was not created by the “Order of Jesuits”

One of the first questions concerns the myth that Israel was allegedly created by Jesuits. Asman responds that this is completely incorrect. He reminds that Jewish history in the Holy Land began thousands of years before modern political myths: there were King David, King Solomon, the Kingdom of Israel, the Jerusalem Temple, and a constant Jewish presence on this land.

Brief meaning: the Rabbi rejects the conspiratorial version and returns the conversation to the historical context of the Jewish people.

2. Jews serve in the Armed Forces of Ukraine not as a separate “Jewish unit”, but in different parts of the army

To the question of why there is no separate Jewish battalion in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Asman responds that it is not necessary. According to him, thousands of Jews—citizens of Ukraine—serve in different units, in different directions, receive awards, get injured, become disabled, and die defending Ukraine.

A particularly important point is personal testimony. Asman talks about his son Matityahu, who died in the war and was awarded the Order of Courage. Through this story, the topic ceases to be abstract: it is about real people and families.

Brief meaning: Jews in Ukraine are not standing aside from the war but are part of the Ukrainian resistance.

3. Conversion to Judaism in Ukraine during the war is a complex issue

One of the viewers asks if it is possible to undergo conversion to Judaism in Ukraine. Asman explains that there is no missionary work in Judaism, and the process itself is very serious and not easy. A person must prove the sincerity of their intention. During the war, this is especially difficult, so the Rabbi says that this issue can be revisited after the establishment of a just peace.

Brief meaning: Judaism does not seek to convert people to its faith, and conversion requires a deep choice and serious preparation.

4. Zelensky was chosen by the Ukrainian people

To the question accusing Volodymyr Zelensky and “Jews in high positions”, Asman responds that the President of Ukraine was elected by the Ukrainian people—citizens of different nationalities. He emphasizes that he does not appoint government positions and is not responsible for Ukraine’s personnel policy.

At the same time, he says that Zelensky’s merit is that at the beginning of the full-scale war, he did not flee and did not leave the country. According to Asman, what matters is not the nationality of the official, but professionalism, honesty, love for Ukraine, and proper performance of duties.

Brief meaning: the attempt to reduce Ukrainian power to the Jewish origin of certain people is manipulation and an anti-Semitic technique.

5. There is no “Nazi regime” in Ukraine

One of the most important blocks of the video is the response to the assertion of an alleged “Nazi regime” in Ukraine. Asman says directly: there is no Nazi regime in Ukraine. Ukraine is a free state that fights against occupiers who came to kill people.

He calls the thesis of a “Nazi regime” a Russian narrative and urges not to repeat it. According to him, Ukraine today fights for freedom and protects not only itself but also the free world.

Brief meaning: the Rabbi firmly rejects one of the central myths of Russian propaganda.

6. Why Israel attacked Iran

Answering the question about Israel’s actions against Iran, Asman says that Iran openly declared its intention to destroy the people of Israel. He compares such rhetoric to the ideology of the Nazis, who destroyed Jews just because they were Jews.

In this context, he uses the principle “never again”. According to his logic, after the Holocaust, the Jewish people cannot allow a state that openly threatens the destruction of Israel to calmly prepare such a threat.

Brief meaning: for Asman, Israel’s fight against the Iranian threat is a matter of the survival of the Jewish people.

7. Non-Jews can come to the synagogue

To the question of why non-Jews are allegedly not allowed to enter the synagogue, Asman responds that this is not true. According to him, people of different nationalities come to the central synagogue every day. They are not expelled; they are welcome.

He clarifies that the prayer practice within Judaism is related to those who observe Judaism, but the very visit to the synagogue for non-Jews is possible. If someone was not allowed into a specific synagogue, he suggests writing to him to resolve the situation.

Brief meaning: the synagogue is not a closed space of hatred or isolation, and the myth of a ban for non-Jews is refuted by the Rabbi.

8. Why the Rabbi stays in Ukraine

Some questions are openly xenophobic: some commentators ask why Asman is in Ukraine and why he does not “go home”. The Rabbi responds that Ukraine has also become a place of service for him, where he helps people during a terrible war.

He says that he went to Israel, but many Ukrainians wrote to him: come back, we need you. So he returned. For him, staying in Ukraine is an opportunity to save people, help, pray, do good deeds, and support those who are experiencing the war.

Brief meaning: Asman sees his mission in Ukraine not as a political gesture, but as a human and religious service.

9. The case of Ivan Demjanjuk

The video raises the issue of Ivan Demjanjuk and the possibility of reburial of his remains in Ukraine. Asman briefly reminds that Demjanjuk was accused of involvement in Nazi crimes, particularly the story of a concentration camp guard known as “Ivan the Terrible”. He says the case was complex, the trial in Israel caused a great resonance, and the final legal conclusions were the subject of disputes.

Brief meaning: the Rabbi does not turn the topic into a slogan but reminds of the gravity of the accusations and the memory of the Holocaust victims.

10. Judaism is older than Christianity

To the question about the relationship between Judaism and Christianity, Asman explains that Christianity emerged much later. He reminds of the First and Second Jerusalem Temples, King Solomon, the ancient history of Israel, and the emergence of Christianity already in the period of the end of the Second Temple and after its destruction.

Brief meaning: Christianity historically arose within the Jewish religious context, but Judaism as a tradition is significantly older.

11. When will the war end

To the question of when the war in Ukraine will end, Asman responds that he is not a prophet and does not know the exact date. He says he prays, does good deeds, meets with people around the world, and tries to bring the end of the war and a just peace closer.

Brief meaning: the Rabbi does not give false predictions but speaks of personal responsibility—prayer, help, and actions.

12. Historical figures: Khmelnytsky, Petliura, Bandera, Shukhevych

One of the questions concerns the attitude towards Ukrainian historical figures. Asman responds that each person should be treated separately. If someone really killed Jews or innocent people, there can be no tolerance for this. But if someone was labeled by Soviet propaganda, this needs to be studied separately.

He suggests holding public hearings with specialists from Ukraine, Israel, and other countries after the war and victory, so that there is an honest professional conversation about each controversial figure.

Brief meaning: Asman opposes blind heroization but also against Soviet labels without analysis.

13. Anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism

To the question about “ideological anti-Zionists” among Jews, the Rabbi explains that the word “Zionism” is associated with Zion and the historical aspiration of Jews to return to their land. He acknowledges that in the past there were religious disputes around the creation of the state of Israel, especially due to the anti-religiousness of some founders.

But today, according to him, Israel is a home and refuge for Jews from all over the world, including those who escaped the Holocaust, pogroms, and expulsions. Therefore, he evaluates modern religious groups that oppose Israel and actually find themselves alongside anti-Semitic forces very negatively.

Brief meaning: in today’s conditions, anti-Zionism often becomes a cover for anti-Semitism.

14. Torah and the Old Testament

To the question of whether the Christian Old Testament is part of the Torah or if they are different texts, Asman explains that in Judaism, the concept of Tanakh is used: Torah, Prophets, and Writings. The Christian Old Testament, according to him, is a translation and religious use of these texts in the Christian tradition.

Brief meaning: the Torah is the Five Books of Moses, Tanakh is broader, and the Old Testament is the Christian name and translation of the corresponding Jewish sacred texts.

15. Ukraine and Israel against one “axis of evil”

One of the central political theses of the episode is the idea that Ukraine and Israel are fighting interconnected threats. Asman speaks of an “axis of evil”, which includes Iran, Hamas, Hezbollah, Russia, North Korea, and other forces.

He reminds that Hamas representatives traveled to Moscow, where they were received, and concludes: Ukraine and Israel should be closer because they can give a lot to each other. He says that this is exactly what he is doing—explaining in Israel why Ukraine is fighting the same system of threats that Israel faces, and explaining in Ukraine why the connection with Israel is important.

Brief meaning: for the Israeli audience, this is one of the main theses of the episode—Ukraine and Israel are not in different realities, their threats intersect.

16. Russian propaganda and information injections

At the end of the video, Asman answers the question of why Ukrainian society sometimes picks up anti-Semitic, xenophobic, and other manipulative narratives. He says that there is an information war, and many injections come from outside, particularly from Russia.

According to him, people under stress are more susceptible to fear and hatred. Therefore, he urges critical thinking, not to believe every message in the media, and to understand that the task of such injections is to quarrel Ukraine with Israel, America, and other allies.

Brief meaning: anti-Semitism and anti-Israel campaigns in Ukraine may not just be a domestic phenomenon but part of an external information attack.

17. Who is an anti-Semite

To the direct question of who is called an anti-Semite, Asman answers simply: an anti-Semite is someone who hates Jews and tries to harm them.

Brief meaning: the Rabbi does not complicate the definition but returns it to the essence—hatred and harm against Jews.

18. Messiah and a just world

In the religious part of the episode, Asman talks about the coming of the Messiah. He explains that the Messiah must be a descendant of King David, and his coming is associated not only with miracles but primarily with the establishment of a just world. He talks about the end of wars, the fall of villainous regimes, and a future where people do not cause each other pain.

Brief meaning: for the Rabbi, the theme of the Messiah is not about fantasy but about hope for the end of wars and the restoration of justice.

Why this is important for Israel and Ukraine

This episode is important because Moshe Asman connects several topics that are often discussed separately: the war in Ukraine, Israel’s security, anti-Semitism, the Iranian threat, Russian propaganda, historical memory, and the role of the Jewish community.

For Israel, there is a clear signal: Ukraine is not a foreign story. Jews live in Ukraine, Jews serve in the Armed Forces of Ukraine, Jews die for Ukraine, and Russian aggression is connected with the same anti-Western and anti-Semitic forces that threaten Israel.

For Ukraine, this episode is important as a response to internal and external manipulations. Asman says that the Ukrainian people should not pick up foreign anti-Semitic narratives because they work against Ukraine itself. When Ukrainians are tried to be set against Israel, Jews, America, or Western allies, it may be part of a strategy aimed at weakening Ukraine.

Conclusions

Moshe Asman’s video is not just religious answers to subscribers’ questions. It is a conversation about how not to lose moral guidelines during the war.

The Chief Rabbi of Ukraine in this episode speaks especially clearly about three things.

First: Ukraine is not a “Nazi regime” but fights against aggression and for freedom.

Second: Jews in Ukraine are not standing aside—they serve, help, die, heal, save, and support the country.

Third: Ukraine and Israel should better understand each other because both countries face threats associated with the same logic of hatred, terror, and destruction.

For NANovosti, this episode is important as material about the connection between Ukraine and Israel through living human stories, through the memory of the Holocaust, through the fight against anti-Semitism, and through the understanding that the information war today is no less than the war on the front.

Each of them founded or led a world‑class company: Jan Koum was one of the creators of WhatsApp, Leonid Radvinsky turned OnlyFans into a global phenomenon, Michael Polsky founded Invenergy LLC in the “green” energy sector, and Max Levchin co‑founded PayPal and now runs Affirm.

This is reported in a publication by Forbes. By the number of billionaire immigrants, Ukraine ranked 9th among 41 countries.

From Kyiv’s Courtyards to Global Heights

How Their Stories Began in Ukraine

• Jan Koum was born in February 1976 on the outskirts of Kyiv. In the family of an electronics engineer there were no trendy computers, but there were radios that the boy would take apart and reassemble. In a school BASIC club he wrote his first programs to send text messages over a local network.
• Leonid Radvinsky was born in the early 1970s in Odesa, near the famous Privoz Market. Together with his mother he sold souvenirs to tourists, calculating profit and bargaining for every dollar. These lessons in commerce and the ability to connect with people laid the foundation for his entrepreneurial drive.
• Michael Polsky was born in 1947 in a rural area of the Kharkiv region. In his free time he built wind turbine models from bicycle spokes and tin cans, dreaming of an energy future. After technical college he worked at a power plant, where he first encountered the ideas of alternative energy.
• Max Levchin was born in July 1975 in Kyiv into a family of historians. At school he became passionate about chess and the Pascal programming language. By organizing a “Young Programmer” club, Max not only deepened his algorithmic knowledge but also learned to share expertise and build teamwork.

In the Emigration Lab — A Step West

Each of them took the risk to leave their homeland and go to the United States with minimal resources:

1. Jan Koum arrived in 1992 with his mother and grandmother under a repatriation program. For the first years he worked as a cleaner and barista to pay for his studies at San Jose State University.
2. Leonid Radvinsky settled in Chicago on a humanitarian visa, graduated from Northwestern University, and began working in internet marketing.
3. Michael Polsky was invited as an energy specialist in 1976. With $500 in his pocket, he got a job as an electrician, and twenty years later founded his own company, Invenergy.
4. Max Levchin obtained political asylum in 1991, moved to Memphis, and by the end of the decade had co‑founded PayPal.

Breakthroughs and Achievements

• WhatsApp by Jan Koum and Brian Acton amassed over 2 billion users in a few years, and its sale to Meta netted Koum over $16.9 billion.
• OnlyFans by Leonid Radvinsky became a platform generating over $1.3 billion in annual revenue and awarded him personal dividends of over $1 billion.
• Invenergy by Michael Polsky executed projects worth more than $7 billion, including wind and solar farms across America.
• Affirm Holdings under Max Levchin’s leadership became a key player in fintech, and Levchin’s net worth is estimated at approximately $2.1 billion.

How They Stay Connected to Ukraine Today

• Jan Koum supports several educational programs and grants for IT camps in Kyiv, aiming to inspire a new generation of programmers.
• Leonid Radvinsky donated $5 million in 2022 to humanitarian aid for Ukraine, affected by military conflict.
• Michael Polsky speaks at European energy conferences promoting green economy practices in Eastern Europe.
• Max Levchin organizes student exchanges between Kyiv Polytechnic Institute and American universities, supporting young engineers.

On the NAnews – Israel News website, we share how mutual support and knowledge exchange strengthen bridges between Israel and Ukraine.

Conclusions and Significance

• Childhood interests — whether radio electronics or chess — can lead to global discoveries.
• Emigration tests resilience: courage and adaptability turn challenges into opportunities.
• Maintaining cultural roots and caring for one’s homeland create synergy between innovation and tradition.

These stories from NAnews inspire Israeli startups and show that by combining diaspora experience and technology, we can reach new heights.

Not staff maps.
Not briefings.

People who suddenly began to do more than expected of them.

Here is the entire series – “Bridges of Hope” 9 episodes:

“The large-scale documentary project of Channel 9 «Bridges of Hope». This is not a chronicle of military actions. It is a chronicle of the human spirit. Since October 7, 2023, the life of Israel has changed forever. In this 9-episode series, we will embark on a journey across the country — from the shelled North to the wounded South. We will show the stories of doctors, volunteers, soldiers, and civilians who, in the moment of greatest tragedy, found the strength not just to survive, but to become a support for each other.”

By the finale, in the 9-1 episode titled “This is Why Israel Always Wins” | Bridges of Hope – final episode, the author leads the viewer to those who already had experience in civil mobilization:

“In the final episode, we will tell the stories of people and organizations from different parts of Israeli society. Left and right, residents of the noisy center and distant periphery, who in the country’s difficult hour left all disputes behind and began to help their country, showing its most beautiful sides.

📌 Heroes of the episode:

Professor Albert Penkhasov, rector of Ariel University, directed all efforts to help students and their families. Lecturers conducted Zoom lectures for reservist students who were in Gaza.

Representatives of the movement «Brothers in Arms» turned the protest infrastructure into a large-scale volunteer headquarters engaged in evacuation, logistics, and assistance to the residents of the south.

Elena Mrost and Rabbi Eli Talberg created a support center for the families of the deceased in Karmiel, helping them cope with loss and not be left alone with their pain.

Anna Zharova and the organization «Israeli Friends of Ukraine» coordinated the evacuation of Sderot residents, food delivery, and support for soldiers.

Nine episodes ago, we set out to find the answer to the main question: what holds us together despite all trials and disagreements?

We sincerely hope that through the pain you were able to see the main thing — our resilience, our love, and hope”.

Thus, in the frame appear Israeli Friends of Ukraine and their co-founder Anna Zharova.

Experience brought from another catastrophe

Before the Israeli war, this team worked for many years with the Ukrainian direction. Initially, helping those affected after 2014. Then — large-scale support programs after 2022: humanitarian cargo, escorting the wounded, finding housing, coordination between donors and volunteers.

This was not a spontaneous initiative.

This was a well-established system.

On October 7, it became clear that such systems were needed within the country.

Phones, lists, drivers, understanding how to act when official structures are overloaded. Not theory. Practice.

In the film, this is stated calmly, without pathos: people already had the skill of working in chaos. Therefore, they could start immediately.

Where the finale is filmed and why there

Haifa as a working point, not a decoration

The interview was recorded at a volunteer center for helping Ukrainian refugees in Haifa. The logic of the choice is clear. It was here that a network accustomed to round-the-clock workload was formed over the years.

There was no need to invent a structure.

It existed.

Later, Zharova will formulate the meaning of the filming as follows:

«For us, this is more than an interview. It is a conversation about choice, responsibility, and humanity».

The phrase is short. But in it — the entire explanation of why this line became part of the final episode.

Those who are off-screen

Television is limited by time. However, Zharova emphasizes the names of those who worked nearby: Ella Storm, Vyacheslav Feldman, Sashenka Zhuravel.

Her position is straightforward:

«These are the people without whom this story would not have been heard».

For documentarians, this is an important emphasis. The project is built on the recognition of invisible work — logistics, phones, distribution, family support.

Without this, nothing works.

What the organization did in the first weeks of the war

Cars, routes, families

From the first hours, it became clear: a huge number of people needed to be evacuated, accommodated, fed. Often it was about the elderly, new immigrants, those who were not oriented in the system.

«Israeli Friends of Ukraine» already had databases of drivers and volunteers.

The mechanism started automatically.

Flights to the south were formed. Apartments and houses were sought in the north and center. Temporary shelters appeared. People were distributed literally by hand, through acquaintances, social networks, personal calls.

Zharova emphasizes:

«Our main task was to help those who were not visible and not heard».

This is the key characteristic of all work — the focus on those who are easily lost between reports and numbers.

Food for soldiers and human contact

When restaurants began cooking for army units, delivery was needed. Volunteers took on the routing. Cars went to bases daily.

The work looked routine.

But it was in this routine that resilience lay.

The story about ice cream

One of the episodes that came into discussion after the release of the series was Ukrainian ice cream. It was brought along with other products. Soldiers waited for it.

If the boxes arrived without it, they asked.

This is not a joke. This is an indicator of how important simple signs of normal life are to people. Sweet, familiar, human.

This is how morale works.

It is such details that the director leaves in the finale — they speak louder than analytics.

Why this line is important for understanding the whole picture

By the time the viewer reaches the last episode, they have already seen doctors, reservists, rabbis, volunteers in different parts of the country. The question arises: what do they have in common?

The answer gradually forms — the willingness to take responsibility without waiting for orders.

Zharova’s story fits perfectly into this formula. A community accustomed to helping outside of Israel, in a critical moment, turns its efforts inward.

Humanitarian competence has no national borders. It simply changes the direction of application.

And at this point in the narrative, the conclusion naturally sounds, which was previously formulated by the editorial office of NAnews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency: society survives thanks to horizontal connections faster than any bureaucracy.

Gratitude and memory fixation

Zharova separately thanks KAMANDA Productions Ltd for the opportunity to tell this story. For the participants, it is important not only to do the work but also to preserve it in public memory.

Otherwise, in a few years, only dry formulations will remain.

And the main thing will disappear — the feeling of a shoulder nearby.

What remains after the credits

The finale does not offer simple recipes for the future. It records the fact: in the most difficult weeks, thousands of people in Israel acted as if there was no other way.

Someone opened their home.
Someone got behind the wheel.
Someone took on someone else’s pain as their task.

The line of «Israeli Friends of Ukraine» shows that solidarity can be a learned skill. It can be developed. It can be activated.

And when it is activated, the country has a chance to go through a catastrophe without losing itself.

That is why this story stands at the end.

It is not about the past. It is about the mechanism of survival.

…

…

…

Rovelli is known not only for his work in the field of loop quantum gravity but also for his ability to speak about science in simple terms. This time, his topic goes far beyond physics. He talks about politics, fear, distrust between states, and how quickly the world can lose control over the logic of deterrence.

According to The Guardian, Rovelli’s key point is that modern leaders lack the caution and strategic foresight demonstrated by politicians during the Cold War. Back then, the world was also on the brink, but there was an understanding between superpowers: a nuclear war cannot have a winner.

Today, according to the scientist, this understanding has weakened.

Why Rovelli criticizes the new arms race

Carlo Rovelli opposes the buildup of arms in Europe and believes that the main risk arises not only from the strength of armies but from mutual fear. When states stop trusting each other, every new armament is explained as defense, but to the other side, it looks like preparation for an attack.

The physicist is particularly critical of talks about a possible large-scale invasion of Russia deep into Europe. In his opinion, such fears are exaggerated. Rovelli reminds that Russia could not quickly achieve its goals even in Ukraine, and NATO’s combined military expenditures significantly exceed Russia’s.

At the same time, his position does not negate the fact of Russian aggression against Ukraine. The point is different: the scientist tries to show that panic and the logic of constant strengthening can lead to an even more dangerous spiral.

The danger is not only in war but in nuclear arsenals

The main source of concern is the huge stockpiles of nuclear weapons. Russia has thousands of nuclear warheads, and the US also maintains a large arsenal and the right to retaliate. Of the three largest nuclear powers, only China officially adheres to the principle of no first use of nuclear weapons.

Rovelli believes that the situation became especially unstable after Western weapons began to be used on targets in Russia. He is concerned about the very possibility that Moscow might interpret strikes with British missiles as direct strikes by the UK.

In the old logic of nuclear deterrence, there was an unspoken rule: if a state possesses nuclear weapons, its territory is not bombed directly. Now, according to Rovelli, this boundary is blurring.

For Israel, such a conversation is not something distant. Regional security, the Iranian nuclear program, wars in the Middle East, strikes on infrastructure, and the constant threat of escalation make the topic of nuclear deterrence part of the real political agenda. That is why НАновости — Новости Израиля | Nikk.Agency considers such warnings not as an abstract European discussion but as a signal for the Israeli audience: global instability quickly reflects on the Middle East.

What Europe, the Middle East, and the logic of fear have in common

Rovelli writes that militarization is often fueled not by strength but by a sense of vulnerability. When society is convinced that “if we don’t destroy them, they will destroy us,” the space for diplomacy narrows sharply.

He draws historical parallels with the aggression of the Third Reich and modern conflicts in the Middle East, emphasizing: violence often amplifies fear, and fear then justifies new violence. In such logic, each side considers itself defensive, even when it takes steps that bring catastrophe closer.

For the Israeli reader, this is a particularly recognizable formula. Israel lives in an environment where security is not a theory but a daily necessity. But that is why it is important to distinguish real defense, political hysteria, and decisions that can make the region and the world less safe.

“85 Seconds to Midnight”: why it sounds like a warning

The title of Rovelli’s book is related to the decision of the “Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists”: in 2026, the Doomsday Clock was set at 85 seconds to midnight. This is the most alarming indicator in history.

The physicist places responsibility not on one country but on the entire circle of modern leaders — from the leadership of the US and NATO to Russia, Iran, and Israel. In his opinion, the world lacks politicians who are ready to think not only in terms of national strengthening but also in terms of the survival of humanity.

Rovelli reminds that it was scientists who once created nuclear weapons. But he also emphasizes: the voice of the scientific community helped Cold War politicians find a way out of dangerous confrontation. One such example was the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, associated with the era of Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev.

New threat: nuclear weapons in space

Amid these warnings, the topic of possible deployment of nuclear weapons in orbit sounds separately. The commander of the Bundeswehr Space Command, Major General Michael Traut, stated that Russia might be developing technologies to deploy nuclear weapons in space.

According to Politico, a nuclear explosion in orbit would not look like a familiar strike on a city or military base but could disable a significant portion of satellites in low Earth orbit. The consequences of such a scenario would be global: communication, navigation, military coordination, financial systems, and civilian infrastructure depend on satellites much more than it seems to the average person.

A separate risk is the Kessler effect. This is a chain reaction of space debris formation, where collisions of debris create new debris, and some orbital zones may become unusable for decades.

That is why Germany is already strengthening space defense, developing jamming systems, laser technologies, and its own protected satellite communication network for the Bundeswehr.

Rovelli’s final question sounds not like a scientific formula but as a political challenge: which leader today is ready to say that instead of endlessly strengthening their country, they want to make humanity safer?

For a world where Ukraine continues to live under strikes, Israel faces threats on multiple fronts, and Iran remains part of the nuclear agenda, this question can no longer be considered philosophical. It has become practical.

This is no longer just a story about local districts, New York activists, and the fight for seats in the U.S. Congress.

For Israel, these elections signaled how quickly attitudes toward the Jewish state are changing within the American Democratic Party — especially in its urban, young, and left-wing factions.

New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, one of the most prominent representatives of the progressive camp, supported three candidates for the U.S. House of Representatives: Darializa Avila Chevalier, Brad Lander, and Claire Valdez.

All three won.

According to the Associated Press, Mamdani’s list effectively achieved a “clean sweep” in the New York primaries: his candidates won their races and ousted two incumbent congressmen.

For American politics, this means strengthening the left wing of the Democrats.

For Israel, it means the emergence of a new generation of politicians who increasingly view U.S.-Israel relations through the lens of pressure, sanctions, aid reduction, and accusations against Jerusalem.

Mamdani’s three victories: who won and why it matters

The most notable victory was the race in New York’s 13th district, NY-13.

There, Darializa Avila Chevalier defeated incumbent Congressman Adriano Espaillat — an influential Democrat who held strong positions in the party structure and chaired the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.

NY-13 covers Harlem, Upper Manhattan, and part of the Bronx. It is a district with a large Latino, African American, and immigrant audience. Avila Chevalier’s victory was not just a personal success for the candidate but a blow to the old Democratic establishment of New York.

The second key result was Brad Lander’s victory in New York’s 10th district, NY-10.

Lander defeated incumbent Congressman Dan Goldman, who was considered one of the prominent pro-Israel Democrats. Goldman represented Lower Manhattan and part of Brooklyn — areas where the issue of Israel, Jewish security, and anti-Semitism has not symbolic but direct political significance.

The third victory was Claire Valdez in New York’s 7th district, NY-7, which includes parts of Queens and Brooklyn. She defeated Antonio Reynoso, the Brooklyn Borough President, and became another example of how candidates connected to left-wing activist networks are surpassing more traditional representatives of the party system.

The Guardian also notes: all three candidates supported by Mamdani won, strengthening his status as one of the leading figures of the left wing of the Democrats in New York.

Israel became one of the lines of division

At first glance, these were local primaries.

But in reality, the issue of Israel ran through these races as one of the main lines of conflict.

Zohran Mamdani has long been known for his harsh criticism of Israel and the pro-Israel lobby in the U.S. In June 2026, he publicly defended his statement in which he called AIPAC “monsters.” Al Jazeera reported that Mamdani explained this wording as criticism of AIPAC’s role in American politics and in supporting Israel.

AIPAC — American Israel Public Affairs Committee — has been one of the key organizations influencing support for Israel in Washington for decades.

When the mayor of the largest city in the U.S. uses such rhetoric against AIPAC, it is no longer a marginal campus dispute.

It is part of a major political shift.

The case of Darializa Avila Chevalier is particularly indicative.

City & State NY wrote that she participated in a pro-Palestinian rally on October 8, 2023 — the day after the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7. This was a date when Israel was still burying the dead, searching for the kidnapped, and trying to understand the scale of the massacre.

Times of Israel also reported that Avila Chevalier later defended her participation in this rally, explaining it as her long-standing support for Palestinian rights.

For the Israeli audience, the timing is important, not just the fact of the rally.

October 8, 2023, was not yet a time of a long war in Gaza, international campaigns, student camps, and months-long political mobilization against Israel.

It was the day after the largest massacre of Jews since the Holocaust.

And the candidate who later won the primaries in New York was part of a political wave supported by the city’s mayor.

NAnews — Israel News notes: such details show that this is not just about “criticism of Netanyahu’s government” or a debate about humanitarian policy. In part of the American left camp, the framework of the conversation about Israel, its security, and its right to self-defense is changing.

Brad Lander: a Jewish candidate against aid to Israel

Brad Lander deserves special attention.

He is Jewish, has been a prominent figure in New York’s progressive politics for many years, and previously held the position of New York City Comptroller.

But in the race against Dan Goldman, the issue of Israel became one of the main differences between the candidates.

Forward wrote in April 2026 that Lander opposed further funding for Israel’s Iron Dome — a system that protects Israeli citizens from rocket attacks.

This is a principled point.

The “Iron Dome” is not an offensive weapon.

It is a system that saves lives in Sderot, Ashkelon, Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, Haifa, and other cities in Israel.

When an American politician talks about stopping funding for such a system, for Israelis it does not sound like an abstract budget discussion.

It is a question of whether Washington will continue to help Israel protect its citizens from rockets.

Dan Goldman, whom Lander defeated, was considered a more traditional pro-Israel Democrat. Therefore, his defeat in NY-10 became symbolic: even in Jewish New York politics, the line of support for Israel no longer guarantees victory in Democratic primaries.

Where the left wave stopped: NY-12

At the same time, New York showed not only a left turn but also its boundaries.

In the 12th district, NY-12, Micah Lasher — a Jewish centrist and more moderate candidate — won.

This district is particularly important: NY-12 is considered the district with the largest share of Jewish voters among U.S. House districts. Times of Israel called Lasher a Jewish centrist and reported on his victory in the primaries for the seat vacated by Jerry Nadler.

It is here that Mamdani did not bet on his candidate.

This is an important detail.

Where the Jewish community has particularly significant political weight, a moderate and more pro-Israel line was able to hold.

But in other districts — NY-7, NY-10, and NY-13 — candidates associated with the left wave, criticism of Israel, and an anti-establishment agenda won.

Therefore, the conclusion should not be simplified.

It cannot be said that “all New York Democrats have become anti-Israel.”

But it can be said otherwise: in New York, there is already a political model where harsh criticism of Israel does not prevent winning, and in some districts even helps mobilize the active part of the Democratic electorate.

Why this matters for Israel

Israel is used to looking at Washington through the White House, the Senate, the Pentagon, and traditional support groups.

But future U.S. policy is formed not only in the administration’s offices.

It is formed in the primaries.

In the districts.

In urban party organizations.

In the university environment.

In activist networks that first bring candidates to the city council or state assembly, and then to Congress.

Today, these candidates are coming from New York.

In a few years, they may be voting on military aid packages, sanctions resolutions, missile defense funding, investigations against Israel, and pressure on the American administration.

NAnews — Israel News emphasizes: for Jerusalem, this is not a local New York news, but an early indicator of the Democratic Party Israel may have to deal with in the future.

Polls show: it’s not just New York

The political shift is also confirmed by public sentiment.

A Quinnipiac University poll published on June 24, 2026, showed that 48% of registered U.S. voters believe that America “supports Israel too much.” Another 38% consider the level of support appropriate, and only 7% say that the U.S. supports Israel insufficiently. Quinnipiac separately noted that this is the highest percentage of the response “the U.S. supports Israel too much” since 2017, when the university first began asking this question.

For Israel, this is an alarming figure.

Almost half of American voters already perceive American support for Israel as excessive.

This does not mean an automatic break in the alliance.

But it means that any future U.S. administration will take into account the growing pressure within American society.

Especially if this pressure comes from young voters, the left wing of the Democrats, the university environment, and urban districts where primaries often effectively decide the outcome of elections.

Main conclusion

The New York primaries on June 23, 2026, served as a warning.

Zohran Mamdani demonstrated that his political machine is capable of translating a left-wing, anti-establishment, and sharply critical of Israel agenda into real victories.

Darializa Avila Chevalier won in NY-13 after the scandal surrounding her participation in the rally on October 8, 2023.

Brad Lander defeated Dan Goldman in NY-10, despite his position against further funding for the “Iron Dome.”

Claire Valdez won in NY-7 as part of the same progressive wave.

Micah Lasher maintained a more moderate line in NY-12 — but precisely in a district with a particularly strong Jewish electorate.

The picture becomes clear: in the U.S. Democratic Party, the struggle around Israel is no longer a secondary issue.

It is becoming a marker of political identity.

And if Israel wants to understand what Washington might look like in a few years, it needs to pay close attention not only to the White House.

It needs to look at New York.

Нужно смотреть на Нью-Йорк.

Ukraine is a country where many cultures are intertwined. Pay attention to surnames that have both Ukrainian and Jewish roots – their history reflects centuries-old coexistence and mutual influence.

Ukrainian-Jewish roots: what do surnames hide?

Introduction

In Ukraine, there are often surnames that can simultaneously indicate Ukrainian and Jewish roots. This phenomenon is the result of centuries of coexistence between the two peoples and deep cultural exchange. We invite you to dive into the historical origins of the surnames that embodied the multinational heritage of Ukraine.

Historical background and meaning of surnames

Jewish communities began to populate the territory of modern Ukraine from ancient times, especially from the era of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In this context, Ukrainian-Jewish surnames arose as a consequence of the influence of local traditions and language. The situation intensified in the 18th century, when Jewish communities received the official right to surnames. Many surnames reflected their profession or place of residence, becoming an integral part of Ukrainian culture.

“A surname can tell not only about origin, but also about the cultural history that unites Ukrainians and Jews,” – researchers emphasize on NAnovosti.

Top 5 surnames with common roots

In this article, we offer a look at five popular Ukrainian surnames with Jewish roots. These surnames have an interesting history and show how different cultures have mutually enriched each other over the centuries.

1. Kozakevich

The surname “Kozakevich” finds its roots among both Ukrainians and Jews. For Ukrainians, it means belonging to the Cossacks, a symbol of freedom and masculinity. On the other hand, for Jews living near Cossack settlements, the surname could simply indicate geographic or cultural proximity to the Cossack environment.

2. Levin

This surname may come from the Hebrew name Levi or from the Ukrainian word for “lion”, symbolizing strength and courage. Levin is a surname that is associated with tradition, indicating an affinity for nature and animals. In the Jewish environment, it denoted belonging to the Levite family, which had a privileged position.

3. Sevchik

The surname “Shevchik” comes from the word “shevets” – shoemaker. In Ukrainian culture, this surname denoted professions related to crafts and sewing. It was also common in Jewish communities to use occupational surnames reflecting a craft or occupation.

4. Rosen

This surname has German roots from the word “rose”, or rose, and became common among Ashkenazi Jews living in Ukraine. Surnames based on flowers and plants were used in both Ukrainian and Jewish traditions, and Rosen was often part of compound surnames such as Rosenblat or Rosenfeld.

5. Zaritsky

The surname Zaritsky may indicate a connection to a geographic location or place name. In Ukrainian and Jewish culture, surnames indicating locality were common, showing the importance of land and place of residence in a cultural context.

Table: Ukrainian-Jewish surnames and their meanings

Conclusion

Surnames reflect not only cultural diversity, but also the depth of historical interaction between Ukrainians and Jewish communities. This phenomenon highlights the centuries-old tradition of interaction and mutual respect between the two peoples. As NAnovosti notes, “each surname is a key to cultural identity, a rich historical source that connects traditions and common roots.”

We hope that our review helped you learn something new about the origin of your surname or the surnames of your friends. For more in-depth research about the ethnic roots of Ukrainians and Jews, go to the NAnovosti website, where a lot of interesting and important things are published on the topics of cultural heritage and modern life in Ukraine.

Leave a comment in Telegram – NAnews channel↓

This is not an ordinary creative evening and not a standard meeting with an artist.

In the program, Filippenko combines literature, theater, personal memories, and a conversation about time — the very time that for many people was divided into “before” and “after” after February 24, 2022.

For the Israeli audience, this visit is important not only as a cultural event. Filippenko is an artist with a significant Soviet and Russian biography, but recent years have added another context to his name: a public anti-war stance, departure from Russia, support for Ukraine, and continued performances beyond the official Russian stage.

Where and when will Alexander Filippenko’s performances take place in Israel

The tour schedule covers four cities in Israel. All performances will start at 19:00.

Netanya

October 7, 2026, Wednesday
Hechal HaTarbut – Auditorium
4 Raziel St.

Ashdod

October 9, 2026, Friday
Matnas Duna-Yud
90 Keren Kayemet LeIsrael St.

Haifa

October 11, 2026, Sunday
Rappoport Hall
138 HaNasi Ave.

Tel Aviv

October 13, 2026, Tuesday
Tel Aviv Museum – Recanati Hall
27 Shaul HaMelech Ave.

Tickets

Tickets – are already available for purchase via the link

For Netanya, Ashdod, Haifa, and Tel Aviv, such evenings usually become not just part of the program but a meeting point for different audiences: people who remember Filippenko from cinema and theater, repatriates from Ukraine, the Ukrainian community in Israel, viewers for whom the topic of culture after the war is no longer neutral.

What is ‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’

The program ‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’ is structured as a monologue and personal conversation with the audience. Alexander Filippenko takes the stage not only as a performer of texts but as a person who lives these texts together with the audience.

The evening will be composed of prose, poetry, theatrical memories, and life stories. The program includes excerpts from Nikolai Gogol’s ‘Dead Souls’, Mikhail Zoshchenko’s works ‘The Steamboat’ and ‘Product Quality’, Sergey Dovlatov’s ‘The Reserve’, Boris Pasternak’s ‘Christmas Star’, as well as poems by Semyon Kirsanov, Yuri Levitansky, and Zhenya Berkovich.

The intonation itself is important here. Filippenko has long been known as an actor who can work on the edge of grotesque, irony, and tragic depth. His manner is not limited to beautiful reading of the text: he turns literary material into a living scene, where behind every word lies experience, memory, and inner freedom.

A special place in the program will be occupied by the artist’s personal stories — about filming in two versions of ‘The Master and Margarita’, working with Sergey Yursky, Alexei German, Sergey Loznitsa, and other directors. For the audience, this is a chance to hear not only famous texts but also the backstage story of an era, told by a person who was its direct participant.

Filippenko: why this evening sounds different

Alexander Filippenko was born on September 2, 1944, in Moscow. He graduated from MIPT, then the Shchukin Theater School, worked at the Taganka Theater, the Vakhtangov Theater, the Mossovet Theater. His filmography includes more than a hundred works, including ‘Visit to the Minotaur’, ‘Hard to Be a God’, ‘The Master and Margarita’, ‘Our Armored Train’, ‘Throw’, ‘Steps of the Emperor’, and other films.

At the same time, the Ukrainian trace in his biography is also noticeable.

Filippenko acted in films and TV projects related to Ukrainian cinema and Ukrainian studios: ‘Bumbarash’, ‘Born by the Revolution’, ‘The Last Resort of Kings’, ‘The Black Arrow’, ‘The Bridge Through Life’, ‘The Pit’, ‘A Woman for All’, ‘I Am Alone’.

For many viewers, he is remembered as one of the most striking performers of ‘dark side’ roles in Soviet and post-Soviet cinema. Filippenko played characters with sharp, almost grotesque energy: Koschei the Immortal, Death, Koroviev, and Azazello in versions of ‘The Master and Margarita’. Later, the wide audience also remembered him for the role of Andrey Zabaluev in the series ‘Poor Nastya’.

But today, Filippenko’s biography is read not only through the list of roles.

Back in March 2014, after the Russian intervention in Ukraine and the occupation of Crimea, he, along with a number of well-known Russian figures in science and culture, expressed disagreement with the Russian government’s policy in Crimea. This position was outlined in an open letter.

In 2018, Filippenko also supported Ukrainian director Oleg Sentsov, who was in Russian custody.

After the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the artist openly spoke out against the war. Ukrainian and emigrant media reported that his departure from Russia was related to his political position. The Mossovet Theater did not renew his contract in 2022, and concerts in Russia began to be canceled.

In his interview with DW, Alexander Filippenko stated that for him, February 24, 2022, when Russia attacked Ukraine, is one of the most shameful days in his life. He left his native country without hesitation and settled with his family in Lithuania.

The actor stated that he is ashamed of Russia and does not want to return to a country where dictatorial times have returned, against which he spoke out even during the USSR.

Moreover, Alexander performed a concert in Vilnius, where all proceeds from ticket sales were directed to help the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The actor also criticizes Russian propaganda and disinformation about the war.

A special symbol was his photograph in an embroidered shirt, published on Ukrainian Embroidery Day. In the caption, the artist recalled Kyiv, the Dovzhenko studio, chestnuts, friends, coziness, and warmth. For many, this gesture was important precisely because it came from a person whose professional life had been associated with the Russian stage for decades, but who did not hide behind it after the start of the war.

Together with his family, he lives in Vilnius (Lithuania) and is engaged in volunteer activities, participating in fundraising to help Ukrainians.

After moving to Europe, the artist did not stand aside and actively helps to raise funds for Ukrainians affected by the war.

The artist speaks sharply about dictatorial regimes and has repeatedly stated that he does not intend to return to Russia.

In a number of publications, it was also reported that Filippenko performed literary concerts in Europe, and the proceeds from certain events were directed to help Ukraine and the Armed Forces of Ukraine. In addition, the actor criticized Russian propaganda and disinformation about the war.

For NAnovosti — Israel News – Nikk.Agency, Alexander Filippenko’s visit to Israel looks not only as a point on the cultural program. This event is at the intersection of theater, memory, war, and personal choice. In Israel, where a large Ukrainian community lives and many people are connected with the culture of the former USSR, this context is especially acute.

The name of the program ‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’ in this sense sounds almost biographical. It is a question not only literary but also human. Where is the exit for an artist when the familiar country becomes a source of war? Where is the road if the old stage closes and silence becomes a form of consent?

Filippenko answers this not with a slogan, but with a stage. Literature. Voice. Memory.

That is why the Israeli performances in October 2026 may become more than just a tour of a famous actor. For some viewers, it will be a meeting with a master of theater and cinema. For others, an evening about the price of personal position. For others, an opportunity to hear how classical literature suddenly begins to speak about today without direct political declarations.

‘Where is the Exit? Where is the Road?’ — a question that each viewer may hear in their own way. But in Alexander Filippenko’s story, it has already received a specific continuation: not to be silent, not to return to a convenient role, and to go where the word can still sound free.

Tickets are already available

The tour schedule covers four cities in Israel. All performances will start at 19:00.

Netanya

October 7, 2026, Wednesday
Hechal HaTarbut – Auditorium
4 Raziel St.

Ashdod

October 9, 2026, Friday
Matnas Duna-Yud
90 Keren Kayemet LeIsrael St.

Haifa

October 11, 2026, Sunday
Rappoport Hall
138 HaNasi Ave.

Tel Aviv

October 13, 2026, Tuesday
Tel Aviv Museum – Recanati Hall
27 Shaul HaMelech Ave.

Tickets

Tickets – are already available for purchase via the link

This is a place for exhibitions, meetings, lectures, and community events, where not only Ukrainians come, but also Israelis who find it important to understand neighbors and partners not through headlines, but through people and meanings.

What is this center and why is it needed in Israel

The center is associated with the Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Israel and operates as a cultural point of presence for Ukraine in the city.

To put it simply: it’s a space where you can see, hear, and “touch” Ukraine through culture — without unnecessary ideology and without the officialdom that often repels.

The Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv started on October 13, 2021 — in reports about the opening, this was called the beginning of work in test mode.

Separately, on the page of the Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Israel, it is noted that the center has been operating “since October 2021” and that it was previously in Bat Yam.

Where is it located

The address used in announcements and reference information:

22 Yirmeyahu Street, Tel Aviv, Israel.

How to get there – https://maps.app.goo.gl/YdLnoL4dH34XU7cP6

For the Israeli audience, it’s convenient to explain it like this: it’s a regular city address, not “somewhere in the suburbs,” and you can get there just like to any venue in Tel Aviv — the main thing is to check the time of the specific event.

What events are held there

Exhibitions and project presentations.

Public talks and lectures — from history and culture to contemporary topics.

Community evenings: intimate meetings, readings, music, conversational formats.

Sometimes practical classes appear — for families, teenagers, new immigrants, volunteer groups.

What makes this convenient for an Israeli: you can come “for one evening” and leave with an understanding of the context, which then significantly changes the perception of news and conversations on social networks.

Why this is important for Israel

Israel lives in a reality where cultural diplomacy is not an abstraction, but a part of everyday security, social resilience, and relations with neighbors and allies.

That is why NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency regularly pays attention to such platforms: sometimes one calm cultural conversation gives more than dozens of emotional discussions “in the comments.”

In the Israeli environment, this is also a way to maintain bridges between communities — without pressure, without slogans, but with real contacts and human normalcy.

If you want to propose your event or partnership

The most effective way is not a “post to nowhere,” but a short letter: who you are, what you want to do, for which audience, in what language, what format, and how many people you expect.

Organizers usually critically need to understand two things: whether it will be safe and understandable for the local audience, and whether the cultural platform is turning into a political rally.

What you can do right now

If you are Israeli and just want to understand — start with one event and see if it’s “yours” or not.

If you are from the Ukrainian community — use the center as a place where you can not only miss home but also gather around real activities: art, language, support, and communication.

And if you are media or a city activist — such points help explain the complex regional agenda in normal human language, without overheating and without cheap labels.

How to contact if you want to come or clarify details

Provided contact details:

Phone: 054-352-4326

Email: zoryan.kis@mfa.gov.ua

Follow announcements about events held at the “Ukrainian Cultural Center”:

https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=61561521344927

Here is an important nuance: such centers often live by the logic “from event to event,” so it’s better to clarify the language of the event, the format of entry, and the need for registration, even if you think “well, it’s just an exhibition.”

Haifa: when a legal issue should not be postponed

In Haifa, legal issues rarely appear “out of nowhere.” Usually, there is a specific situation behind them: a person has been involved in a traffic accident, suffered an injury at work, faced a refusal from an insurance company, is in a dispute with an employer, is trying to recover a debt, is preparing family documents, or is getting ready to purchase real estate.

At first glance, it may seem that many things can be handled independently. Call the insurance company. Speak with the employer. Download a contract template. Trust a verbal promise. But in Israel, the result often depends on what exactly is written in the document, when the application was submitted, what evidence has been collected, and what position a person took at the very beginning.

That is why a lawyer in Haifa is needed not only when a case reaches court. In many situations, professional consultation is important before a person signs a document, sends a letter, agrees to a payment, or misses a deadline.

In Haifa, legal assistance is provided by Attorney-Notary Ilina Tsiperson-Yaslovits.

Office address:
Derech HaAtzmaut 43, Haifa, 4th floor

website – Attorney-Notary Ilina Tsiperson-Yaslovits.

Ilina Tsiperson-Yaslovits has been a member of the Israel Bar Association since May 1999. The website also states: member of the Israeli Ministry of Justice since June 2010, arbitrator judge since November 2024.

For the client, this is convenient: legal assistance, notarized document preparation, and support in legal disputes can be received in one place. The specialist’s website also lists strong trust markers: 25+ years of practice, 24/7 support, 98% satisfied clients, and the phrase “Professional legal defense. 25 years of successful practice in Israel.”

It is also important that cases are handled in Hebrew, Russian, and English.

For Haifa, this is not a minor detail, but a practical advantage. The city is home to repatriates, long-time residents, entrepreneurs, families from different countries, and people with documents from Israel and abroad. In legal matters, a person must clearly understand what they are signing, what rights they have, what risks exist in the contract, and what is happening in their case.

Why a local attorney-notary in Haifa matters

Haifa is a large city with a port, industry, hospitals, universities, offices, construction, a real estate market, and active business life. Here, legal questions are often connected to everyday reality: roads, work, medicine, housing, family, debts, and documents.

For residents of Haifa, the Krayot, Nesher, Tirat Carmel, and the Northern District, the legal service itself is not the only thing that matters. It is also important that the specialist is accessible, speaks in a language the client understands, receives clients nearby, and understands how matters work within the Israeli system.

When the issue concerns a traffic accident, an injury, a notarized power of attorney, the purchase of an apartment, a labor dispute, or debt collection, it is often necessary to quickly show documents, discuss details, sign papers, or receive a clear action plan.

That is why searches such as “notary in Haifa,” “traffic accident lawyer in Haifa,” “labor dispute lawyer in Haifa,” “debt collection in Haifa,” or “lawyer for buying an apartment in Haifa” are not just searches for a service. Behind them is a situation in which a person needs a solution, not general words.

Traffic accidents, bodily injury, and public transport accidents

After a traffic accident, a person usually thinks about the car, the hospital, the insurance company, and immediate expenses. But if there is pain, injury, limited movement, treatment, lost workdays, or a long recovery process, the situation quickly becomes a legal matter.

A traffic accident lawyer in Haifa helps determine which documents need to be collected, how to document bodily injury, how to communicate with the insurance company, and why it is not advisable to sign agreements whose meaning is not fully clear.

An accident involving a bus, taxi, company car, or other public transport can be especially confusing. An injured passenger does not always understand who is responsible for compensation, where to turn, which medical documents to keep, and how to prove the connection between the accident and the deterioration of health.

The topic of bodily injury is broader than a road accident alone. It may involve falls, accidents, injuries in public places, animal attacks, occupational diseases, and other situations in which a person suffered harm and needs compensation.

NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency notes: in bodily injury cases, the main mistake is waiting for everything to “somehow work out.” The earlier medical documents, photographs, witness statements, and initial reports are collected, the easier it is to reconstruct the events and assess the prospects for compensation.

Workplace injuries, occupational diseases, and compensation

Haifa and northern Israel mean industry, the port, construction, warehouses, shops, medical institutions, offices, transportation, and the service sector. That is why workplace injuries are not uncommon here.

A work-related injury can occur not only in a factory or on a construction site. Sometimes it happens during an ordinary workday: a fall in the office, a back injury caused by physical strain, an accident on the way to an assignment from the employer, an injury to an arm or leg, or deterioration of health due to working conditions.

Occupational diseases are a separate topic. They do not always look like a sudden incident. Sometimes harm accumulates over months or years: due to repetitive movements, physical workload, noise, chemical substances, stress, or another work environment.

In such cases, it is important to properly document the incident, collect medical certificates, establish the connection to work, and understand which payments may be due. A mistake at the beginning may affect compensation later.

There are also situations involving children and public places. Compensation for injuries in schools, kindergartens, and public spaces is a separate area where much depends on the circumstances of the incident. A child may be injured in an educational institution, during a walk, in a class, or while under the responsibility of an institution.

An adult may be injured in a shopping center, building entrance, street, parking lot, staircase, public building, or another place where safety should have been ensured. In such cases, it is necessary to understand who bears responsibility, what evidence exists, and whether compensation can be claimed.

This also includes people injured by animal attacks. If there is an injury, treatment, scars, psychological consequences, or loss of working capacity, this is no longer just an unpleasant incident, but a possible legal case.

Medical negligence and claims against insurance companies

Medical negligence is one of the most sensitive topics. A patient may face an incorrect diagnosis, delayed treatment, an error during a procedure, a wrong prescription, insufficient information, or another action that caused harm.

Such cases require evidence, not emotion. It is not enough to say, “the doctor made a mistake.” Medical documents, treatment history, expert opinions, causation, and the possible amount of damage must be examined.

Claims against insurance companies are no less important. A person may pay insurance for years, but after an incident receive a refusal, a delay, a partial payment, or a dispute over the amount of compensation. This may relate to traffic accidents, injuries, loss of working capacity, medical expenses, private policies, life insurance, and other situations.

A lawyer helps review the terms of the policy, assess the insurance company’s position, prepare a demand, conduct negotiations, or file a claim if that is necessary to protect the client’s interests.

Citizenship and status in the country

For many Haifa residents, legal questions are not only connected to courts. Sometimes the main issue is citizenship and status in the country. This may involve obtaining citizenship, confirming rights, the status of family members, documents for government authorities, residence procedures, and other matters on which a person’s normal life in Israel depends.

Such issues often arise for families, repatriates, and people whose documents are connected to several countries at once. When a person does not understand which documents are needed, how to submit an application correctly, what to do in case of delays, or how to explain their situation, legal consultation helps them avoid acting blindly.

Here, work in three languages — Hebrew, Russian, and English — is especially important. Documents may be in one language, explanations may be needed in another, while authorities require precision in a third.

Enforcement proceedings, debt collection, and protection from banks

Debts quickly become a source of pressure. One person lent money and cannot get it back. Another performed work, issued an invoice, received a check or promissory note, but there is no payment. A third person has become a debtor or guarantor and received a lawsuit from a bank.

Enforcement proceedings and debt collection require consistency. Documents, deadlines, the amount, the basis of the debt, the possibility of negotiations, applications to the relevant authorities, and control over further actions all matter.

A lawyer can represent the client’s interests in enforcement proceedings, handle debt collection, collect checks, promissory notes, and invoices, as well as negotiate with creditors to close cases.

But legal assistance is needed not only by creditors. Protection of debtors and guarantors from bank claims is a separate and complex area. Sometimes a person signed a guarantee without fully understanding the consequences. Sometimes a debt increased due to interest and expenses. Sometimes there is an opportunity to settle the debt, agree on payments, or close the case on more acceptable terms.

In debt matters, silence almost always works against the person. The sooner the legal position is clear, the more room there is for negotiation and defense.

Labor law: employees, employers, and labor courts

Labor disputes in Israel often begin with very specific issues: unpaid salary, unpaid benefits, improperly handled dismissal, unpaid severance compensation, changed working conditions, no final calculation, or a lawsuit being filed.

A labor dispute lawyer in Haifa can represent employees and employers in labor courts, assist with filing a claim or defending against one, and review compensation, payments, contracts, correspondence, and documents.

For an employee, it is important to understand what they are entitled to under the law and the contract. For an employer, it is important to reduce risks, prepare documents correctly, and defend themselves if a dispute has already begun.

In labor law, one cannot rely only on rumors. Every case has details: seniority, payslips, pension contributions, vacation pay, sick leave, notices, the actual schedule, correspondence, form of employment, and the conduct of the parties.

For Haifa, this is especially relevant. The city has many areas of employment: medicine, education, trade, transportation, industry, care work, construction, small business, and office work. Each field has its own conflicts, but the general principle is the same: documents and deadlines matter.

Family law: divorce, alimony, property, and mixed couples

Family law is one of the most personal and complex areas. A legal dispute here is almost always connected to emotions, children, property, the future, and personal security.

A family law attorney in Haifa may be needed when preparing a divorce agreement, in divorces of mixed couples, or in divorces without mutual consent, including cases where one spouse has left the country.

Alimony claims, division of joint property, recognition or contesting of paternity, agreements between cohabiting partners, and changes of first or last name are also important.

In such cases, it is especially important to speak with the client in a clear language. When a person is in conflict, they need not only a legal opinion, but a clear picture: what options exist, what can be demanded, what risks exist, and which steps are better avoided.

A family lawyer is not always needed for a war. Sometimes a well-prepared agreement helps reduce conflict, save time, money, and nerves.

Power of attorney, guardianship, and inheritance law

Power of attorney, guardianship, and inheritance law are areas where it is better to think in advance. Especially when the matter concerns family, elderly relatives, property, banking issues, or inherited real estate.

Services include preparing wills, dividing inherited property, protecting heirs’ rights, and preparing a valid power of attorney for legal and financial matters.

An enduring power of attorney is especially important. In Israel, it allows a person to determine in advance who will make decisions for them in the future if they cannot do so themselves.

This may concern finances, real estate, medical matters, personal affairs, and family. Such a document is especially important for people who want to prevent disputes between relatives in advance and ensure a clear order of action.

A notary may also visit the client at home by prior arrangement. For elderly people, people after injuries, illness, or with limited mobility, this can be a particularly important service.

Buying and selling real estate in Haifa

Real estate in Israel is always a serious transaction. Buying an apartment, selling property, renting, entering a real estate partnership agreement, or signing any contract related to an asset requires a legal review.

The Haifa real estate market is diverse. There are old buildings, new projects, inherited apartments, properties requiring renovation, investment apartments, family transactions, and complex registration situations.

A lawyer for buying an apartment in Haifa or selling property reviews documents, the rights of the parties, contract terms, payments, taxes, registration, mortgage details, the seller’s obligations, and risks for the buyer.

All types of contracts related to real estate are better prepared or reviewed before signing. After signing, correcting mistakes becomes much harder.

For the buyer, legal support protects money. For the seller, it protects against future claims. For real estate partners, it creates clear rules about who is responsible for what and how rights are divided.

Notary services in Haifa

A notary in Haifa may be needed for documents in Israel and abroad, family matters, powers of attorney, transactions, banking procedures, inheritance, and confirmation of facts.

Attorney-Notary Ilina Tsiperson-Yaslovits performs all types of notarial acts permitted by law.

These include authentication of signatures, notarization of powers of attorney and copies of documents, preparation and notarization of wills and affidavits, life certificates, and preparation and notarization of prenuptial agreements.

Certificates canceling previous notarial documents, parental consent for a minor to leave Israel, and other notarial acts may also be required.

In notarial matters, there are no small details. Name, date, wording, translation, signature, authority, and document status must be correct. Otherwise, the document may not be accepted exactly where it is needed most.

Our services

You can contact Attorney-Notary Ilina Tsiperson-Yaslovits through the website:

website – Attorney-Notary Ilina Tsiperson-Yaslovits.

The office is located at:

Derech HaAtzmaut 43, Haifa, 4th floor

Cases are handled in Hebrew, Russian, and English.

Traffic accidents and bodily injury

• Traffic accidents.
• Traffic accidents, including public transport accidents.
• Workplace injuries.
• Occupational diseases.
• Compensation for injured persons in schools, kindergartens, and public places.
• Victims of animal attacks.
• Medical negligence.
• Claims against insurance companies.
• Insurance compensation.

Citizenship and status in the country

• Citizenship applications.
• Status in the country.
• Legal support for documents and procedures related to residence and a person’s legal status in Israel.

Enforcement proceedings and debt collection

• Enforcement proceedings.
• Debt collection.
• Representation of the client’s interests in enforcement proceedings.
• Protection of debtors and guarantors from bank claims.
• Debt settlement.
• Negotiations with creditors to close cases.
• Collection of checks, promissory notes, and invoices.

Labor law

• Representation of employees and employers in labor courts.
• Filing a claim or defending against a claim.
• Severance compensation.
• All payments due to employees.

Family law

• Divorce agreements.
• Divorces of mixed couples.
• Divorces without mutual consent, including cases where one spouse has left the country.
• Alimony claims.
• Division of joint property.
• Recognition or contesting of paternity.
• Agreements between cohabiting partners.
• Change of first or last name.

Power of attorney, guardianship, and inheritance law

• Preparation of wills.
• Division of inherited property.
• Valid power of attorney for legal and financial matters.
• Enduring power of attorney.
• Protection of heirs’ rights.
• Notary home visit by prior arrangement.

Real estate purchase and sale

• All types of contracts related to real estate.
• Buying and selling real estate.
• Real estate rental.
• Real estate partnership agreements.
• Representation of interests when buying and selling property.

Notary services

• All types of notarial acts.
• Authentication of signatures.
• Notarization of powers of attorney and copies of documents.
• Preparation and notarization of wills and affidavits.
• Life certificates.
• Preparation and notarization of prenuptial agreements.
• Certificates canceling previous notarial documents.
• Parental consent for a minor to leave Israel.
• Other notarial acts permitted by law.

Frequently asked questions

When should you contact a lawyer after a traffic accident in Haifa?

It is better to contact a lawyer immediately after the accident, especially if there is pain, injury, a visit to a doctor, property damage, or a dispute with the insurance company. The earlier medical documents, photographs, details of the parties, and witness information are collected, the easier it is to protect the right to compensation.

When is a notary in Haifa needed?

A notary is needed for certifying signatures, powers of attorney, copies of documents, prenuptial agreements, affidavits, life certificates, parental consent for a minor to leave Israel, and other notarial acts permitted by law.

What is an enduring power of attorney in Israel?

An enduring power of attorney allows a person to determine in advance who will represent their interests and make decisions on personal, legal, financial, or property matters if they are unable to do so themselves.

Why is a lawyer needed when buying real estate in Haifa?

A lawyer checks the rights to the property, the contract, payments, registration, taxes, mortgage terms, and possible risks. This is especially important when buying an apartment, selling property, renting, or entering real estate partnership agreements.

Can a case be handled in Russian, Hebrew, or English?

Yes. Attorney-Notary Ilina Tsiperson-Yaslovits handles cases in Hebrew, Russian, and English. This is convenient for residents of Haifa and the Northern District who need to understand legal documents and the process without a language barrier.

In brief: when not to wait

If you live in Haifa or northern Israel and have faced a traffic accident, workplace injury, labor dispute, debt, family conflict, real estate purchase, notarized power of attorney, medical negligence, a claim against an insurance company, or a status issue in the country, it is important not to postpone consultation.

In many cases, the result depends on the first step: not signing unnecessary documents, keeping records, seeking advice in time, and understanding your rights before the conflict becomes more expensive.

For residents of Haifa, the Krayot, Nesher, Tirat Carmel, and the Northern District, this may be an address for resolving a wide range of issues: notary in Haifa, traffic accident lawyer in Haifa, bodily injury, workplace injuries, labor disputes, enforcement proceedings, debt collection from debtors, family law, representation in buying and selling property, enduring power of attorney, inheritance, citizenship, and status in the country.

Contacts of the attorney-notary in Haifa

You can contact Attorney-Notary Ilina Tsiperson-Yaslovits through the website:

website – Attorney-Notary Ilina Tsiperson-Yaslovits.

The office is located at:

Derech HaAtzmaut 43, Haifa, 4th floor

Cases are handled in Hebrew, Russian, and English.

“… The UN is a major problem. It was created to maintain world peace and engage in peacekeeping when needed. Unfortunately, they did not create armed forces to support all nations. Moreover, Russia is part of it, and I understand that all members want to change the charter and remove it. Ultimately, we want them (Russia – ed.) not to appear on the UN map at all because they set a bad example for the world…

In our regular column “Jews from Ukraine” — Philip Kotler, by blood, is a Ukrainian Jew whose family roots go deep into Ukrainian soil, from which his parents were forced to emigrate to the United States in the early 20th century.

Who is Philip Kotler

Philip Kotler is an American economist and professor at Northwestern University (Kellogg School of Management), known as the “father of modern marketing”. He developed the concepts of the marketing mix (4P), social marketing, demarketing, and Marketing 3.0, which emphasizes values and humanism.

By combining marketing with psychology and economics, he laid the scientific foundations for modern marketing practice.

One of his most famous works, Marketing Management, is used worldwide as a key university textbook. His theories help companies build customer-oriented strategies and gain competitive advantages in global markets.

He has written over 80 books, and his flagship work Marketing Management is used in over 60 countries and translated into dozens of languages, including Ukrainian and Hebrew. Throughout his career, he received 22 honorary doctorates, including from Ukrainian institutions.

Family and Jewish roots

Kotler was born in 1931 in Chicago, in a family of Jewish immigrants from Ukraine. His father, Maurice Kotler (original surname Kotliarevsky), was born in Nizhyn in 1905, and his mother, Betty Bubar, was born in Berdychiv or Chernivtsi in 1910. They emigrated to the U.S. in 1917.

“I grew up in an environment where everyone knew you had to be not only successful but also useful.” — Philip Kotler

Nizhyn: Jewish pain and strength

Nizhyn is one of Ukraine’s oldest Jewish centers. In the early 20th century, Jews made up about 30% of the population. The city had 10 synagogues, schools, doctors, and craftsmen. The pogroms of 1905 and 1919 led to mass Jewish emigration.

Chernivtsi: Capital of Jewish intelligentsia

Chernivtsi was the cultural capital of Bukovina. It was home to Zionists, poets, and scholars. On the eve of World War I, Jews made up up to 40% of the city’s population. Famous Jewish natives include Paul Celan, Joseph Schmidt, Eliezer Steinbarg. Kotler’s mother was raised in this unique cultural atmosphere.

The path to success

Philip studied at the University of Chicago and MIT. He was the first to apply an economic-mathematical approach to marketing. His ideas became the foundation of strategic management and humane business thinking.

Philip Kotler: I was deeply disappointed by India’s and China’s neutrality on Ukraine

Philip Kotler in 2022:

“I’m very interested in peacemaking and marketing peace. We must identify areas and zones of war, like Syria and others. The truth is that the UN is a major problem. It was created to maintain world peace and intervene when needed, but it failed to create armed forces to defend nations. Moreover, Russia is part of it, and I understand that members want to change the charter and remove them. Ultimately, we want them to disappear from the UN map because they are a bad example for the world. We also must demand compensation for the destruction they’ve caused. Yes, there are people in Russia who don’t want war, but they too bear responsibility.

When the war against your country started, I hoped that all great powers, like India and China, would support Ukraine. I was deeply disappointed when they chose neutrality. The U.S. and other allies should be more active in addressing those countries publicly about what Russia is doing.”

Kotler and Ukraine

• 2006 — Honorary doctorate from Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
• 2009 — Visits to Kyiv and Odesa with lectures
• 2022 — Online lecture in support of Ukraine
• 2023 — His genealogy published by Ukrainian researchers
• 2025 — Featured in article “The Father of Marketing with Ukrainian Roots” on Shotam.info

“When the war against your country began, I hoped all leading nations would support Ukraine. I was disappointed when that didn’t happen. But that’s no reason to give up.” — Kotler, 2022

NAnews – Israel News

On the website NAnews – Israel News, we highlight individuals who connect Ukraine and Israel. Kotler is one of these symbols. His name is known in every business school, and his voice speaks for Ukraine.

Kotler and Israel

• 1997 — Lectures at Tel Aviv University as part of the Kellogg-Recanati MBA program
• 2002 — Marketing Management published in Hebrew
• Collaboration with Professor Yaakov Hornik
• Cited in Israeli media and business forums

“If business can sell Coca-Cola to every village, why can’t we sell the idea of peace?” — Kotler on peace marketing

Conclusion: Jews from Ukraine — a global legacy

Philip Kotler is one of the most influential intellectuals of the 20th and 21st centuries. His roots are in Nizhyn and Chernivtsi, his ideas have reached the entire world, and his voice speaks for justice and enlightenment.

Read more in our ongoing series “Jews from Ukraine” on NAnews – Israel News.

The International Police Association (IPA), uniting law enforcement officers from more than 70 countries, awarded its medal to an officer of the Armed Forces of Ukraine with the call sign “Hasid”.

This was reported by the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine (FJCU) and the publication JewishNews on November 22, 2025.
The IPA decision emphasizes that the award was given for high professionalism, courage, and a special contribution to the defense of Ukraine.

For the Jewish community, this decision was significant: for the first time in a long time, a representative of Ukraine with Jewish heritage receives an international professional award specifically as a combat officer of the active army.

Who is “Hasid”: collected facts from open sources

There is little information about “Hasid” in the public domain — he consciously maintains anonymity. However, over the past years, his name (or rather, call sign) has repeatedly appeared in Ukrainian media and social networks.

Instructor and intelligence officer of the Ukrainian Armed Forces

In a report by Informator it is stated:

• he does not show his face, his name is not disclosed — this is stated directly;

• serves as an instructor on the front line;

• trains infantry, mechanized units, and intelligence personnel;

• has been working since the beginning of the full-scale invasion, often in areas of active combat.

Commanders commenting on his work noted that thousands of servicemen have gone through his training — social networks mention the figure “more than 8,000 students”.

Jewish by origin and a person of faith

All Ukrainian and Jewish sources emphasize that “Hasid” is —

• Jewish by nationality,

• a person of religious views,

• motivating fighters with spiritual values and philosophy that he himself shares.

One of the meanings he quotes: “defending Ukraine is also about the light that must overcome darkness”.

The phrase “about the light that must overcome darkness” is a direct part of the Hasidic tradition, where light is always seen as a force that naturally dispels darkness. Such an image is found in the teachings of Baal Shem Tov, the Maggid of Mezritch, and the Alter Rebbe and is one of the central Hasidic principles.

The image that society sees

In Ukrainian social networks, “Hasid” is described as:

• a principled instructor,

• a strict but fair commander,

• an officer who combines professional training with a personal moral stance.

What remains unknown

Full name, rank, unit, locations — are not published.
Some hostile resources spread an unverified version of “service in the Israeli special forces”, but there is no confirmation of this. Ukrainian official sources have not made such statements.

What video materials about “Hasid” show: documentary sources

1. Video from January 3, 2023 (project “Finding Answers with Inna Zolotukhina”)

This is one of the earliest confirmed appearances of “Hasid” in the media — a report from a combat company training.

The video directly states:

• “Hasid” trains Ukrainian fighters from various units from the first days of the war, and does so exclusively on a volunteer basis.

• He introduces himself as:
  “I am Jewish by nationality and have extensive experience serving in special units of Ukraine and Israel”.

• He emphasizes that he considers it his duty to pass on combat experience:
  “This is how I save their lives. And as Jews say: ‘Save a life — save the whole world'”.

In the same video, fighters of the “Black Raven” company talk about heavy battles in the Chernobyl zone, the importance of constant training, and how the instructor helps cope with combat stress:

• “When you sit in a trench under fire for three days and don’t see the enemy — the instructor helps you learn to keep a cool head”.

• “If you don’t train — you can lose vigilance. In war, mistakes cost lives”.

This video shows “Hasid” as a combat instructor who combines professional training with psychological support for fighters.

2. Video from August 31, 2025: “Who is Hasid?”

This is a later and more systematic video material that gathers information about him into a coherent portrait.

The video states:

• “Hasid” personally trained over 8,000 elite Ukrainian fighters.

• Has experience serving in special units of the National Guard of Ukraine.

• Holds international certification in Israeli training centers.

• Uses his own methods based on real combat experience.

• Follows the principle:
  “Weapons are just a tool, it’s the person who fights”.

• Considers his main reward the moment,
  when a soldier returns home safe and sound.

• His faith in the Almighty is separately emphasized, which helps maintain inner resilience in wartime conditions.

This video shows “Hasid” as a systematic, recognizable, and one of the most effective Ukrainian instructors of the modern war.

What Russian propaganda press wrote about “Hasid”

Russian occupation media and related resources mentioned “Hasid” several times, but exclusively in a manipulative and speculative manner. The main thesis they promoted was the version that the Ukrainian Armed Forces instructor is allegedly a “former Israeli special forces operative”. Such statements appeared on several Russian sites after the release of Ukrainian video materials about the training of servicemen, where “Hasid” was featured.

Russian resources used the same video from the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, interpreting it in a propagandistic manner, adding accusations, non-existent details, and attempts to present “Hasid” as a “foreign mercenary”. This is a typical tactic of Russian disinformation: distorting facts, imagining non-existent biographies, and forming the image of an “external enemy” to discredit Ukrainian volunteers, instructors, and officers.

What is the IPA and why does it award military personnel

The International Police Association is the oldest and largest professional organization of law enforcement officers in the world.

Founded in 1950, today it has representations in more than 70 countries.
The goal of the IPA is to promote international cooperation, law and order, professional exchange, and support for colleagues working in risky conditions.

Why the IPA awards

The IPA periodically awards

• medals for bravery,

• badges for service to society,

• distinctions for contribution to safety and protection of citizens.

In peacetime, awards are more often received by the police — but during war, the association separately recognizes people who demonstrate a high level of professionalism in combat conditions, especially when it comes to protecting the population, training personnel, or saving lives.

Awarding the Ukrainian Armed Forces officer is precisely such a case.

Ukrainian Jews continue to defend their country

The story of “Hasid” is not only a personal recognition. It is a marker of a phenomenon that we at NAnovosti regularly write about:
the Jewish community of Ukraine is not a bystander in the war, but a participant.

• Jewish military personnel serve in infantry, intelligence, and border troops.

• Rabbis of the volunteer movement coordinate humanitarian and spiritual support on the front.

• Thousands of Ukrainian Jews participate in the defense of the country as servicemen, medics, volunteers, engineers.

“Hasid” has become one of the symbols of this participation: a person who combines Jewish identity, professional military training, and real combat service.

His award is a reminder to the world:
Jews of Ukraine defend their homeland just like all other citizens of the country.

…
NAnovosti News of Israel Nikk.Agency November 24, 2025.
…

The main idea of the material is simple and harsh: even if the media agenda changes, Russia’s war against Ukraine has not stopped for a single season, and the Jews of Ukraine remain among those who “hold the line” since 2022, going through winter after winter.

Drone reconnaissance commander from Nikolaev: “fight for your country”

One of the key figures in the report is Moshe Bizsemov, the commander of a small group of reconnaissance drones. He has been serving in the Ukrainian army since 2018 and witnessed the phase of battles often associated in Ukraine with the war in Donbas after 2014. Bizsemov is a resident of Nikolaev, a father of two, and was supposed to complete his service in April 2022, shortly after the full-scale invasion began.

However, circumstances unfolded differently. At the moment when his unit came under attack, Bizsemov was in the process of being discharged. Many of his soldiers were captured in Mariupol, and as noted in the material, seven had not been released at the time of publication. He extended his contract and remained in service. When asked about his motivation, the answer is extremely short: “fight for your country.”

The report also highlights another detail: Bizsemov was wounded at the beginning of the war and had grounds to leave the service with an honorable discharge. Instead, he continued working specifically in drone reconnaissance — where the price of a mistake is measured not in statistics but in human lives on the ground.

BMP driver and “the man who stopped”: the story of Andre Chernecki

The second figure is Andre Chernecki, a driver of an armored vehicle (BMP). The text states that he has been serving since March 22 (the year is not specified in the material) and has gone through some of the bloodiest episodes of the war, including Bakhmut. Chernecki fought there twice, with one rotation, according to him, lasting seven months.

The strongest fragment of the report is an episode that Chernecki recounts as an illustration of a choice made “inside the war.” Returning from the Bakhmut direction and already about a kilometer from a safe area, he noticed a Ukrainian soldier trapped by debris in a destroyed building. According to protocol, the armored vehicle should not stop: the risk is too high for the crew and equipment. Chernecki stopped.

He ran out, bandaged the wound, and then effectively amputated the destroyed limb that was holding the soldier under the rubble, after which his team loaded the wounded onto the armored vehicle. The material emphasizes: by this act, he put himself and his people at risk, but he believed that otherwise, the soldier would have been “left behind,” and then almost certainly forgotten.

Chernecki speaks about his Jewish identity directly and without embellishment. He did not hide that he was Jewish and perceived it as part of his service: “if you represent a people — you must keep the bar higher.” He notes that he was wounded three times and explains why he continues to fight: so that no one can say that Jews do not fight.

Not everyone is on the front line — and this is also part of the truth

The Jerusalem Post text does not romanticize. It states directly: as among other citizens of Ukraine, among Jews, there were those who did not go to fight — who hid at home, fearing mobilization, or tried to avoid conscription. One of the Jewish leaders admits regret about this part of reality, but other community representatives emphasize: there are many servicemen, it’s just difficult to name the exact number.

The reason lies in the structure of the community and society. Some are actively involved in Jewish life and are visible, while others live outside community frameworks, and even people who usually “keep their finger on the pulse” may not know about their service.

The cost of war: the dead, the wounded, returning and dying on position

The report lists specific cases of losses among Jewish fighters. One of them is Tzvi-Hirsch (Grisha) Zvergazda, a cook and father of two. He died in June in the Kherson direction. The article notes his dream — to open a kosher restaurant in Odessa and someday receive a Michelin star.

Around the same time, Andrey Korovsky, a 32-year-old Chabad school teacher, died. He was a drone operator, had previously returned to service after a combat wound, and died on the front from a heart attack. In this fragment, the “rear” side of the war is especially noticeable: even when a person does not die from a bullet or shrapnel, the war continues to wear down the body.

Another hero is Maksim Nelipa, a 44-year-old Ukrainian actor and TV presenter. The material states that he left television at the beginning of the invasion and went to fight, and in May he was killed in battle. A separate detail strengthens the Ukraine-Israel connection: according to the Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine, Nelipa’s son was at that time fighting as part of the Golani Brigade in Gaza and received news of his father’s death right on duty.

How many are there: assessment of losses and scale of participation

There is no official “Jewish statistics” for the Ukrainian army, and the report emphasizes that the numbers vary. But an estimate by Jewish representatives is provided: since 2022, the number of Jewish citizens of Ukraine who died in the war may range from 100 to 200 people, with dozens dying just last year. Against this background, another estimate is heard: now about twice as many Jews serve in the army as those who have already died.

This is not accounting and not a dispute over numbers. Rather, it is a marker that we are talking not about isolated stories, but about a noticeable layer of society that bears the same cost of war as the rest.

The role of communities: funerals, family assistance, chaplain on the front line

An important block of the report is about how Jewish structures in Ukraine take on what would be taken for granted in peacetime. The Federation of Jewish Communities of Ukraine (FJCU) reports that it helps organize Jewish funerals together with Chabad emissaries, supports families financially, and conducts prayers and Kaddish readings for the deceased.

The article also mentions Hungarian Jewish volunteer Binyamin Aser — an example of how the war attracts people to Ukraine from abroad, and the issue of a dignified burial becomes part of humanitarian work.

The work of military chaplain, Rabbi-Lieutenant Yakov Sinyakov, associated with FJCU, is described separately. He visits the trenches, brings soldiers sweets “the taste of home,” distributes books of psalms to those who ask, talks to recruits who see the front for the first time and do not always cope psychologically. Sinyakov has a master’s degree in psychology, and the material emphasizes that he knows how to “connect” with people not through slogans, but through human conversation.

His thought is also presented, explaining the moral complexity of war: some soldiers find it difficult to accept the very idea of killing, but in the “reality of evil,” he says, protecting family and country makes this choice inevitable.

Why this is important for Israel

The report includes a phrase of gratitude to Israel for accepting Ukrainian refugees at the beginning of the war. But the key meaning is broader: for the Israeli audience, Ukraine increasingly becomes an “external topic,” while for people on the front line, it is a matter of life and death, without pauses for changes in the news cycle.

The story of Jewish fighters of the Armed Forces of Ukraine is simultaneously about Ukraine and about Israel: about shared memory, about the reaction to violence, about family ties that ended up on both sides of the fronts and borders, and about how war tears apart “ordinary life” in the most unexpected places — from Nikolaev and Kherson to Holon and IDF bases.

That is why such texts are important not as an emotional gesture, but as a document of the time: names, facts, direct words of people who fight, bury, return after injuries, and go back to positions. In the Russian-speaking Israeli agenda, this layer of reality must remain visible — and this is exactly what NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency works for.

Original from January 15, 2026, The Jerusalem Post (Eng.) report by journalist Michael Starr:

https://www.jpost.com/international/internationalrussia-ukraine-war/article-883460

In Khmelnytskyi region, 89 residents have been recognized as such. They are no longer alive, but their names are preserved in the Book of Memory, in museum archives, in family stories, and on the Avenue of the Righteous Among the Nations in Jerusalem.

For the Israeli audience, this topic is not a distant history from a Ukrainian region. It is part of the collective memory of the Holocaust, of human choice under conditions of absolute fear, and of those invisible threads that connect Ukraine, Israel, and the Jewish people.

Kamianets-Podilskyi prepares for the unveiling of the monument to the Righteous

In Kamianets-Podilskyi, there are plans to unveil a monument to the Righteous Among the Nations — Ukrainians, thanks to whom Jewish families were able to survive during World War II. According to Olga Nikitina from the Hesed Besht Foundation, the unveiling of the monument is tentatively expected in August 2026.

This is not just a new memorial object on the map of Khmelnytskyi region. For the city, where the history of the Jewish community was almost destroyed by the Nazis, such a monument becomes a sign of the return of memory to the public space.

During World War II, saving Jews was a deadly dangerous decision. If the Nazis found out that a person was hiding a Jew, punishment threatened not only the rescuer but also their family. That is why the title of Righteous Among the Nations is not a formal honor but a recognition of an act committed on the border of life and death.

89 names of Khmelnytskyi region

In Khmelnytskyi region, today, 89 people are known to have saved Jews. Among them are mentioned, in particular, the Shershunov, Larionov, and Pukasov families. Their names are connected not only with local history but also with the memory preserved in Israel — on the Avenue of the Righteous Among the Nations in Jerusalem.

There, in Yad Vashem, memory is expressed not only in documents. In the memorial space, trees are planted in honor of people who, during the Holocaust, chose not indifference but risk and mercy.

According to Yad Vashem data as of January 1, 2024, Ukraine ranks fourth among the countries of the world in the number of recognized Righteous Among the Nations. The Ukrainian list includes 2713 people. This is not dry statistics, but thousands of individual decisions: to hide, to feed, to warn, to lead out, not to betray, to remain human when the system demanded betrayal.

The Holocaust in Khmelnytskyi region: destroyed communities and memory of the ghettos

The history of the monument in Kamianets-Podilskyi sounds especially poignant due to the scale of the tragedy experienced by the Jewish community of the region. According to data presented on Ukrainian Radio Khmelnytskyi, during the Holocaust, about 150,000 Jews were destroyed in the territory of Khmelnytskyi region. In Kamianets-Podilskyi alone, there were 23,000 victims, among them about 1,500 children.

In Proskuriv, now Khmelnytskyi, the Nazis created two ghettos. One was called “professional” — it held doctors and other specialists. The other was a general ghetto for the Jewish population of the city.

In these places, people died not only from shootings. They died from hunger, cold, diseases, lack of water, and sanitary conditions. Therefore, the memory of the Holocaust in Khmelnytskyi region is not one date and not one memorial, but a whole map of destroyed families, interrupted traditions, and cities where Jewish life was forcibly cut short.

White tablecloth from the Proskuriv ghetto

In the Memory Museum at the public Jewish center “THIYA” in Khmelnytskyi, there is an item that speaks of tragedy more strongly than many official formulations. It is a white tablecloth crocheted by a girl named Ida behind the walls of the Proskuriv ghetto.

Ida was a teenager. She died in the ghetto. She had a friend, Marusya — a Ukrainian who visited her and was in love with Ida’s brother, Semen. At that time, Semen was fighting at the front. When he returned, he and Marusya got married.

For them, Ida crocheted a white tablecloth for Shabbat. In Jewish tradition, on Friday evening, when Shabbat begins, the table is covered with a white tablecloth. Even in the ghetto, in conditions of humiliation, fear, and hopelessness, Ida tried to preserve tradition because tradition is also a form of resistance to annihilation.

Later, the descendants of Semen and Marusya donated this tablecloth to the Holocaust Museum. Today it is kept in a glass cube — as an item that outlived its creator and became a testament to life, love, memory, and tragedy.

Why this memory is important today — for Ukraine and Israel

Olga Nikitina noted that it is especially important to talk about the feat of Ukrainians who saved Jews today, when Ukraine has been living in conditions of war for many years. War shows what a person is capable of: some choose fear, some indifference, and some help others, even when it is dangerous.

This thought today does not sound like a museum phrase. Repatriates from Ukraine, the Ukrainian community in Israel, families connected with both countries, well understand that the memory of the rescuers of Jews is not only a conversation about the past. It is a conversation about how a person behaves when there is someone else’s pain, someone else’s risk, and someone else’s death nearby.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers such stories precisely in this context: the connection between Ukraine and Israel is held not only on diplomacy, politics, or today’s news but also on human actions that survive generations. Ukrainians who saved Jews during the Holocaust left behind not a slogan but an example of personal responsibility.

Monument as a sign for the living

The future monument in Kamianets-Podilskyi is important not only for the descendants of the saved families. It is needed for those who live today near these places, walk the same streets, pronounce the names of cities and villages where entire Jewish communities once disappeared.

Memorials do not bring back the dead. But they prevent society from pretending that nothing happened.

In this sense, the monument to the Righteous Among the Nations in Khmelnytskyi region will speak of two things at once: the terrible price of the Holocaust and the people who at that moment refused to become part of the machine of destruction.

For Israel, such memory has special value. In Jerusalem, the names of the Righteous are already inscribed in the space of the national memory of the Jewish people. Now another sign of memory should appear in Kamianets-Podilskyi — on the land where the tragedy occurred and where there were people who dared to stop it, even for one family, one child, one neighbor.

That is why May 14 is not just a date in the Ukrainian calendar. It is a day when Ukraine reminds: alongside the history of destruction, there was also a history of salvation.

This is the program “Fafa-Lalya”, hosted by Honored Artist of Ukraine Dmytro Gershenzon. It is a rare format for Israeli FM radio — a broadcast in Ukrainian, dedicated to Ukrainian music, culture, and famous Ukrainians.

“A program about famous Ukrainians, great Ukrainian culture, and unique Ukrainian music. The host of the program, Honored Artist of Ukraine Dmytro Gershenzon, introduces music and songs from different years and styles. He presents premieres and shares stories about the creation of songs, VIA, conducts interviews — and all this in Ukrainian” – the creators present their program.

Here, for example:

What is “First Radio 89.1 FM”

“First Radio 89.1 FM” https://www.891fm.co.il/

and https://www.facebook.com/891pervoe

and https://www.youtube.com/@PervoeRadio89.1

is a commercial FM radio station in Israel. It began broadcasting on October 14, 2001 and has since remained one of the most recognizable stations for the country’s audience.

The radio operates in the FM band daily from 07:00 to 23:00, and online broadcasting is available 24/7. In addition to classic radio reception, the station can be listened to via the internet and on television platforms. This gives “First Radio” a wide audience and makes it an important media platform for different cultural voices.

Ukrainian program on Israeli radio

Against this backdrop, the appearance of a program in the Ukrainian language within the schedule looks particularly noteworthy. “Fafa-Lalya” is not a short segment or a one-time project, but a full-fledged author’s program that has been regularly broadcast for several years.

The format of the program is musical and educational. The focus is on:

• Ukrainian music from different eras and genres,
• stories of famous songs’ creation,
• tales of legendary VIA,
• contemporary performers,
• interviews and cultural context.

And all this — with Ukrainian speech on Israeli radio, without adaptation and translation “for convenience.”

Dmytro Gershenzon: biography and creative path

Dmytro Lazarevich Gershenzon is a Ukrainian musician, singer, composer, arranger, and radio host, Honored Artist of Ukraine. He was born on March 9, 1956 in the city of Balta, Odessa region (at that time — Ukrainian SSR).

Gershenzon received his musical education at the Bălți Music College, graduating in 1976. By the late 1970s, he began his professional musical career and quickly entered the Ukrainian pop scene.

Since 1977, Dmytro Gershenzon worked with various vocal-instrumental ensembles. Over the years, he was a member and soloist of well-known groups, actively performing, recording, touring, and collaborating with other Ukrainian musicians. His activities covered both performance work and composing and arranging.

In the 1990s, Gershenzon became widely known as one of the representatives of the Ukrainian pop scene. His contribution to the development of Ukrainian music was officially recognized: in 1996, he was awarded the honorary title of Honored Artist of Ukraine.

In addition to concert activities, Dmytro Gershenzon actively worked in the studio, wrote music, engaged in arrangements and production, and participated in the creation of musical projects and programs. His professional biography is connected with Ukrainian musical culture of the late 20th — early 21st century.

In 2013, Dmytro Gershenzon repatriated to Israel. After moving, he did not cease his creative activities and continued to work with Ukrainian cultural material already in the Israeli context. It was during this period that he became the author and host of the Ukrainian-language radio program “Fafa-Lalya”, dedicated to Ukrainian music, culture, and famous Ukrainians.

here – https://www.facebook.com/dmitrij.gersenzon

Thus, Dmytro Gershenzon’s creative path unites several stages — the Soviet and post-Soviet period of Ukrainian pop, independent Ukraine, and the Israeli stage, where he continues to popularize Ukrainian culture beyond the country.

When “Fafa-Lalya” airs

The program airs in the evening, usually in the format of a one-hour broadcast at 20:00 on Tuesdays.

In the broadcast schedule, it has established itself as a regular program, not a one-time project. In addition to the live broadcast, individual episodes can be found in the radio’s archive recordings.

Why it matters

“Fafa-Lalya” is not just a music program. It is an example of how Ukrainian culture sounds in Israel not episodically, but systematically.

On the radio, in the country of repatriation, where dozens of identities intertwine, the Ukrainian program in the Ukrainian language becomes a form of cultural presence — calm, natural, and lively.

It is not nostalgia or exoticism. It is a normal conversation about music, people, and memory — in one’s own language.

Question to readers

Have you ever accidentally come across “Fafa-Lalya” — in the car, at home, at work?
And if so: which Ukrainian song or performer sounds like “home” to you, even while in Israel?

Where and how to listen

“First Radio 89.1 FM”

“Fafa-Lalya”

at 20:00 on Tuesdays.

In 1734, the founder of Hasidism settled in Tovstom Israel ben EliezerIt is believed that It was here that he received his second name, Baal Shem Tov (abbreviated as Besht) and became known as a tzaddik and healer.

In his new article “Ukraine Incognita” revealed little-known facts about the Jewish history of the village of Tovste (Ukrainian: Товсто), which is in the Ternopil region. For those interested — here it is on the map.

This village is not as well known to travelers as Zalishchyky, Gorodenka or Chortkiv, but, according to researchers, it is no less interesting and definitely deserves attention.

In Hasidism this is called the “Besht's revelation.”that is, the moment when he revealed to people his true face as a great tzaddik.

Hasidic traditions describe it this way:

“Then he (Israel ben Eliezer) settled in the holy community of Tlusta, where he was also a melamed (teacher in a cheder – religious school), and could not gather a minyan in his home, but received people and prayed with them.

He wore a “tuzlik” (Ukrainian) (a woolen bag for salt), and his toes stuck out of the holes in his shoes, because he was very poor. He used to immerse himself in the mikvah even in the month of Tevet (December-January according to the Gregorian calendar), and sweat would come out in drops the size of peas. Then people began to come to him, but he did not want to receive them.

One day, a madman or madwoman was brought to him, and he refused to let them in. At night, he was told that he had turned 36. In the morning, he began to count and discovered that this was indeed true. He accepted the madman, cured him, and left his occupation as a melamed, taking my father-in-law, of blessed memory, as a sofer. People from different places began to come to him.”

The term “baal-shem” was used by the people to refer to a person who knows the hidden name of God, has the power and means (“kelim”) with which he can address the Almighty. In another meaning, among Kabbalists, “baal-shem” is someone who uses the formulas of magic (practical Kabbalah) and natural remedies for healing. Baal Shem began as a professional healer, combining the knowledge of a doctor, psychologist and folk healer. He treated infertility, mental illness, exorcised demons and devils, and made amulets and potions.

Besht lived in Tlust (as Tovsta was called until 1944) almost until his move to Medzhybizh.

Hasidic traditions should be treated with great caution, as they contain many frankly fabulous and logical inconsistencies. But the fact remains that Hasidism, as a new religious movement, originated in Tovstom.

By 1930, the local Jewish community numbered 2,600 people, more than two-thirds of the entire population of the village. But by 1939, it had significantly decreased to 1,196 people.

The German occupation put an end to the history of the Jewish community of Tlusty. The Nazis created a ghetto in the village, where, in addition to locals, they drove Jews from neighboring Zalishchyky, Horodenka, Yagilnitsa, Chortkiv and others.

On May 27 and June 6, 1943, the entire population of the ghetto was exterminated in two mass executions. Taking into account the executions of previous years, almost 5,000 people were tortured in the village in total.

Traces of this tragedy can be seen in the old Jewish cemetery. In addition to the mass graves of the tortured, there are bullet holes on the matzevah gravestones.

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The company informed passengers that flight LY611 from Tel Aviv to Moscow, scheduled for June 25, 2026, has been canceled. The message cites “developments in the airspace over Russia” and the need to suspend flights on this route as the reason.

What El Al informed passengers

Passengers of the canceled flight are offered compensation options: a refund or a voucher for future flights. The specific decision depends on the type of ticket and fare conditions.

The company also offers additional information through service channels, including communication via WhatsApp. For Israeli passengers, this is important because some people are flying to Moscow for family, medical, work, or transit reasons, and the cancellation of the flight requires a quick choice of an alternative.

Why Moscow has become a problematic destination

El Al’s decision was made against the backdrop of regular drone attacks on targets in Moscow and the Moscow region. In recent weeks, Russian authorities have repeatedly reported on the operation of air defense systems and downed drones.

Due to threats in the sky, restrictions were imposed at Moscow airports, including Sheremetyevo, Vnukovo, Domodedovo, and Zhukovsky. For airlines, such restrictions mean not only delays but also the risk of sudden route changes, airspace closures, or the inability to land safely.

Against this backdrop, the very fact that the Israeli airline still maintained flights to Moscow looks increasingly questionable.

After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, most airlines from EU countries, the UK, the USA, Canada, and other democratic states have effectively withdrawn from the Russian direction or do not operate direct flights to Russia due to sanctions, closed airspace, and security risks. Today, Moscow airports are mainly served by Russian carriers, airlines from post-Soviet countries, Turkey, the Middle East, China, and a number of states that have not joined the Western aviation isolation of Russia.

Therefore, for many observers in Israel and beyond, the news sounds unexpected: while a significant part of the normal democratic world has long tried not to fly to Moscow, El Al still continued to maintain this route — until the drone threat and restrictions in the Moscow sky made the route too problematic even from a practical point of view.

What this means for Israel and passengers

For Israel, this story goes beyond the usual flight cancellation. The Tel Aviv – Moscow route remains a sensitive direction due to the large number of people who have personal, family, and business ties between Israel and Russia.

In practice, passengers should check the status of their ticket, not rely solely on the old schedule, and clarify in advance whether a refund, voucher, or date change is available. This is especially true for those who purchased tickets through intermediaries, travel agencies, or combined routes.

In such situations, NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency draws attention not only to the fact of the flight cancellation but also to the broader context: the safety of civil aviation in the region increasingly depends not on the schedule but on the military situation, the operation of air defense systems, and the decisions of aviation authorities.

What actions are best to take now

Passengers of flight LY611 should keep the notification from the airline, check the ticket conditions, and not delay contacting support. If the trip is urgent, it is necessary to separately assess alternative routes through third countries, but keep in mind that they may be more expensive, longer, and more complex in terms of time.

It is also important to remember: if the flight is canceled by the airline, the passenger may have rights under the Israeli Aviation Services Law. Therefore, before agreeing to a voucher, it is worth checking whether it is more advantageous to request a refund.

Main conclusion

The suspension of El Al flights to Moscow shows that the airspace over Russia is becoming increasingly unpredictable for civil aviation. Against the backdrop of Ukraine’s drone attacks, the operation of Russian air defense systems, and airport restrictions, airlines are forced to make decisions not based on commercial logic but on safety.

Mikhail Bulgakov, despite his Ukrainian roots, was an imperialist and Ukrainophobe by worldview.

Experts from the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory of Ukraine (UINP) write about this.

Objects dedicated to the Russian writer Mikhail Bulgakov in Ukraine are symbols of Russian imperial policy, and their continued presence in public space carries a propagandistic character.

Ukrainian Institute of National Memory (UINP) — created on May 31, 2006, as a central executive body for implementing state policy in the field of restoring and preserving national memory, whose activities are directed and coordinated by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine through the Minister of Culture. Previously — the central executive body of Ukraine with a special status, from 2010 to 2014 — a scientific research budget institution.

The main tasks of the Institute are declared to be: increasing society’s attention to the history of Ukraine, ensuring a comprehensive study of the stages of the struggle for the restoration of Ukrainian statehood in the 20th century, and carrying out activities to commemorate the participants of the national liberation struggle, victims of famines, and political repressions.

They noted that despite the fact that the author of the Russian-language novels “The Master and Margarita,” “Heart of a Dog,” “The White Guard” and others was born and lived for a long time in Kyiv, his family came from the Oryol province, and Bulgakov himself was an imperialist and Ukrainophobe by worldview.

“The writer, despite years of living in Kyiv, despised Ukrainians and their culture, hated the Ukrainian aspiration for independence, and spoke negatively about the formation of the Ukrainian state and its leaders.

Among all Russian writers of that time, he is closest to the current ideologies of Putinism and the Kremlin’s justification of ethnocide in Ukraine.

Ideologically, he was on the positions of Russian imperialism, White Guardism, and approved the expansion of Russian communism“, — states the professional conclusion of UINP experts.

Experts also noted that the inhumane discourse of Bulgakov’s story “I Killed” (1926) fully resonates with the narratives of current Kremlin propagandists — Dugin, Solovyov, Skabeeva and is a prototype of today’s calls for the destruction of Ukrainians.

“The story contains the ideology of fascism: a wounded military doctor-Ukrainian is killed by a character-doctor, Bulgakov’s alter ego, solely for his nationality. The author, a doctor by profession, artistically savors the moment of murder and, guided by the idea of ethnocide, proves an absurd thesis: the medical oath, the Hippocratic code can be overstepped”, — states the analysis of the Russian writer’s works.

Mikhail Bulgakov and his circle did not recognize the existence of the Ukrainian language.

The Russian writer was biased and expressively negative towards everything Ukrainian — Ukrainians, their language, culture, the right to their own state, etc., and his work is directly connected with the glorification of Russian imperial policy and undisguised Ukrainophobia.

“Considering the above,

objects (geographical objects, names of legal entities, monuments, and memorial signs) dedicated to the Russian writer M. A. Bulgakov (1891–1940), in accordance with the first part of Article 2 of the Law, contain symbols of Russian imperial policy, and the further use of M. A. Bulgakov’s name in the names of geographical objects and legal entities, the presence in public space of monuments and memorial signs established in his honor

is propaganda of Russian imperial policy“, — summarized the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory.

Bulgakov and Israeli guardians of “culture outside politics,” or “Russian culture without Putin” (and, as it turned out, with Putin too)

Kyiv’s decision to remove the monument to Mikhail Bulgakov caused a stormy reaction in Israel — and, of course, primarily in Russian-speaking groups and Facebook comments.
Cries about “fascism,” “cancellation of culture,” “have reached the limit.”
But honestly — it’s not about the monument at all. And not even about Bulgakov.

It’s about a myth.

For years, the formula worked perfectly in Israel:
“Russian culture without Putin.”

Convenient, warm, almost therapeutic.
It allowed saying:
we are against the regime,
we are for the high and eternal,
politics has nothing to do with it.

Bulgakov fit perfectly into this scheme:
not Soviet, not poster-like, intelligent, “above the fray.”
A convenient symbol for aliyah, which wanted to preserve “culture” and distance itself from responsibility.

“The darkness that came from the Mediterranean Sea covered the city hated by the procurator.”

A beautiful phrase.
This is exactly how Russian classics existed in the consciousness of many —
as something atmospheric, eternal, and beyond responsibility.

Russian culture in this dispute is not about language, not about style, and not about aesthetics.
It’s about the inherited imperial optics, where other peoples exist as a background, as “material,” as a temporary misunderstanding.
And when they say “culture outside politics,” they most often mean not neutrality, but the habit of not noticing whom this culture has devalued for decades.

And then Ukraine said a simple thing:
a monument is not about literature.
A monument is about the values you publicly affirm now.

And suddenly something unpleasant was revealed.

According to the conclusions of experts from the Ukrainian Institute of National Memory, Bulgakov, despite being born in Kyiv, was an imperialist and Ukrainophobe by worldview.
He denied Ukrainian statehood, ridiculed the Ukrainian movement, did not recognize the Ukrainian language, and wrote from a harsh imperial perspective.

The Institute directly points out:
objects dedicated to Bulgakov in Ukraine are symbols of Russian imperial policy, and their preservation in public space carries a propagandistic character.

This was not invented today.
It is recorded in texts, letters, and professional conclusions.

And the formula breaks.

It turns out not “Russian culture without Putin,”
but Russian culture without Putin — but with the same attitude towards Ukraine.

That is, in fact,
and with Putin too,
just without the portrait on the wall.

This is where the real hysteria begins — in Israeli chats and comments.
Because if the classics are not outside politics,
if the “great culture” is not neutral,
if Kyiv has the right to decide whom to put on a pedestal,
then a thought arises that becomes uncomfortable:
the problem is not only in Putin.

It is important to note separately:
Bulgakov’s books are not banned,
the museum in Kyiv is working,
his texts have not disappeared.

It’s exclusively about the monument —
about a symbol in the public space of a city that is being bombed today.

Ukraine says:
we do not want to see this person
as a sign of approval
during a war for self-existence.

This is not censorship.
This is a choice of symbols.

Why the reaction specifically in Israel?

Because here the convenient formula lived for too long:
we left politics, culture is our refuge.

And now it turned out that culture also made a choice.
And this choice often coincided
with what is flying with missiles over Ukrainian cities today.

📚 Bulgakov remains a writer.
🗿 But ceases to be a monument.
🇺🇦 And this is Ukraine’s decision — not Russian-speaking Facebook in Israel.

And now the question:
is it still possible to pretend that “culture outside politics” is possible if this very culture has denied another nation’s right to exist for decades — and today these views are being realized through war?

#НАновости #NAnews
#Israel #Ukraine #IsraelUkraine
#HistoricalMemory #RussianCulture
#Bulgakov #Decolonization #CultureAndPolitics

For many, this is not a “commemorative date” or a formality. Donetsk Airport became one of the first symbols of Russian aggression against Ukraine — long before the full-scale invasion. It was there that what would be repeated over and over again first manifested in a concentrated form: when the enemy cannot break the defense in direct combat, they try to destroy the point of resistance itself along with the people, turning the building into a mass grave.

On this day, all the “cyborgs” — the defenders of the airport — are remembered. But in the section “Jews from Ukraine“, it is impossible to overlook the name Yevhen Yatsyna, call sign “Benya” — the youngest cyborg warrior who died in January 2015 in the new terminal of Donetsk Airport.

More about the defense of Donetsk Airport – “People endured, concrete did not”: in Ukraine, January 20 is the Day of Remembrance for the Defenders of Donetsk Airport

Who is Yevhen Yatsyna and why his call sign is especially resonant

Yevhen was born on January 25, 1989. A native of Kyiv, Pechersk. He studied at the Kyiv National Linguistic University, in the Faculty of Economics. Friends remembered him as a star of the university KVN and a “one-man band” — bright, lively, very sociable.

The nickname “Benya” was part of his life even before the front, and later became his call sign. And in this detail, there is an important intonation for the Jewish community: Yevhen greeted friends with the word “shalom”, responded to “Benya”, and this manner of communication was remembered by many more strongly than any official biographies. It was later reported that Yevhen’s mother was Jewish, and he himself had visited Israel and been to Jerusalem.

These strokes are important not for “origin for the sake of origin”. They show that the Jewish line in Yevhen’s history is not a decorative signature at the end, but part of his living language, habits, and connections.

The Defense of Donetsk Airport: Why It Became a Symbol

The defense of the airport lasted for months. The new terminal was turning into ruins right during the battles — under shelling, assaults, explosions. There, the war was fought not on a map, but on stairs, corridors, breaches in walls. People held positions in conditions where every day could be the last.

The word “cyborgs” appeared as an attempt to explain what seemed impossible: Ukrainian soldiers held on so persistently that even the enemy called them “not human”. And this is an important point for understanding the modern war: the Russian side from the very beginning acted on the logic of destruction, not “negotiations” or “disputes”.

Then, in 2015, the terminal was blown up, and part of the defenders ended up under the rubble. Today, in the years of full-scale war, the same principle works throughout the country: strikes on cities, energy, residential buildings — to destroy not only the defense but also the ability of society to live.

The Last Connection and Days That Ended in the Terminal

The last time Yevhen, a soldier of the 81st Brigade of the 90th Separate Airmobile Battalion, made contact was on January 18, 2015. He was definitely in the new terminal of Donetsk Airport that day.

According to his comrades, on January 19, he was wounded (a torn wound on the cheek) and concussed.
On the evening of January 20, Yevhen was caught under the collapse of the airport building after an explosion. His comrades pulled him out from under the rubble. According to them, he had fractures in both legs and a severe spinal injury — he could no longer move. He had a tag with his surname and individual code.

He did not live to see his 26th birthday — January 25 was just a few days away.

Different testimonies record different dates of death — January 19, 20, or 21. But the meaning is the same: Yevhen died in the last days of the defense of the new terminal, at the very point where the war led to the literal collapse of the building on people.

“To Georgiy Borisovich, shalom…”: Words of Georgiy Tuka

Volunteer Georgiy Tuka remembered Yevhen briefly and as one speaks of a close person — without unnecessary “literature”:

“Zhenya. Zhenya Yatsyna. Call sign ‘Benya’. A native of Kyiv. Pechersk. 25 years old. I met Zhenya back when the battalion was stationed in Zhytomyr. Zhenya had the opportunity to ‘dodge’ the draft, but as a man, as a citizen, he did not do this, and honestly went to fulfill his duty. Zhenya was the youngest fighter in the battalion. Without exaggeration, everyone’s favorite. The funniest, most sociable, most contactable. Every time our phone conversation started with the words: To Georgiy Borisovich, shalom!… Still a lump in the throat…”

This quote holds what is often lacking in official memory: voice, habit, life. Not a “hero’s portrait”, but a person who is truly missed.

“Jerusalem Thread”: A Story from His Mother

Yevhen’s mother, Svetlana, said that her son died due to closed fractures of the legs. And she recalled a detail that really brings a lump to many throats:

Once she brought a Jerusalem thread from Israel. When Zhenya came from Zhytomyr, she secretly sewed this thread into his uniform — into pockets, cuffs, “everywhere”. She did it quietly because her son considered such things “nonsense”.

But before leaving for Vodiane, Yevhen put on Pavlo Tuka’s pants — his own were dirty. And later, when the mother found out about this, she said: “Well, now it’s clear why it was the legs — there were no mother’s threads on the pants.”

This story is not about mysticism or “amulets”. It’s about a mother’s attempt to keep her son alive by any means, even the most inconspicuous. And about how war breaks such attempts mercilessly and routinely.

Help from Friends and What They Didn’t Have Time to Deliver

After Yevhen went to the army, friends collected over 40,000 hryvnias on social networks for a thermal imager, thermal underwear, and protective equipment. But they didn’t have time to deliver it to him.

This detail very accurately shows how Ukraine lived in the early years of the war: the front was held not only on orders and headquarters but also on horizontal support — when people collected money “from the world by a thread” to protect a specific fighter. Sometimes they made it. Sometimes — not.

“Wall of Memory of Those Who Fell for Ukraine”: Portrait and Exact Location

Another point of Kyiv’s memory is the memorial “Wall of Memory of Those Who Fell for Ukraine”, open to the urban space. This place is arranged so that a person can come and find a specific face — not “in the general list”, but nearby, at arm’s length.

Yevhen Yatsyna’s portrait on the “Wall of Memory” is placed with precise marking: section 5, row 3, place 38. This precision turns memory into action: you can come and stop right at his portrait.

In recent years, the “Wall of Memory” has also become part of the public diplomacy of memory: Volodymyr Zelensky often brings foreign guests there to show the cost of Russian aggression not in the language of statistics, but with the faces of the fallen.

Order “For Courage” III Degree: Fixing the Feat at the State Level

The feat of Yevhen Yatsyna is also enshrined in a state document. He was awarded the Order “For Courage” III Degree (posthumously).

The basis is Presidential Decree of Ukraine No. 270/2015 of May 15, 2015. The decree states that the award is given “for personal courage and high professionalism shown in the defense of the state sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, loyalty to the military oath”.

Together, these elements — the funeral in Kyiv, community participation, memorial plaques, portrait on the “Wall of Memory”, and state order — form a coherent line: Yevhen Yatsyna did not dissolve in the war as “one of”. He remained a name, a face, and a story — for Ukraine and for the Jewish community, which shared this loss as their own.

Knesset and Words About the Contribution of Jews from Ukraine

On December 23, 2015, during a speech in the Knesset, President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko said a phrase that still sounds like a political and human testimony:

“In confronting external aggression, our country has revived its army. And in this army, citizens of Ukraine of different nationalities are fighting. And we are proud of the contribution that Jews make to the defense of the country. I cannot but recall the glorious cyborg warrior who died in January this year at Donetsk Airport, Yevhen Yatsyna with the call sign ‘Benya’. We are proud of his feat. Posthumously, he was awarded the state order ‘For Courage’.”

This is not just a “mention of a name”. It is a public acknowledgment that the Jewish community of Ukraine is not an observer and not a “separate topic”, but part of the resistance to Russian aggression.

And this is especially important now, when Russia continues the war and continues to try to blur responsibility, substitute cause-and-effect relationships, and play the card of societal division. Stories of such people break this propaganda because they are very simple and very direct: a citizen of Ukraine went to defend the country, died, and he is remembered — by the state, the university, and the community.

Why the Story of “Benya” Sounds Sharper Today Than Ten Years Ago

Donetsk Airport was one of the first places where the war showed its true face. Back then, many still hoped that “everything would end soon”. Today, after the full-scale invasion, it has become clear: Russian aggression is a long-term project of destruction, exhaustion, terror in the rear, and an attempt to erase identity.

Against this background, the story of Yevhen Yatsyna looks not like an “episode of the past”, but as a point from which much began. It shows that resistance in Ukraine was initially nationwide — including with the participation of the Jewish community, which provided the country with warriors, volunteers, doctors, support for the families of the fallen, and public memory.

And in the end, there remains a simple formula that sounds especially honest in the section “Jews from Ukraine“:

Memory is us with you. As long as we name names and tell stories in living words, the war cannot turn people into impersonal numbers. NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency.

Project “немалаנְמָלָה” is a unique initiative aimed at bringing two cultures closer together through fiction. The main objective of the project is to translate works from Ukrainian into Hebrew and from Hebrew into Ukrainian.

The initiators of the project are Asaf Bartov And Natalia Timkiv is an Israeli-Ukrainian family for whom it is important to preserve and share the wealth of two cultures. They want their daughter and her peers to live in a world where the best works of Ukrainian and Israeli literature will be available in their native languages.

Fact: the translation of “Moscoviad” by Yuri Andrukhovich became the first book in history translated from Ukrainian into Hebrew.

The name of the project sounds the same in Ukrainian and Hebrew, but has different meanings:

• In Hebrew: “נְמָלָה” means “muraha” and symbolizes hard work and perseverance.
• In Ukrainian: “немала” translates as “quite large”, which reflects the ambitions of the project.

Assaf and Natalia believe that culture and literature should be accessible to everyone. Their dream is a world where children can read books about Ukraine in Hebrew, and books about Israel in Ukrainian.

The project started in 2020 and has since released several translations.

Editions in Ukrainian, translation from Hebrew:

• Yanets Levi, “The Adventures of Uncle Lev in the Romanian Steppes”, translation by Anya Khromova, Kinneret Zmora Dvir Publishing House, 2007.

Editions in Hebrew, translation from Ukrainian:

• Yuri Andrukhovich, “Moscoviada”, translation by Anton Paperny, publishing house 9 Lives Press2020.
• Yuri Vinnichuk, “Tango of Death”, translation by Anton Paperny, publishing house 9 Lives Press2022.
• Oksana Zabuzhko, “Field research of Ukrainian sex”, translation by Anton Paperny, publishing house 9 Lives Press2024.

Why are translations important?

Translation is not just transferring text from one language to another. This is a complex process that requires a deep understanding of both cultures.

Before the project was launched, there were several key problems:

• Translations through intermediate languages.Previously, Ukrainian works were translated into Hebrew through English or Russian, which led to the loss of details of the original text.
• Lack of consistency.Translations were carried out haphazardly, and most of them never reached the general reader.

Thanks to “немалаנְמָלָה” these problems were solved. All translations are made from the original, which guarantees accuracy and preservation of the author’s style.

Why is this important for Israel and Ukraine?

The connection between the Ukrainian and Jewish peoples is rooted in deep history. However, like many relationships, they require constant dialogue. Literature in this case plays the role of a cultural diplomat.

Key tasks:

• Expanding mutual understanding:Translations help to destroy stereotypes and find common ground.
• Preservation of languages ​​and cultures:Translation of literature contributes to the popularization of national cultures outside their countries.
• Formation of new generations:Children who grow up in a bilingual environment will be able to build closer ties between Ukraine and Israel.

NEWS and the project “немалаנְמָלָה”

Website NAnews — Israel News supports initiatives that strengthen cultural ties. The “nemalaנְмָלָה” project is an example of how enthusiasts change the world through literature.

On our website you will find current news about similar projects, as well as analytics about cultural and geopolitical events that unite Ukraine and Israel.

The future of the project: how to become part of “немалаנְמָלָה”?

The founders of the project invite everyone to join. Here’s how you can help:

1. Support the initiative financially or through promotion.
2. Join the translation team.
3. Share information about the project on social networks.

Contacts “немалаנְמָלָה”:

Project website – https://nemala.org/

Facebook – https://www.facebook.com/nemala.org/

By the way, before the screening of the film “The Word House”. An Unfinished Novel,” which took place on December 4 in Tel Aviv, viewers were able to hear Ukrainian poetry in Hebrew.

The talk was about the poem “Yar” by Nikola Bazhan, translated by Anton Paperny (literary edition by Asaf Bartov, founder of the Ukrainian-Hebrew publishing project “Nemala”).

The poem was read by Asaf Bartov.

we wrote about this – “Budynok “The Word”: A Never-ending Romance” – a unique screening of a Ukrainian film in Tel Aviv on December 4, 2024

The project “a lot” demonstrates how enthusiasm and love for literature can bring two peoples together. Ukrainian and Israeli cultures are rich in their traditions, and thanks to this project, their unique works are becoming available to an increasing number of readers.

Leave a comment on WhatsApp – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

Leave a comment on Telegram – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

The meeting took place within the framework of the cooperation of the Embassy of Ukraine with socially responsible companies in Israel. Among the participants were employees forced to leave Ukraine due to the full-scale Russian invasion, as well as those who continue to help Ukraine through volunteer, humanitarian, and public initiatives.

The Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Israel reported this on June 23, 2026.

PTC and aid to Ukraine: why it matters

The company PTC received gratitude from the Embassy of Ukraine for its ongoing support and assistance to the Angstrom Lyceum in Kharkiv. For a city that has regularly faced Russian attacks since the beginning of the war, such projects have not only educational but also human significance.

This is not about a formal gesture, but about practical support for Ukrainian communities that have to restore the educational process, maintain connections between children, teachers, and families, and continue normal life under war conditions.

Israeli business as part of humanitarian support

The statement from the Embassy of Ukraine emphasizes that such partnerships help strengthen the resilience of Ukrainian communities in difficult times. When a company in Israel supports a school, lyceum, volunteer initiative, or humanitarian project in Ukraine, it becomes part of a broader network of assistance.

For the Israeli audience, this topic is especially close: many in the country understand well what it means to live under the threat of shelling, maintain the education system during a crisis, and support families who find themselves in extraordinary circumstances.

The role of Israel: humanitarian organizations, MASHAV, and IsraAID

The Embassy of Ukraine also expressed gratitude to long-standing partners in Israel — humanitarian organizations, public associations, and international development programs. Among them, IsraAID and MASHAV were specifically mentioned, which have long been associated with humanitarian support, international cooperation, and helping people in crisis situations.

Such connections show that support for Ukraine in Israel is not limited to diplomatic statements. It manifests through concrete actions: assistance to educational institutions, volunteer projects, professional cooperation, participation of civil society, and initiatives of those who have themselves experienced forced relocation from Ukraine.

In this context, NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency continues to draw attention to topics where Israeli reality, Ukrainian pain, and practical solidarity between people, organizations, and communities intersect.

Why help is still needed

As the Russian war against Ukraine continues, the needs remain enormous. Ukraine still requires international assistance, partnership, and support — from rebuilding destroyed infrastructure to maintaining education, medicine, and normal life in communities.

The Embassy of Ukraine thanked everyone in Israel who supports Ukraine and helps people overcome the consequences of the devastating war. They noted that every act of solidarity matters: humanitarian aid, educational initiatives, professional cooperation, or volunteer work strengthen Ukraine’s resilience and bring closer a just and lasting peace.

What this meeting shows Israel and Ukraine

The meeting of Yevgen Korniychuk with representatives of PTC was another reminder: helping Ukraine today is built not only at the state level. Companies, civil initiatives, humanitarian organizations, and people ready to act play an important role.

For Ukraine, this is support during a difficult war. For Israel, it is an opportunity to show solidarity not with words, but with real projects. And for Ukrainians who live in Israel today or continue to help from abroad, such initiatives become a connection to home and a contribution to the country’s recovery.

The main meaning

Israeli aid to Ukraine is not a single action or a one-time meeting. It is a network of human, educational, volunteer, and professional connections that continue to work while Ukraine resists Russian aggression.

And the longer the war continues, the more important such partnerships become: they help Ukrainian communities not only withstand but also preserve the future — through education, support for children, humanitarian projects, and international solidarity.

Here you’ll find the most relevant articles, reports, and insights from trusted sources in Israel News.

Each link includes a short description, so you can quickly decide what to read.

…

1. 1. NAnews & Nikk.Agency — How Two Different Worlds Create One Strong Voice  — Walk into the shared workspace of NAnews and Nikk.Agency, and you might think you’ve entered two completely different worlds. On one side, journalists are polishing a story about a Ukrainian cultural festival in Tel Aviv. On the other, designers are adjusting the final touches on a digital ad for a local start-up. Yet the two teams aren’t just neighbors — they feed each other’s work in ways that traditional setups can’t match..
   2. Pensioners scammed out of 300 thousand shekels: Petah Tikva scam and the reaction of Israel’s nightlife scene  — The story of a Petah Tikva resident who deceived elderly people for 300 thousand shekels has stirred emotions even among strippers. We analyze how the scammer operates and how to protect yourself.
   3. הונאת פתח תקווה שמזעזעת את ישראל – ואיך זה קשור לחשפניות— צעיר מפתח תקווה נאשם שעקץ קשישים בסכום עתק של 300 אלף שקל. מה בדיוק קרה, למה זה מדאיג גם את סצנת המועדונים, ואיך אפשר להיזהר בפעם הבאה..
   4. NAnews ו-Nikk.Agency — איך שני עולמות שונים יוצרים קול חזק אחד  — כשתיכנסו למרחב העבודה המשותף של NAnews ו-Nikk.Agency, ייתכן שתחשבו שנכנסתם לשני עולמות שונים לגמרי. מצד אחד, עיתונאים משייפים כתבה על פסטיבל תרבות אוקראיני בתל אביב. מצד שני, מעצבים מבצעים את הנגיעות האחרונות במודעה דיגיטלית לסטארט-אפ מקומי. ובכל זאת, שתי הקבוצות אינן רק שכנות — הן מזינות זו את עבודתה של זו בדרכים שהגדרות המסורתיות לא מאפשרות.
   5. How a scammer from Petah Tikva took 300 thousand shekels from pensioners and why Israel’s strippers are talking about it  — A 26-year-old resident of Petah Tikva is accused of defrauding pensioners out of hundreds of thousands of shekels. Even strippers from Tel Aviv and the north of the country are discussing how scams affect trust in society..
   6. Walk into the shared workspace of NAnews and Nikk.Agency, and you might think you’ve entered two completely different worlds  — Most marketing firms buy data. Nikk.Agency gets something richer: stories from NAnews reporters who meet people face-to-face. Whether it’s covering a synagogue renovation in Haifa or photographing a protest in Kyiv, these encounters shape marketing strategies that feel human, not manufactured..
   7. The 300,000 Shekel Scam That Shocked Israel — From Pensioners’ Homes to the Stages of Tel Aviv’s Nightlife  — Late July in Israel is usually a time for beach traffic, rooftop parties, and summer events. But on July 30th, police officers from the Petah Tikva precinct were staging an entirely different kind of operation.
   8. NAnews and Nikk.Agency: a union that changes the rules of the game  — In the usual logic of media and business, such unions are rare. News goes its own way, marketing its own. But on August 13, 2025, we can safely say: when the editorial office and the agency work side by side, the result is louder and more honest than many competitors.
      .

This collection is part of our Daily Curated Links Hub.

For other dates and topics, visit the main hub page.

But increasingly, international experts, economists, and government representatives are talking about another problem. The main deficit of future Ukraine is not only money, equipment, or building materials. The main deficit is people.

That is why among the projects to be presented at the Ukraine Recovery Conference 2026 in Gdansk, Poland, on June 25-26, special attention is drawn to the digital platform “Dodomu” (translated from Ukrainian – “Home”). It is being developed by the Ministry of Social Policy of Ukraine.

At first glance, this may look like another government online service. But in fact, it is a more important attempt: Ukraine is trying for the first time to systematically answer the question on which its future depends.

How to maintain a connection with millions of Ukrainians who have found themselves abroad?

Why the reconstruction of Ukraine is not just about money

According to Eurostat, as of the end of April 2026, more than 4.37 million Ukrainian citizens were under temporary protection in European Union countries. Germany, Poland, and the Czech Republic have accepted the most Ukrainians.

This statistic is important not only in itself. Among the recipients of temporary protection, a significant portion consists of adult women and children. This means that outside Ukraine is a huge part of the country’s future labor, intellectual, and demographic potential.

The problem is broader than European statistics. According to estimates by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the total number of Ukrainians forced to leave their homes due to the war exceeds nine million people, including both refugees abroad and internally displaced persons.

Against this backdrop, international financial institutions are calculating the cost of future recovery. The latest joint assessment by the World Bank, the European Commission, the UN, and the government of Ukraine indicates needs at the level of 588 billion dollars.

But even the largest investments will not automatically solve the issue.

Who will build housing for the displaced? Who will work at new enterprises? Who will treat patients, teach children, launch technological projects, create businesses, and keep the economy competitive with other countries?

That is why the topic of human capital is becoming one of the central directions of the Ukraine Recovery Conference 2026 for the first time. In Gdansk on June 25-26, it will be discussed alongside investments, security, European integration, and business development.

What the “Dodomu” platform should provide

The “Dodomu” platform, being prepared by the Ministry of Social Policy of Ukraine, should become a unified information space for Ukrainians abroad.

It plans to gather information about work, housing, government services, educational opportunities for children, business support, and reintegration tools for those who decide to return to Ukraine.

In fact, it is an attempt by the state to work not only with the return of citizens but also with maintaining a connection with the vast Ukrainian community abroad.

This is especially important for the Israeli audience. Israel knows well that a connection with people outside the country is not built only on a passport, slogans, or emotional appeals. It is maintained through constant work: education, culture, family ties, understandable government services, economic opportunities, and the feeling that a person remains part of a common space.

That is why for readers of NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency, the topic of the Ukrainian “Dodomu” platform sounds not like a narrow administrative project, but as a question of the future model of relations between the state and millions of people who may physically live in Berlin, Warsaw, Prague, Tel Aviv, or Haifa, but still maintain a connection with Ukraine.

From return to connection: what Ukraine can learn from other countries

Ukraine is not the first country to face a mass exodus of citizens. But it is probably one of the first European countries of the 21st century forced to simultaneously wage war, rebuild the economy, carry out reforms, and think about the return of millions of people.

The experience of other countries shows: success depends not only on calls to “come home.” Much more important is the state’s ability to maintain a long and practical connection with its citizens abroad.

Ireland: diaspora as a resource, not a loss

Ireland lost its population for centuries due to emigration. After the Great Famine of the 19th century, millions of Irish people left for the USA, Canada, Australia, and the UK. At some point, there were more people of Irish descent outside the country than in Ireland itself.

But the state gradually stopped perceiving emigration only as a tragedy and a final loss. Ireland began to build a systematic policy of working with the diaspora, supporting communities abroad, and developing cultural and economic ties.

Today, the Irish diaspora remains an important source of investment, international contacts, and the country’s soft influence. For Ukraine, this example is important because people abroad can be not only a lost part of the population but also a continuation of national potential.

Poland: not everyone returned, but the connection was maintained

After Poland joined the European Union in 2004, the country experienced one of the largest waves of labor migration in modern Europe. Millions of Poles left to work in the UK, Germany, Ireland, and other countries.

Over time, the Polish state began to create conditions for return: simplifying procedures, developing the labor market, and maintaining contacts with communities abroad.

But the main lesson from Poland is not that everyone returned. That did not happen. Some Poles remained living abroad but continued to buy real estate in Poland, invest, open businesses, and maintain professional and family ties with their homeland.

For Ukraine, this may be an especially important conclusion. Not all Ukrainians will return immediately after the war ends. Some will remain in countries where children have already started school, adults have found work, and families have gained stability. Therefore, the task of the state is not only to physically return people but also not to lose them completely.

Israel: the most recognizable model of connection with the diaspora

For decades, Israel has built one of the most well-known systems of working with the diaspora. For the country, the connection with Jewish communities abroad has become not an additional direction but a part of state strategy.

It’s not just about repatriation. Israel developed educational programs, cultural exchanges, youth projects, community assistance, international contact networks, and a constant sense of belonging to a common space.

A person can live in New York, Paris, London, or Buenos Aires but maintain a connection with Israel through family, culture, language, education, business, and public life.

For Ukraine, the Israeli experience cannot be mechanically copied. History, identity, and circumstances are different. But the principle itself is important: the state must work with people abroad not occasionally, but constantly.

The Ukrainian challenge of the 21st century

The Ukrainian situation is different from all these examples.

Ireland experienced mass emigration for decades. Poland built a return policy already in peacetime and EU membership conditions. Lithuania tried to maintain a connection with citizens after economic emigration. Israel formed a system of interaction with the diaspora over generations.

Ukraine is doing this during a war.

It needs to simultaneously defend the country, rebuild what was destroyed, prepare for European integration, return veterans to civilian life, support displaced persons, launch new jobs, and not lose millions of citizens who now live abroad.

Therefore, the “Dodomu” platform may become not just a website with useful information. With proper development, it can become the first element of a new model of relations between Ukraine and Ukrainians worldwide.

But for this, one digital service is not enough. People need clear answers: where they can work, how to solve housing issues, what will happen with schools and healthcare, how to process documents, how to open a business, how to return without feeling that they are once again left alone with bureaucracy.

Another question is trust. After years of war, forced emigration, and adaptation in other countries, Ukrainians will make decisions not only with their hearts. They will consider risks, opportunities, safety, the future of their children, and income stability.

This is where the state will have to compete not with slogans, but with the quality of solutions.

Ukraine has already proven that it can fight for international aid, weapons, investments, and political support. Now it must show whether it is ready to fight just as persistently for its people.

Because the reconstruction of the country is not only about concrete, roads, energy, and billions of dollars.

It’s a question of who will live in Ukraine, work in Ukraine, raise children there, create businesses, return after forced departure, or at least remain part of the Ukrainian world from abroad.

And perhaps this will be the main meaning of the “Dodomu” platform. Not just to call people back, but to show them: Ukraine remembers them, speaks to them in a language they understand, and is ready to build the future together with them — wherever they are now.

What is currently known about the “Dodomu” platform

“Dodomu” is a digital platform of the Ministry of Social Policy, Family, and Unity of Ukraine for planning the return and reintegration of Ukrainians who are abroad. The concept of the platform was officially presented to representatives of more than 260 Ukrainian communities.

The main idea of the platform is to provide a person not with fragmented information, but with a clear route: what awaits them in Ukraine, what support is available, where they can live, work, educate children, and receive social and medical services. Minister Denys Ulyutin separately emphasized that the task of the state is not just to urge people to return at any cost, but to create conditions for voluntary, informed, and sustainable return.

What should be on the platform:

• housing and living opportunities in specific communities;
• work and employment;
• access to education for children;
• social services;
• medical assistance;
• information on support after return;
• profiles of Ukrainian communities so that a person sees not an abstract Ukraine, but a specific place where they can return.

For Ukrainian communities, this is also a tool. They will be able to showcase their potential, talk about jobs, services, infrastructure, support programs, and attract the attention of international partners. Thus, “Dodomu” is conceived not only as a service for people but also as a showcase of opportunities for regions of Ukraine.

The official presentation of the platform is scheduled for the Ukraine Recovery Conference 2026, which will be held on June 25-26, 2026, in Gdansk, Poland.

The platform is being implemented as part of the project YOUA — “Shaping New Paths, Building Ukraine’s Future”. The project is carried out by GIZ on behalf of the German government in cooperation with the Ministry of Social Policy, Family, and Unity of Ukraine. The Association of Ukrainian Cities is also involved in the project. Currently, communities are being selected for piloting practical solutions to support people after their return.

The context of recovery is also important. According to the World Bank, the European Commission, the UN, and the government of Ukraine, Ukraine’s needs for recovery and reconstruction amount to almost 588 billion dollars over the next ten years. But without the return or at least maintaining a connection with people, this money does not solve the main question: who will work, build, heal, teach, create businesses, and develop communities.

Aaron David Gordon – Ukrainian Jew, philosopher and ideologist of working Zionism. His ideas inspired the youth in Alia and the creation of kibbutsev in Palestine. The history of the path from the Zhytomyr region to Dgania in our constant column “Jews from Ukraine“.

Childhood and youth in Troyanov

Aaron David Gordon Born on June 9, 1856 in The town of Troyanov (Modern Zhytomyr region, Ukraine) in a wealthy Jewish family. His childhood passed among traditional Jewish values. Due to poor health, a private teacher was engaged in him. Later, Gordon independently learned Russian, German and French, received a wide education and studied for a year in Vilna.

Troyanov of that time was a typical place with the Jewish population, which made up a significant part of the inhabitants. According to the 1897 census, 7224 people lived in Troyanov, of which 1469 Jews. The Jewish community Troyanov owned two synagogues and supported active religious and cultural life.

The story of Troyanov

Troyanov is mentioned as a place with a rich history. In the XVIII century, a significant Jewish community already existed here. There was a synagogue in the village, a Jewish prayer house, a church and two Orthodox churches. In the XIX century in Troyanovo there were:

• Brovarnya (brewer)
• Garbarny (leather production)
• 136 artisans
• 28 stores

The total population in 1897 was 7224 people, of which 4957 were Orthodox, and 1469 – Jews.

Jewish cemetery Troyanov

The Jewish cemetery of Troyanov is an important historical monument. About 250 tombstones have been preserved on its territory. The oldest tombstone dates from 1858, and the last – 1991.

Main data on the cemetery:

• Location: Northeast outskirts of the village of Troyanov
• Perimeter length: 314 meters
• State: non -coniferous, partially overgrown with vegetation
• Coordinates: 50.11655, 28.54232

Problems of saving the cemetery

There is no fence on the territory of the cemetery. Many tombstones need restoration, and the site requires cleaning from seasonal vegetation. Despite this, the cemetery remains an important witness to the history of the Jewish community of Troyanov.

Periods of tragedies and recovery

During the revolution of 1905-1907, the Jewish community of Troyanov was attacked. More than a dozen Jews were killed, and property was looted. In 1941, after the Nazis arrived, Jews who did not manage to evacuate were shot.

Today, the Jewish cemetery of Troyanov is a reminder of the rich past of the community, its tragedies and a contribution to the history of the region.

Life before resettlement to Palestine

After Gordon was released from service in the army for health reasons, he married and 23 years old worked as a clerk for his relative, Baron G. O. Ginzburg, in the village of Mogilna. However, the death of parents in 1904 changed his fate. Gordon decided to move to Palestine.

Despite the lack of experience of physical labor, he chose agricultural work on vineyards and orange plantations of Petes-Tikva and the Vinnoye Plant of Rishon-Leo-Sta. This hard work affected his health, and soon his family had to take care of him.

The beginning of literary activity

Since 1909, Aaron David Gordon began writing articles for the Ha-Poel Ha-Tsair magazine. In them, he promoted the ideas of labor as the foundations of the Jewish national revival. He believed that only through work Jews can conquer the right to land of Israel.

Gordon Quote:

“Labor is not only a means of survival, but also the path to spiritual revival and freedom.”

Relocation in Galilee and participation in the Zionist Congresses

In 1912, Gordon moved to Galileo, where he continued to work as an agricultural worker. In 1913, he participated in the XI Zionist Congress in Vienna, and in 1920-in the conference of the Ha-Poel Ha-Tsair movement in Prague.

After the outbreak of World War I, he was persecuted by the Turkish authorities. Despite the difficulties, he continued his literary and public works.

“Gordonia” – the legacy of Aaron David Gordon

Gordon’s ideas inspired the youth of Eastern Europe, where Jewish communities faced anti -Semitism, economic difficulties and lack of prospects. In 1923, groups of young Jews began to form in Galicia, striving for spiritual and national revival. These groups were looking for an alternative to radical ideologies that dominated in other movements.

In 1925, Gordonia officially took shape in Krakow, and its central department was in Lviv. The movement promoted Aliya in the dandective Palestine and prepared young people for agricultural work. The main tasks of Gordonia were:

• Preparation of youth for Alia.
• The development of agricultural skills.
• The study of Hebrew.

The participants in the movement, mostly immigrants from poor families, sought to build the future with their own hands. By 1928, Gordonia totaled more than 4,000 participants. Young people were preparing to relocate to Eretz Israel, where they could put their ideals in practice. In 1929, the mass Aliyah of the members of Gordonia began, which became an important milestone in the history of movement. Participants actively created agricultural kibbuts in Eretz Israel.

The main kibbuts founded by the Participants of Gordonia:

Where Aaron David Gordon died and was buried and buried

Aaron David Gordon died on February 22, 1922 in Kibbutz Dgania-Alef from cancer. He was buried there, in Dgania-Alef, one of the first kibbutsev, who became a symbol of the Zionist labor movement.

Memory of Aaron David Gordon in Israel

• Museum in the kibbutz Dgania-Alef: The museum is dedicated to the life and works of Gordon, where his personal belongings, manuscripts and documents are presented.
• Streets and squares: In several cities of Israel, including Tel Aviv and Haifa, the streets have his name.
• Educational programs: His ideas are studied in schools and universities in the context of the history of Zionism and the labor movement.
• Movement “Gordonia”: Although the movement has united with other organizations, the memory of Gordon lives through cultural events and history lessons.

“House of Gordon” (בית גורוון) – history, exposition and significance

Here is a museum on the map – https://maps.app.goo.gl/tsqbzk6wkzgw2gb77

“Gordon’s House” is one of the first museums in Israel dedicated to nature and life history in the Kineret region. It was founded in 1941 in Kibulu Dgania-ALEFIn order to perpetuate the memory of Aaron David Gordon – a philosopher, a labor Zionist and the first defender of nature in Palestine.

The museum combines Natural exposition, Archaeological finds and materials on the history of the first settlers in the region.

The main sections of the museum:

1. Natural studies of the Kineret region
   The exposition covers the variety of flora and fauna of Galilee and the environs of Lake Kineret. The museum’s halls represent a stuffed of rare birds and animals, collections of minerals, herbarium of local plants and fossils.

2. Multimedia installation
   The new interactive hall allows visitors to plunge into the history of the development of the region through animation. It shows how the environment of Kineret has changed from the beginning of the Zionist settlement to the present day.

3. Archaeological finds
   The exhibition contains household items and instruments of the first Jewish settlers used in agricultural work. Archaeological artifacts talk about the ancient history of Galilee.

4. History of Kibutz Dgania-Alef
   This section is dedicated to the history of the creation of the first kibbutz in Palestine and the roles of Aaron David Gordon in the formation of labor Zionism. Visitors can see Gordon’s personal belongings, his manuscripts and documents reflecting his life and activity.

Educational programs and excursions

The museum offers Educational programs for schoolchildren and studentsorganizes excursions across the territory of Kibbutz and the surroundings. Particular attention is paid to the history of the early Zionist movement and the ecology of the region.

Recognition by national heritage

In 2010, the Israeli government recognized the “Gordon House” by a national monument. This is not only a cultural and historical center, but also an important place for those who want to understand how nature and man coexist in Galilee.

NAnews : Aaron David Gordon’s heritage today

The history of Gordon is not only a part of Jewish history, but also an important link in the relationship between Israel and Ukraine. Today, his name reminds us of the strength of the spirit and the meaning of labor. Persons such as Aaron David Gordon became a bridge between two cultures.

Website Nanovo He continues to cover the events and stories that connect Ukraine and Israel, talking about the Jewish roots and the paths that our ancestors passed.

Conclusion

Aaron David Gordon is an example of a person who, despite difficulties, managed to become a symbol of the whole movement. His life and ideas continue to inspire many, and the history of Gordonia remains an important part of Zionist history.

Today, when we are talking about Jews from Ukraine, such as Gordon, we are again convinced of the deep connection of our peoples. On NAnews  The news of Israel and Ukraine, we continue to tell such stories that the memory of them lives and inspire new generations.

In the heading “Jews from Ukraine”: Aaron David Gordon – Ukrainian roots of the ideologist of Zionism and the story of “Gordonia”

According to Ukrainian and Russian sources, 45-year-old Anton Milaev fought on the side of the Russian army and was captured by Ukrainian forces. The Ukrainian publication NV, citing BBC News Ukraine and a source in the Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, reported that Milaev was captured in the Kherson region, where he was present as a member of the Russian occupation army.

According to media reports, Anton Milaev ended up in Ukrainian captivity after going to fight against Ukraine in the fall of 2025 and stopped communicating by November. The exact date of his capture has not been publicly disclosed; it is only known that a few months later, relatives were informed of his captivity in the Kherson region. The information became public in June 2026.

How Milaev is related to the Brezhnev family

In publications, Milaev is referred to as the adopted great-grandson of Leonid Brezhnev. This connection is not a direct bloodline of the Soviet General Secretary: Milaev is the biological grandson of Yevgeny Milaev, a circus artist and husband of Galina Brezhneva, daughter of Leonid Brezhnev. According to media reports, Galina Brezhneva raised him as her own, which is why the media has adopted the formulation of an adopted descendant of the Brezhnev family.

For Russian propaganda, such a biography is inconvenient. A descendant of a family associated with the top of the USSR ended up not on a podium with slogans about a ‘great history,’ but in captivity after participating in the war against Ukraine. This destroys the usual picture where the Soviet past is presented as a source of strength, rights, and historical inviolability.

Here, the surname is not the only important thing. The contrast between how Russia sells the cult of the USSR within the country and how real participation in the war ends: not with a parade, not with a medal, and not with a heroic plot, but with disappearance from communication, anxiety of relatives, and captivity on Ukrainian territory.

What is known about his service and circumstances of capture

According to Baza, which was then cited by other media, Anton Milaev went to war in the fall of 2025. He was called a sapper or combat engineer. This is an important detail because such specialists usually work with engineering fortifications, mines, crossings, positions, and technical support of units, rather than just being in the rear.

The exact circumstances of his capture have not yet been fully disclosed in open sources. It is known that it concerns the Kherson region and territory controlled by Ukrainian forces. Few details about the specific date, location, condition of Milaev, possible injury, or conditions of surrender have been officially published.

Some sources noted that the capture of Milaev was also reported by Serhiy Sternenko, an advisor to the Minister of Defense of Ukraine. Western media wrote that Ukrainian sources confirmed the fact of capture, but details of his current status and prospects for possible exchange remain unknown.

Why this became news not only for Ukraine

At first glance, this is a private episode of a large war. One Russian soldier was captured. But it was Milaev’s origin that turned the story into international news: it was written about not only by Ukrainian and Russian resources but also by foreign publications.

For the Israeli audience, this plot also matters. In Israel, it is well understood that war is not only about the front, equipment, and maps. It is also a struggle for memory, symbols, the right to historical truth, and the ability of society not to succumb to imperial myths. Therefore, NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency views such stories not as yellow chronicles but as an indicator of how Soviet heritage is used by Russia to justify new aggression.

Milaev found himself at the center of this symbolism almost by accident. But the war itself made his surname a political marker: a person from a family associated with the Soviet elite went to serve in an army that destroys Ukrainian cities and ended up in the hands of Ukrainian military.

The Soviet myth collided with Ukrainian reality

For years, Russia has built propaganda on the cult of the USSR, victory, ‘historical mission,’ and supposedly special right of Moscow to dispose of neighboring peoples. But the captivity of Anton Milaev shows the reverse side of this construction. Old surnames and Soviet symbols do not protect from the consequences of war if a person joins the army of an aggressor state.

In this story, there is no real ‘aristocracy of the past.’ There is a 45-year-old man who, according to media reports, signed a contract, went to fight against Ukraine, disappeared from communication, and ended up in captivity. Everything else — the surname, the Soviet biography of the family, the memory of Brezhnev — only enhances the political and moral contrast.

What can be said for sure, and what remains unknown

At the moment, several facts can be confidently stated: Anton Milaev is connected to the family of Leonid Brezhnev through Galina Brezhneva and Yevgeny Milaev; he fought on the side of the Russian army; he was called a sapper; in the fall of 2025, he went to war; in November, he stopped communicating; Ukrainian and Russian sources reported his capture in the Kherson region.

However, questions remain. The full circumstances of the capture have not been published. It is unclear whether he was captured after a battle or surrendered himself. There is no confirmed information about his possible participation in a prisoner exchange. There is also no complete public official card with details of his status.

But even this data is enough to understand the main thing: Milaev’s story became a blow not to Russia’s military power, but to its symbolic language. Moscow loves to speak on behalf of the past, but the reality of war returns this past in a completely different form — not as greatness, but as responsibility for participation in aggression.

For Ukraine, this is another episode of resistance. For Russia, it is an unpleasant reminder that the Brezhnev surname no longer works as armor. And for the external audience, including Israel, it is an example of how imperial memory turns into a tool of war, while real people pay for it with captivity, fear, and a ruined fate.

Now Russia itself is effectively admitting: this construct did not work.

In recent days, several high-ranking Russian officials have stated that the United States allegedly did not fulfill the “understandings” or “agreements” reached at the Anchorage meeting. Moscow is increasingly talking about disappointment with the American line, although the US has not publicly confirmed the existence of such commitments.

What Moscow called the “spirit of Anchorage”

Formally, the expression sounded almost diplomatic. In reality, it served a completely different purpose.

Under the “spirit of Anchorage,” the Kremlin understood its notion that Trump was allegedly ready to accept a key Russian demand: Ukraine should give up all of Donbas, including territories that Russia does not control, and in return, Moscow would temporarily halt advances on other fronts. This is how Reuters describes the Russian interpretation of the outcomes of the meeting in Alaska.

What is more important is that this was not an officially announced deal. There was no published document. There was no confirmation from Washington that the US agreed to recognize Russia’s right to Donbas or force Ukraine to retreat from its own territory.

But for the Kremlin, this was enough to build a propaganda framework.

Moscow presented the situation as if peace was almost agreed upon, but Ukraine, Europe, the “party of war,” and everyone not ready to accept Russian terms were in the way. It was a convenient way of exerting pressure: if there is a “spirit of Anchorage,” then Kyiv supposedly only needs to agree with what larger players have already decided for it.

In reality, such logic has nothing to do with sustainable peace. It is the logic of coercion.

Why Russian statements have become sharper right now

First, Putin’s aide Yuri Ushakov stated that one side allegedly remains committed to the “understandings” of Anchorage, while the other failed to fulfill its part. Later, he added that Russia no longer expects these agreements to be fulfilled but is waiting for “victory” and the realization of its own goals.

Then Sergey Lavrov went further and essentially began to present the meeting in Alaska as a possible American maneuver that allowed time for Ukraine’s rearmament. His deputy Sergey Ryabkov also spoke about the US moving away from “basic understandings,” although he emphasized that contacts with Washington would continue.

This is an important change in tone.

Previously, the Kremlin more often blamed Ukraine: Kyiv allegedly does not want peace, Zelensky allegedly hinders agreements, Europe allegedly pushes for war. Now some of the irritation is shifting to the US. Moscow seems to admit: the expected American pressure on Ukraine did not occur in the form the Kremlin had hoped for.

For Russian propaganda, this is an unpleasant moment. For almost a year, it explained to the domestic audience that Trump understands Russia better than European leaders and that Washington could become an instrument for formalizing the war on Russian terms. But if the US does not fulfill what Moscow considered “understandings,” then the entire construct loses its meaning.

The main failure of the Kremlin is not diplomatic but psychological

Russia hoped that it could be perceived as a party that simply wants to “fix the reality on the ground.” But the reality here is different: Moscow demands not only recognition of already occupied territories but also the transfer of what it could not fully capture.

This is not a compromise. It is an attempt to gain through negotiations what could not be obtained by military force.

Therefore, complaints about the collapse of the “spirit of Anchorage” do not look like regret over a failed peace but as irritation over a failed capitulation of Ukraine.

This is where the key question arises for the Israeli audience. NAnews — Israel News views such events not only as another diplomatic dispute around Ukraine but as an indicator of how authoritarian regimes use the language of negotiations. They talk about “peace,” but under this word, they often mean the consolidation of capture, punishment of the victim, and reward for the aggressor.

Why this is important for Israel

At first glance, the dispute over the “spirit of Anchorage” may seem distant from Israel. But it is not.

Israel knows well that security, border, and mediation formulas are never abstract. When one side attacks, captures, kills, and then demands to recognize the result of forceful pressure as the basis for “peace,” it is not about diplomacy but about the legalization of violence.

The Ukrainian case is important for Israel also because it shows how Russia works with international mediators. Moscow tries to create the impression that great powers can agree among themselves, and the country against which the war is waged should only accept the outcome. This is a dangerous principle for any state that lives in a complex regional environment and depends on international support, alliances, and the right to self-defense.

If tomorrow such logic becomes the norm, any aggressor will be able to say: “We are ready for peace if we are left with everything we have captured and a little more.” After that, the victim will be accused not of defending itself but of “hindering the agreement.”

For Israel, this is a particularly sensitive topic. The country constantly faces attempts by external players to simplify reality, pressure security, and substitute the issue of protection with the issue of political convenience. Therefore, the Ukrainian situation is not only a Ukrainian story. It is an example of how the international system is tested for its ability to distinguish negotiations from blackmail.

What the new rhetoric of Moscow means

The current statements by Ushakov, Lavrov, and Ryabkov show that the Kremlin is experiencing not just a diplomatic pause. It has faced the fact that its expectations from Washington have not been realized.

Reuters separately notes: in Moscow, they wanted the US to act as a mediator that would help end the war on terms favorable to Russia. Analyst of the International Crisis Group Oleg Ignatov believes that behind the offended rhetoric lies deep disappointment of the Kremlin.

This disappointment is further intensified because the American focus has shifted. According to Reuters, the attention of key American mediators, including Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, is now also linked to negotiations on Iran, and the Kremlin expects the resumption of contacts when they become available.

For Moscow, this is painful. It wanted to be the main issue on the global agenda around which Washington would build a separate deal. Instead, Russia sees that its demands do not automatically become US policy.

Ukraine remains a subject, not an object of the deal

The most important thing in this story is not that Russia is offended by the US. The main thing is that Ukraine has not disappeared from the equation.

Moscow is used to talking about the war as if everything is decided by Washington and the Kremlin. But Ukraine continues to resist, Europe strengthens support, and the international discussion does not boil down to the Russian ultimatum on Donbas. According to Reuters, Ukraine consistently states that it will not give up its territory.

This is what breaks the Russian scenario.

If the “spirit of Anchorage” really meant pressure on Kyiv for territorial capitulation, then the Kremlin would be talking about diplomatic success today. But it talks about a breakdown, US retreat, and the need to achieve “victory.” This means that behind the beautiful formula was not a real peace architecture, but the expectation that Ukraine would be forced to accept Russian terms.

NAnews — Israel News will continue to follow this line because it shows not only the state of Russian-American contacts but also a broader principle: can borders be imposed by force in the 21st century, and then demand that the world call it a compromise.

The failure of the “spirit of Anchorage” is not just another episode of diplomatic bickering. It is an acknowledgment that the Russian strategy of pressure through imaginary agreements has collided with reality.

The Kremlin tried to present the meeting between Trump and Putin as the beginning of a big bargain, where Ukraine was supposed to pay with territory for a temporary ceasefire. But the US did not confirm such commitments, Ukraine did not agree to give up its land, and Europe did not disappear from the process.

Now Moscow is changing its tone: yesterday Anchorage was presented as a diplomatic foundation, today — as an alleged American trick. Such a change in rhetoric speaks of weakness of position, not strength.

For Ukraine, this means that the struggle is not only on the front but also around the right to be the subject of its own destiny. For Israel, it is a reminder that any “peace plan” should be evaluated not by beautiful words but by what it offers the victim of aggression: security or capitulation.

And if Russia today complains that the “spirit of Anchorage” is dead, then the question sounds differently: was there ever a spirit of peace there — or just an attempt to formalize someone else’s territory as a subject of a deal?

The discussion is currently about supporting the idea itself: the final location has not yet been approved, and the final decision must be made by the city council deputies, reported Odessa media on May 15, 2026.

For Odessa, this is not just a question of urban sculpture. For Israel, it’s not just news from Ukraine. Jabotinsky was born in Odessa, formed in its multilingual and Jewish intellectual environment, and then became a figure whose legacy is directly connected with the history of Zionism, Jewish self-defense, and the future statehood of Israel.

Initiative from Odessa and Jerusalem

The proposal to install a bust of Vladimir Jabotinsky was submitted to the city hall by the World Club of Odessans and the Menachem Begin Institute in Jerusalem. This very connection shows that it is about a memory that has long gone beyond the boundaries of one city.

Odessa gave Jabotinsky language, character, urban optics, and literary memory. Israel received from his ideas one of the important lines of political Zionism, which influenced decades of Jewish history.

The initiators proposed placing the monument near the Odessa Opera House — in Palais-Royal or on Lanzheronovskaya Street. The argument was not accidental: it was in this area that the editorial office of the “Odessa Leaflet” was once located, where Jabotinsky worked. Moreover, his novel “The Five” begins at the Opera building — one of the main symbols of old Odessa.

However, it was the location that became the main subject of debate.

Why Palais-Royal raised questions

At the meeting of the historical and toponymic commission, some participants considered the proposed locations “unsuccessful.” Palais-Royal and the space near the Opera House are the historical core of the city, associated with the protected architectural environment of Odessa.

Despite the absolute support for the idea of creating the monument, the question of its exact location remains open. Members of the historical and toponymic commission voted to recommend alternative locations for the bust together with the Department of Architecture and Urban Planning.

The main argument of the opponents of such a location was not about Jabotinsky himself, but about preserving the historical appearance of the center. A new monument in this area may raise questions about the visual balance of the space, especially considering the status of Odessa’s historical center and the requirements for protecting the urban environment.

“We must approach this issue in a balanced way, considering Odessa’s status as a UNESCO World Heritage Site,” emphasized the relevant department.

Since the historical and toponymic commission is an advisory body, its decision is of a recommendatory nature. The final decision on the location and permission for the construction of the monument must be made by the deputies at a session of the Odessa City Council.

As a result, the commission supported the idea of the monument but recommended looking for other possible locations together with relevant city structures. That is, the political and cultural “yes” has already been voiced, but the architectural point on the map has not yet been set.

Why Jabotinsky is important for Odessa, Ukraine, and Israel

Vladimir, or Ze’ev, Jabotinsky was born in Odessa in 1880. He was a writer, journalist, translator, publicist, political thinker, and one of the leaders of the Zionist movement. His name is associated with Revisionist Zionism, the idea of Jewish self-defense, and the creation of the Jewish Legion within the British Army.

For Israel, Jabotinsky is not a museum figure. His legacy continues to be part of the country’s political memory, especially in the right-wing Zionist camp. The Menachem Begin Institute in Jerusalem, as a participant in the initiative, makes this bridge between Odessa and Israel particularly noticeable.

NANews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers this story in this context: Odessa is returning to the public space not just a famous compatriot, but a person whose ideas became part of the road to Jewish statehood.

For the Ukrainian context, this initiative is also important. Against the backdrop of Russia’s war against Ukraine, Odessa continues to rethink its urban space, deciding which names should be visible in the city center and which symbols of the past require reconsideration. The monument to Jabotinsky in this sense can become part of a broader work with memory — not imperial, but urban, Jewish, Ukrainian, and European.

Odessa in Jabotinsky’s biography

Jabotinsky always remained connected with Odessa, even when his life took place far beyond its borders. His novel “The Five” became one of the most famous literary texts about old Odessa, its Jewish environment, family memory, and the disappearing world of the early 20th century.

Therefore, the debate about the monument’s location does not cancel the main thing: the city has effectively recognized the need to return Jabotinsky to its visible historical space.

This is especially symbolic for Odessa, where Jewish history was not an external addition to the city’s image, but one of its foundations. Odessa’s Jews created newspapers, schools, theaters, literary circles, trade networks, political movements, and charitable structures. Jabotinsky grew up in this complex urban environment — multilingual, argumentative, ambitious, and very Odessan.

Memory has already been attempted to be preserved — and it has been destroyed

In Odessa, this is not the first attempt to perpetuate the memory of Jabotinsky. A commemorative bas-relief was installed on the house on Yevreyskaya Street, where he lived, back in 1997. Later it was damaged and then stolen by vandals. Currently, the city maintains a mural depicting Jabotinsky on Bazarnaya, 33 — in the house where he was born and raised.

This detail gives the new initiative additional meaning.

The monument to Jabotinsky is not only a question of bronze, pedestal, and city commission. It is a question of protecting memory. Especially in a region where Jewish heritage often exists between respect, oblivion, political disputes, and direct vandalism.

What will happen next

After the decision of the historical and toponymic commission, city structures need to select a suitable place for the monument. Then the issue must go through further procedures and be submitted for consideration by the deputies of the Odessa City Council.

It is not yet possible to say that the bust has already been installed or that the point near the Opera House has been finally approved. It is more accurate to formulate it this way: the commission supported the initiative to install a monument to Vladimir Jabotinsky in Odessa, but the location is still being agreed upon.

For Israel, this story is important already now.

It shows that Ukraine, despite the war, continues to work with historical memory not only through renaming streets and dismantling imperial symbols but also through the return of names associated with Jewish history, Zionism, and the future of Israel.

In the case of Jabotinsky, this is especially true. He was a son of Odessa and at the same time one of those people whose ideas became part of the great Jewish path to statehood.

Therefore, the future monument in Odessa is not just a bust of a famous native of the city. It is a sign that between Ukraine, Israel, and the Jewish people, there is a memory that cannot be reduced to diplomatic statements. It stands in biographies, books, streets, houses, stolen bas-reliefs, and new decisions of city commissions.

The story of Maya Rybnikova: from occupied Lugansk to Haifa.

A significant event for the Ukrainian diaspora took place in Haifa, in the heart of Israel.

The Embassy of Ukraine handed over the state award on December 19, 2024 “Honored Teacher of Ukraine” Maya Rybnikova is a math teacher from Russian-occupied Severodonetsk.

This award is recognition of her many years of work and resilience in the face of war and forced migration.

Maya Rybnikova left her native Lugansk in August 2014, when the Russian occupation made further residence there impossible, writes “Severodonetsk online“.

“I am a mathematics teacher with 28 years of experience. I lived in Lugansk and had no intention of leaving there until they came to release me in 2014. For a long time we hoped that Lugansk would be fired. Therefore, we left the city in August, when there were few options left to leave..”

Since then, Severodonetsk became her home for eight long years.

In 2022, with the start of a full-scale invasion, Maya was forced to flee again.

This time she ended up in Israel, in the city of Haifa, where she continues to teach mathematics online to her students from Ukraine.

Maya Rybnikova is a symbol of dedication to her work and faith in the future. Through her lessons, she inspires high school students even from afar, showing that education is a power that transcends boundaries.

Teaching at a Distance: Challenges and Achievements

Maya Rybnikova, with 28 years of experience, believes that distance learning is not a temporary solution, but a way to preserve the educational process in war conditions.

Her key achievements:

• Every year, Maya's students take the NMT (National Multi-Subject Test) with 200 marks.
• She organized full-fledged online courses for high school students preparing for final exams.
• Maya actively supports the initiative to maintain distance learning for schools in the temporarily occupied territories.

“Education is something that cannot be taken away. It will always stay with you,” says Maya.

“Honored Teacher of Ukraine”: what does this award mean?

For Maya Rybnikova, the title “Honored Teacher of Ukraine” is not just an honorary recognition, but an incentive to continue working and helping students, despite the distance.

» Not exactly the point. There is still some way to go. I don’t want to have defeats, I want to be in shape. For example, I was upset, although I expected it, that the 200-point results this year are much lower than last year. And it’s as if you understand that it’s not your fault, but you’re always haunted by the thought that you could have done better.

This title was never my goal. This is definitely not a piece of paper that I will wave around everywhere. And it has nothing to do with the quality of my work. I worked without a title, and I still work with it. But honestly, it’s nice!“,” Maya shares.

Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv: a bridge between Israel and Ukraine

The award ceremony took place in Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Avivwhich became an important link between Ukrainian and Jewish cultures.

“There are a lot of pleasant, solemn moments in the work of a diplomat. One of them is in these photos. Yesterday in Haifa I had the honor to present the state award “Honored Teacher of Ukraine” to Maya Rybnikova,” wrote Zoryan Kis, coordinator Ukrainian Cultural Center in Tel Aviv

The Center actively supports Ukrainians forced to leave their homeland, providing a platform for dialogue, cultural exchange and preservation of national identity.

“At the request of the Lugansk Regional State Administration, the Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Israel had the honor to present the state award “Honored Teacher of Ukraine” to Mrs. Maya Rybnikova, a teacher at the Severodonetsk Multidisciplinary Lyceum in the Lugansk Region of Ukraine.” – noted a representative of the center.

“Ukraine and Israel share the values ​​of freedom and education. The story of Maya Rybnikova is an example of how two cultures can inspire each other,” we will add, NAnews.

Why is this story important to Israelis?

The Ukrainian community in Israel is one of the most active. The story of Maya Rybnikova resonates with Israelis, because it reflects values ​​that are close to both nations:

1. Family and home. Like the Jewish people, Ukrainians know what it means to lose a home.
2. Education. Teachers in both cultures are revered as guardians of knowledge.
3. Dream of return. Just as Jews dreamed of returning to Israel, Maya dreams of seeing a free Severodonetsk.

Prospects and hopes

Maya Rybnikova believes in the future of her homeland and dreams of returning to the Ukrainian Severodonetsk.

“I am sure that one day we will open the doors of our lyceum again. This will be a victory day for all of Ukraine,” she says.

Support for Ukrainians in Israel

Website NAnews – Israel News has repeatedly covered the initiatives of the Ukrainian community in Israel, emphasizing their contribution to strengthening relations between our peoples.

The story of Maya Rybnikova is a reminder that strength of spirit and the desire to teach can overcome any boundaries.

“We believe that Ukraine and Israel will inspire each other to new achievements. Together we are stronger,” notes the editors of NAnovosti.

This story shows how personal example can become a symbol of the unity of two peoples.

Ukraine and Israel, teacher and student, dream and reality – all this is united in the fate of one strong woman.

………………..

Leave a comment on WhatsApp – channel NAnews ↓ — Israel News

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For the band Chornitsa, this will be the first performance on the stage of the restaurant Sho?. The musicians are preparing a powerful program for the audience: songs from the album “Na Ves Golos” (Ukr.), the latest singles, as well as new, yet unreleased tracks.

The evening promises to be especially interesting for those who already follow the band and for those who are just discovering the Ukrainian rock scene in Israel.

Special guest of the concert — Igor Ageenko.

Chornitsa: Ukrainian rock created in Israel

Chornitsa is a Ukrainian-language rock band from Haifa. It is one of those musical projects that are important not only as a concert story but also as a cultural symbol: Ukrainian music in Israel continues to sound, develop, and find its audience.

In the material NANovosti about the band Chornitsa, it was noted that the group was founded by immigrants from Ukraine and presents original songs in Ukrainian, as well as cover versions of famous Ukrainian performers. The band’s repertoire mentioned Ukrainian hits “Odin v Kanoe”, “Vopli Vidoplyasova”, Okean Elzy, and other compositions close to people who grew up with Ukrainian music or discovered it already in Israel.

But Chornitsa is not just covers.

An important part of the band’s story is their own songs. Currently, the concert program includes compositions from the album “Na Ves Golos”, the latest singles, and new tracks that have not yet been officially released.

So the concert on August 7, 2026 is not just a repeat of already familiar material. It’s an opportunity to hear the band in development: with what has already become part of their musical history and with what is only preparing to reach a wide audience.

The musicians themselves described themselves very accurately: “We are all from Ukraine, but now we live in Israel. And it is here that we create Ukrainian music”. This phrase well explains why Chornitsa is important for the Israeli scene: the band does not try to be a “museum of memories” but makes live Ukrainian music here, in Israel, in the present time.

You can listen to the band here:

YouTube – https://www.youtube.com/@chornitsa4512

Instagram –  https://www.instagram.com/chornitsa/

Facebook – https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100068335582124

Why this concert should be noted in the Israel poster

In Israel, there are many musical events, but Ukrainian-language rock is a separate story. Here, language, memory, emigration, new life, personal experience, and the desire to communicate with the audience not only through words but also through sound meet.

Chornitsa at Sho is an event for Ukrainians in Israel, for Israelis with Ukrainian roots, for friends of Ukraine, and for everyone interested in live music without artificial distance between the stage and the hall.

Songs from the album “Na Ves Golos” themselves set the mood for the evening. This is music not “half-tone” and not “for the background”. This is a story about voice, energy, emotions, and presence.

And new, yet unreleased tracks make the concert especially valuable: evening guests will be able to hear material that is not yet available in regular public access.

Sho: Ukrainian cuisine, Tel Aviv, and the right atmosphere for live music

The concert venue is also important. Sho? / SHO Ukrainian Traditional Food https://www.facebook.com/shotelaviv — a Ukrainian restaurant in Tel Aviv located at Carlebach Street 3, Tel Aviv-Yafo. An authentic Ukrainian place in the center of Tel Aviv with Ukrainian cuisine, service, and Ukrainian character.

For the concert Chornitsa, such a venue looks very organic. It is not a faceless hall and not a random stage. It is a place where Ukrainian culture is present not only in music but also in cuisine, in the atmosphere, in conversations at the tables, in the feeling of meeting.

Guests will be able to come not just to a concert, but to an evening of Ukrainian mood in the center of Tel Aviv: with live music, food, company, and the opportunity to hear the band very closely.

What will be in the program

At the concert Chornitsa at Sho will feature:

songs from the album “Na Ves Golos”;

the band’s latest singles;

new, yet unreleased tracks;

a live performance by a Ukrainian-language rock band from Haifa;

special participation of Igor Ageenko.

Such a format is especially good for a chamber stage: the music sounds closer, the audience’s reaction is felt stronger, and new songs are perceived not as a “release” but as a personal meeting with the band.

For whom this evening

This concert should be noted by those who are looking for a poster of Ukrainian events in Israel, are interested in live music in Tel Aviv, follow Ukrainian culture outside of Ukraine, or just want to spend an evening in a place with a special atmosphere.

Chornitsa at Sho is not only about rock. It’s about the Ukrainian language, which sounds on the Israeli stage. About Haifa and Tel Aviv, between which cultural connections are born. About music that has not remained in the past but continues to live in a new country.

And most importantly, it’s an evening where you can hear Ukrainian music at full voice.

Event information

Event: Chornitsa at Sho
Date: Friday, August 7, 2026
Time: 8:00 PM
Venue: Sho restaurant, Tel Aviv
Band: Chornitsa
From where: Haifa
Program: songs from the album “Na Ves Golos”, latest singles, and new unreleased tracks
Special guest: Igor Ageenko

Details:
https://www.facebook.com/events/2251054468973169/

A street in Kharkiv has been named after Sergeant of the Israel Defense Forces Alexei (Asher) Neikov, who saved dozens of children from death during a terrorist attack on a school bus. This was reported by Israeli journalist Shimon Briman in his article on the website “Ukrainian-Jewish Encounter”.

In September 1996, 17-year-old Alexei independently repatriated to Israel from Kharkiv. He was preparing to study at the Technion — dreaming of the department of astronautics and aerodynamics. But he decided to first serve in the IDF — the Israel Defense Forces.

On October 29, 1998, terrorists directed a car filled with explosives at two school buses carrying Jewish children near the settlement of Kfar Darom.

Israeli soldiers guarding the buses managed to turn their jeep across the road — and took the hit themselves. The children were unharmed, two soldiers were injured. One died. It was Sergeant Alexei (Asher) Neikov.

Sergeant of the Israel Defense Forces Alexei (Asher) Neikov — a hero, writes Shimon Briman, who saved dozens of children from death during an attack by Arab terrorists on a school bus, received the highest posthumous honor in his hometown: a street in Kharkiv — the second-largest metropolis in Ukraine, is named after him. This is the first case in world practice where a street in a city outside of Israel has been named after a fallen IDF soldier.

Kharkiv is located just 30 kilometers from the border with Russia and is subjected to daily rocket attacks from the aggressor country. The city, which had a population of one and a half million people before the full-scale Russian invasion in February 2022, has been defending itself not only on the front lines but also in the sphere of culture and ideology for the third year.

The toponymic commission of the Kharkiv municipal council recently decided to rename 367 street names, alleys, and squares associated with Russia and the USSR. Kharkiv Mayor Igor Terekhov signed this decision, and it came into effect on May 1, 2024.

Among the new street names are the names of 35 fallen defenders of Ukraine who were born in Kharkiv or defended the city; 13 of them were awarded the highest title of Hero of Ukraine.

In addition to the fallen Ukrainian soldiers and officers, the name of one Kharkiv native — Alexei Neikov, an IDF sergeant who died defending Israeli children in 1998, is now eternally glorified on the streets of Kharkiv.

Against the backdrop of anti-Semitic demonstrations and anti-Israel unrest on university campuses in the USA and cities in Western Europe, such a clearly pro-Israel step by the municipal council and mayor of Ukrainian Kharkiv deserves special respect.

As part of the implementation of the Law of Ukraine “On the Condemnation and Prohibition of Propaganda of Russian Imperial Policy and Decolonization of Toponymy,” 510 street names and other toponymic objects have been renamed in Kharkiv since the beginning of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine.

History laughed at Putin: the president of Russia attacked Ukraine using the beacon ideas of “protecting and spreading the Russian World,” but in reality, Putin led to a colossal reduction in the zone of influence of Russian culture and the Russian language.

In Kharkiv, which was previously considered the most Russian-speaking city in Ukraine, almost all names associated with Russia and the USSR, with Russian and Soviet culture, were erased from the map from 2022 to 2024. More and more residents of Kharkiv are demonstratively switching to the Ukrainian language, unwilling to speak the language of the occupiers.

“The author of these lines, writes Shimon Briman, has been following these renamings for almost two years. As a historian and author of the article “Kharkiv” in the Jewish Encyclopedia, in the summer of 2022, I prepared a list of 25 outstanding Jews in the history of Kharkiv at the request of the Jewish community. This list was submitted to the municipal council as options for renaming streets. One of the main names on this list was Alexei Neikov.

The name Neikov was supported by municipal council deputy Irina Goncharova-Bagalei and the chief rabbi of Kharkiv, Moishe Moskovich. Letters in support of this initiative were written by the Israeli ambassador to Ukraine, Michael Brodsky, public organizations “Israeli Friends of Ukraine” and “Orthodox Union Israel.”

Today I can proudly say that three personalities from this list of outstanding Jews have become streets in Kharkiv, where my childhood and youth passed.”

In addition to the name of Alexei Neikov, the names of architects Viktor Estrovich and Alexander Ginzburg, whose masterpieces still adorn Kharkiv, were also approved in the renaming list, despite being endangered by Russian missile and Iranian “shahid” attacks.

Viktor Estrovich was shot by the Nazis in December 1941 in Drobitsky Yar. Putin’s occupiers continued the tragedy of the Holocaust at this place in March 2022, shelling the memorial complex in Drobitsky Yar, where almost 15,000 Jews of Kharkiv, killed by Nazi occupiers, lie in two mass graves.

The outstanding urban planner Alexander Ginzburg led the Jewish community of the city after the liberation of Kharkiv from the Nazis in 1944-1945, under pressure from Stalin’s punitive organs.

The irony of today, writes Shimon Briman, is that some Jewish or quasi-Jewish names were removed from the map of Kharkiv in the spring of 2024 during the liquidation of Russia’s legacy. Thus, four (!) Birobidzhan passages, named after the “Jewish Autonomous Region” of the Russian Federation, were renamed.

The street of Isaac Dunaevsky, a Soviet composer-Jew of the 1920s-1950s, was also renamed. Kharkiv did not forgive Dunaevsky, who studied and began his career in this city, for such pro-communist songs as “My Moscow,” “My Wide Native Land,” “Oh, It’s Good to Live in the Soviet Country,” “Song of Stalin,” “Song of Kakhovka.” Especially in wartime, when this Moscow tries to expand its possessions by barbaric methods at the expense of a neighboring country, and Kakhovka was captured by Russian occupiers who blew up the Kakhovka Reservoir in southern Ukraine.

But, writes Shimon Briman, let’s return to the fate of the Kharkiv Jewish youth Alexei Neikov, which connected Ukraine and Israel.

He studied for several years at Jewish school No. 170 under the leadership of Grigory Shoikhet, then graduated from the senior classes of the religious-Zionist lyceum “Sha’alvim,” which at that time had the highest percentage of graduates repatriating to Israel in the world.

Now, after the renaming of the former Gastello Street, Jewish secondary school No. 170, which has a room in memory of Alexei Neikov, will be located on a street named after its student Neikov.

In September 1996, 17-year-old Alexei arrived in Israel without his parents. He was preparing to study at the Technion — dreaming of the field of astronautics and aerodynamics. But he decided to first serve in the IDF — the Israel Defense Forces.

On the tragic day of October 29 (9th of Heshvan) 1998, at 07:30 am, Arab terrorists directed a car filled with explosives at two school buses carrying 48 Jewish children near the settlement of Kfar Darom in Gush Katif.

Israeli soldiers guarding the buses managed to turn their jeep across the road — and took the hit themselves. The children were unharmed, two soldiers were injured. One died. It was Sergeant Alexei (Asher) Neikov — forever a 19-year-old new repatriate from Kharkiv.

The evening before, Asher called home.

“Tomorrow I have my first combat mission: to escort a bus with children. I’ll be in the first jeep.” “Why necessarily in the first?” — his mother worried. “Because in the first. I decided so.”

Thanks to his feat, in the children he saved, who have grown over 25 years, more than 120 of their own children — young Israelis — were born. So, Asher Neikov preserved lives for them too. Some of them named their children in his honor with the names Asher and Ashrat. They still maintain contact with the soldier’s parents — Klara and Semen Neikov, who live in Haifa.

In memory of Neikov, a Torah scroll was written for the synagogue in the Jewish settlement of Kfar Darom, which was destroyed in 2005 by order of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon during the so-called “disengagement from the Gaza Strip.” The Jewish settlements destroyed then later became bases for Hamas terrorists, against whom Israel is now waging a heavy war.

The children he saved and who grew up created a touching video clip “Children of the Ninth of Heshvan” in memory of Sergeant Neikov in 2014.

In 2022, Neikov’s parents were presented with a portrait of Alexei, assembled from hundreds of photographs of the saved children, their families, and the children born to them.

“Naming a street after our student Asher Neikov is a huge achievement! At first, I couldn’t believe that in the conditions of war, Kharkiv remembers a person born in the city who became a true hero of Israel. Therefore, I perceive this decision of the municipal council and Mayor Igor Terekhov as a historic event and as an important stage in the context of Ukraine-Israel relations,”

– Israeli rabbi and lawyer Shlomo Asraf, who was the founder and spiritual leader of the “Orthodox Union” Center in Kharkiv and the religious-Zionist lyceum “Sha’alvim” from 1993-2009, told me, writes Shimon Briman.

Kharkiv resident Irina Sherstobitova, Asher Neikov’s English teacher at the “Sha’alvim” lyceum, noted:

“Every year we tell our students about his feat. The lyceum has a memorial board about Asher’s amazing act. A bright and righteous guy, polite and erudite, he spoke French, English, Russian, Ukrainian, and Hebrew, brave and physically fit, with an incredibly attractive smile. We must believe in the bright future that such brave guys as he give us.”

Klara Neikov, Alexei’s mother, received the news from Kharkiv with great gratitude.

“I just have no words. Thank you very much to everyone who supported this initiative. My husband and I would be happy to visit Kharkiv and unveil a memorial plaque on the street named after our son. If only the situation around the city improved, and if the war ended,” — Klara Neikov told me, writes Shimon Briman, in a phone conversation.

In the Israeli organization “Yad Le-Banim”, which coordinates work on commemorating fallen IDF soldiers, in response to my request, writes Shimon Briman, they replied that they are not aware of other cases of naming streets in cities outside of Israel after fallen Israeli soldiers, and that, likely, the decision of the Kharkiv authorities is the first example of this kind in the world.

The Kharkiv street in honor of Alexei Neikov will become another bridge of friendship and interpersonal connections, linking Ukraine and Israel — two countries fighting for the freedom, independence, and physical survival of their citizens.

This bridge works both ways. In the same days when the Kharkiv municipal authorities were deciding on renaming streets, the Kharkiv National University named after Vasyl Karazin was selecting the first laureate of the Mark Azbel Prize in theoretical physics.

We wrote about this — “The Prize of Israeli Scientist and Dissident Mark Azbel Will Help His Alma Mater in Kharkiv, Ukraine”.

This prize was established in the spring of 2024 in memory of the outstanding physicist — Professor of Tel Aviv University Mark Azbel, who began his scientific career at Kharkiv University.

Irina Kolodna from the Israeli city of Ramat HaSharon, the widow of the scientist, allocated $25,000 for five years to support young researchers at Kharkiv National University. The first laureate of the Azbel Prize became 39-year-old Dr. Zakhar Maizelis, a professor of the Department of Theoretical Physics; his award ceremony will take place on May 16, 2024, in honor of Israel’s Independence Day.

In all this, I, writes Shimon Briman, see great symbolism — and timeliness. Precisely now, when Ukraine and Israel are repelling attacks from the global axis of evil.

It was from Kharkiv that the BILU ensemble (1882) came — Jewish students of the University who were the first in the world to begin reviving the Land of Israel with their labor. It was the Kharkiv Zionist Conference (1903) that in an ultimatum demanded the creation of a Jewish state only on the ancient Land of Israel, rejecting the “Uganda Plan.”

It was the Kharkiv industrial giant “Turboatom” that refused in 1997 — at the request of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Minister of Industry and Trade Natan Sharansky — to supply turbines for a nuclear reactor in Iran, which delayed the Iranian nuclear program for many years.

It was in Kharkiv in 2024 that for the first time in the world a street was named after a soldier of the Israel Defense Forces.

And it is precisely to Kharkiv National University that an award named after an Israeli scientist-physicist — a student of Academicians Landau and Lifshitz — comes from Israel.

For Ukraine, this issue no longer seems theoretical. Russian ballistic strikes remain one of the most complex threats to air defense: such missiles fly fast, carry a powerful warhead, and require expensive and scarce systems for interception, primarily at the Patriot level. One drone can be dangerous, but one ballistic missile carries a completely different scale of destruction.

That is why the statement by Ukraine’s Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov that Ukrainian ballistics “will change everything in this war” sounds not like a slogan but as a formula for a new stage. It’s not just about the range of the strike. It’s about the status of a state capable of independently creating deterrent weapons, rather than waiting for partners to allow or not allow the use of their missiles.

Why creating a missile is not enough

One prototype of a ballistic missile is not yet a missile program.

The real problem begins where serial production, accuracy, guidance, navigation, engines, software, reliable warheads, component production, and dozens of enterprises working as a single system are needed.

This is the main lesson of global experience. Ballistics is not just a missile on a launcher. It is an industrial school, engineering personnel, money, testing, government orders, and long-term political will.

The USA, Russia, China, France, North Korea, Israel, India, and Pakistan have come to their arsenals in different ways, but all these countries have one common feature: missile programs were built over years, sometimes decades. Somewhere they were part of nuclear deterrence, somewhere a response to regional threats, and somewhere a way not to depend on allies in a time of great war.

Who is already in the closed missile club

The highest level of ballistics is intercontinental missiles. They remain the privilege of a few states, mainly nuclear ones. The USA maintains hundreds of silo-based Minuteman III and sea-based Trident II on submarines. Russia keeps mobile and silo-based complexes, including “Yars,” as well as sea-based ballistics.

China is rapidly increasing its potential and is betting on the Dongfeng family. France, striving for strategic autonomy from the American defense “umbrella” system, relies on M51 sea-based missiles. North Korea is developing the Hwasong line, demonstrating the ability to threaten not only neighbors but also the American continent.

Israel officially does not disclose the parameters of its potential, but open assessments regularly mention Jericho missiles. For the Israeli audience, this is a particularly understandable example: a state living surrounded by threats cannot build security only on the promises of partners.

India and Pakistan have created their own missile programs as part of a long-standing regional confrontation. For New Delhi and Islamabad, ballistics has become not just a weapon but an element of political balance.

From strategic deterrence to real war

For decades, intercontinental missiles mainly remained a tool of pressure and deterrence. But the technologies of large ballistics have gradually descended to a lower level – to operational-tactical complexes and medium-range missiles.

It is they that have direct significance for Ukraine today.

The Russian army massively uses “Iskander-M,” the aviation “Kinzhal,” as well as other high-speed means of destruction, which create similar problems for air defense. The war against Ukraine has become the first modern conflict where operational-tactical ballistics is used so intensively and regularly.

Russia, meanwhile, relies not only on its Soviet and post-Soviet developments. Moscow is increasingly involving allies in the missile war – primarily North Korea and Iran.

The DPRK has already supplied Russia with KN-23 missiles. Pyongyang’s potential is broader: it has shorter and medium-range complexes, including KN-24, Hwasong-9, and solid-fuel systems of the Pukguksong family. This shows that for the Kremlin, the missile war has become not only Russian but also coalition-based.

Iran, in turn, possesses one of the largest and most diverse missile arsenals in the Middle East. For Israel, this topic is not abstract: Iranian missiles have already become part of a real threat, not analytical forecasts. After strikes on Iranian military infrastructure, Tehran’s capabilities, according to experts, were weakened, but this does not mean the threat has disappeared. The respite can be used to restore production.

Against this backdrop, NAnews – Israel News | Nikk.Agency considers the Ukrainian missile issue not only as a matter of Ukrainian defense but also as part of a broader security picture important for Israel. When Russia, Iran, and North Korea effectively combine their military technologies, the consequences are felt not only in Kyiv or Kharkiv but also in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, Haifa, and throughout the Middle East.

What the experience of the USA, France, China, Turkey, Korea, and Israel shows Ukraine

The American approach to ballistics is very different from the Russian one. The USA has long developed this segment as part of high-precision mobile artillery. ATACMS missiles, launched from HIMARS and M270, have become one of the most important tools for Ukraine to strike Russian rear areas, airfields, helicopter pads, and air defense systems.

But ATACMS is no longer the future but a transitional stage. Washington is betting on PrSM – more compact and long-range missiles designed for modern high-intensity conventional warfare. Their range is estimated at about 500-700 kilometers, and serial production should give the US army a new level of strike capabilities.

Europe has long underestimated conventional ballistics, preferring air-launched cruise missiles. The war in Ukraine has changed this logic. France is already developing new programs, including Thundart and the long-term MBT project – a mobile medium-range ballistic system. Paris concludes: Europe cannot live forever only on American stockpiles.

The Asian path: catch up, copy, rework, and become independent

China has built its missile doctrine around an access denial strategy. Its anti-ship ballistic missiles DF-21D and DF-26 are designed to threaten American aircraft carriers at great distances. For land tasks, Beijing uses mobile complexes DF-11 and DF-15, capable of quickly striking airfields, headquarters, and air defense systems.

Turkey took a different path. In the 1990s, faced with the West’s reluctance to transfer technology, Ankara turned to China. The first Turkish Yıldırım missiles grew out of Chinese solutions, then Bora appeared, and in 2026 the Turkish army received Tayfun Block-2 with a range of over 500 kilometers.

The main conclusion from the Turkish experience is simple: a country can start with importing technologies but become independent only when it connects its own industry, engineering schools, and private sector.

South Korea created ballistics under the direct threat from the DPRK. Its Hyunmoo complexes became an example of how a regional danger turns into a state program. Especially notable is Hyunmoo-5 with a heavy warhead designed to destroy deeply protected bunkers.

The Israeli lesson for Ukraine

For Ukraine, the Israeli experience is especially important. Israel has been building defense for decades with the understanding that in a critical moment, external assistance may be delayed, limited, or politically blocked. Therefore, its own developments – from air defense systems to strike means – have become not a luxury but a condition for survival.

Ukraine today is in a similar logic, although the geography and scale of the war are different. Partner support is critically important, but it does not replace national production. If Kyiv wants to have a sustainable missile shield, it needs not a one-time program for the current war but a strategy for 10-20 years.

This strategy should have three foundations: money, people, and production. Without funding, it is impossible to purchase equipment, conduct tests, and pay engineers. Without people, it is impossible to create a school. Without an industrial base, it is impossible to move from a prototype to a series.

But money alone does not solve the problem. Ukraine needs a state order architecture: who determines priorities, who finances promising developments, who guarantees the purchase of successful solutions, who connects the military, private companies, and state enterprises.

Models like the American DARPA or the European EDA are useful here. Such structures do not necessarily produce weapons themselves, but they look for promising ideas, finance developers, create conditions for testing, and help bring the product to the army.

Ukraine has already proven capable of quickly creating innovative solutions in drones, naval drones, and long-range systems. But ballistics requires a different level of discipline. It is not a startup for a few months but a state project for a generation.

What Ukraine must decide

The first question is which technologies to develop domestically and which to buy from partners. Full independence is not possible immediately, but gradual movement towards its own component base should be the goal.

The second question is how to combine state enterprises and the private sector. State structures more easily receive direct funding, but private companies often create working solutions faster. Ukraine needs a model where competition does not destroy manufacturers but accelerates the emergence of necessary weapons.

The third question is how to protect production under constant Russian strikes. A missile program of a warring country cannot be built according to peacetime templates. Distributed sites, hidden logistics, backup supply chains, and protection of critical specialists are needed.

The fourth question is political stability. The missile program should not depend on one minister, one budget, or one military campaign. It should be enshrined as a long-term state policy.

Why this is important not only for Ukraine

Ukrainian ballistics can change the balance not only on the battlefield. It can change the very logic of negotiations, the cost of Russian aggression, and the attitude of allies towards Ukraine as a defensive power.

For Israel, this is also an important signal. If Ukraine can build its own long-range program under strikes, it will become an example for all countries that have to live next to aggressive regimes and their proxy networks.

Russia, Iran, and North Korea are already showing that authoritarian states are ready to exchange technologies, ammunition, and experience. The response of democratic countries cannot be built only on statements. It must include industry, production, joint developments, and a willingness to play the long game.

Ukraine needs not just a “missile sword” as a beautiful image. It needs a sovereign strike complex that will become part of the national shield. And if such a system is created, it will indeed move Ukraine into a different league – military, technological, and political.

Frequently Asked Questions

Why are ballistic missiles so difficult to intercept?

They fly on a high trajectory, develop enormous speed in the final phase, and leave air defense systems very little time to react. Complex and expensive anti-missiles are needed to intercept them, which Ukraine constantly lacks.

Can Ukraine create its own ballistics?

It can, but this requires not just one successful project, but a full-fledged industrial program. Engines, guidance systems, electronics, a testing base, funding, serial production, and a long-term state order are needed.

Which foreign experience is most useful for Ukraine?

Several models are important for Ukraine. Israel shows how to build defense under constant threat and risk of isolation. Turkey demonstrates the path from borrowed technologies to independence. South Korea is an example of a systematic missile program under a specific threat. The USA shows how to turn precision weapons into a mass tool of modern warfare.

Why is this important for Israel?

Because the missile technologies of Russia, Iran, and North Korea are already interconnected. Strengthening Ukraine in this area weakens the overall anti-Western and anti-Israeli military contour. For Israel, a strong Ukraine is not only a matter of solidarity but also part of broader regional security.

The main reason for the protest is the detention of Haredim who evade military service. In recent weeks, similar actions have already taken place near prison No. 10, but the current situation differs in the composition of participants. Previously, the more radical ‘Jerusalem flank’ was at the forefront, but now large Hasidic communities, considered more numerous and moderate, are joining the protest.

This means two things simultaneously. On one hand, there may be significantly more participants. On the other hand, the organizers state that they do not plan widespread roadblocks or violent actions.

Where the columns are departing from

According to the plan, the columns will start moving around 16:00. Cars are expected to depart from about 19 points across the country: from Safed and Haifa in the north, through Bnei Brak, Jerusalem, and Modi’in Illit, to Kiryat Gat and Arad in the south.

The organizers claim that the movement is coordinated with the police. Each column should travel in the right lane at a constant speed of about 50 km/h. Participants were also reminded that stopping on the highway and intentionally blocking traffic could lead to fines from the police.

Where to expect traffic jams and which roads to avoid

Although the final routes are still being coordinated with the police, the general direction is clear: all columns will move towards the Kfar Yona area. Therefore, major traffic jams are expected not in one city, but on several key highways in Israel.

Special attention should be paid to Highway No. 1 near the Ben Gurion interchange, Highway No. 4 in the Geha, Ganot, Aluf Sade, and Em HaMoshavot areas, as well as Highway No. 6 near the Ben Shemen, Kesem, and Nahshonim interchanges. Additionally, congestion is possible on Ayalon, Highway No. 20, Highway No. 40, and Highway No. 440.

The most difficult situation is expected closer to the evening. From approximately 18:00 to 19:00, the main flow may shift to Highway No. 57 and the Netanya-Kfar Yona interchange area.

For the Israeli audience, this topic is important not only as news about the protest but also as a practical issue: how to get home today without getting stuck on the highway and avoiding the conflict zone between demonstrators, police, and local residents. This is why such materials are important to read in the context of real life in the country, where NAnews — Israel News | Nikk.Agency pays attention not only to the political background but also to the consequences for ordinary people.

When it’s better not to travel

The most problematic period is from 16:00 to 20:00. During this time, it is better not to plan trips on central highways if possible, especially if the route passes through Gush Dan, the Ben Shemen area, Kesem, Netanya, or Kfar Yona.

In the morning and late evening, according to preliminary estimates, no serious unusual traffic jams are expected. The exception is the Kfar Yona area and its approaches, where tension may persist longer.

The Israel Police recommend postponing all non-essential trips in areas where the protest will take place. This is especially relevant for those who need to travel from the center of the country to the north or vice versa.

Is there an alternative and what could go wrong

The most obvious alternative today is the train. No blockages are expected on ‘Rakevet Israel’, and the railway is expected to operate as usual, without special reinforcements.

But there is also a nuance here. Many drivers may choose to forgo their cars in advance, so increased load is possible at railway stations and on the trains themselves. Those who choose the train should allow extra time for the journey to the station and boarding.

Main risks of the evening

Organizers describe the protest as an action of ‘order, responsibility, and sanctification of the name’. However, with such a number of people and vehicles, it is impossible to completely rule out disruptions.

Problems may arise if individual columns start moving slower than the agreed speed, if someone decides to stop on the highway, or if clashes occur with local residents and police. Organizers have already warned: if one of the columns is hindered, roadblocks may be the response.

There is also a separate point of tension — Kfar Yona. After the city was effectively isolated last week due to the protest, local residents do not intend to silently wait for events to unfold again. The mayor has already announced plans to block entry to the city and prevent the car action from entering.

Because of this, the police, according to the current position, require that the protesters do not reach prison No. 10 directly and remain outside the city. This section may become the main source of unpredictability.

The bottom line is simple: from 16:00 to 20:00, serious traffic jams are possible on central highways in Israel, and in the evening, the main risk will shift to the Kfar Yona area. Those who do not need to travel should postpone their trip. Those who must be on the road should check the route in advance, avoid major interchanges, and consider the train as a calmer alternative.

At first glance, the thesis seems simple: fuel prices are rising in Russia, reports of ‘dry’ gas stations and sales restrictions are appearing, while in Iran gasoline is allegedly the cheapest in the world due to strict state control, limits, and subsidies.

But if you look at the dates, figures, and military context, the comparison becomes much less favorable for Moscow. The Iranian model is not based on an economic miracle, but on forced regulation, huge subsidies, limits, combating smuggling, and social fear of a new fuel explosion within the country.

Most importantly, Russia is facing not just a market problem. The Ukrainian army is methodically attacking precisely the oil refining, oil depots, logistics, and energy infrastructure, that is, the nodes without which no administrative prices turn into real gasoline at gas stations.

What ‘Tsargrad’ wrote

The ‘Tsargrad’ article was published on June 22, 2026, under a characteristic headline about the ‘gasoline fig’, empty gas stations in Russia, and gasoline in Iran ‘for 2 rubles per liter’.

The text claims that the shutdown of the Moscow Oil Refinery should not be a reason for price increases but should be a signal to the state. The authors explicitly state that during wartime, fuel prices should be frozen because gasoline, diesel, and gas are embedded in the cost of almost all goods — from essentials to medicines.

According to ‘Tsargrad’, there are already enough ‘dry’ gas stations in Russia: somewhere there is no AI-92, somewhere there is no AI-95, and at some gas stations, a liter of high-octane gasoline can cost up to 100 rubles.

Separately, the TV channel refers to the period from June 9 to 15: during this week, as stated in the article, gasoline prices rose in 78 regions of Russia. Among the leaders are Tuva with a growth of 9.4% and Chechnya with a growth of 8%. It is also mentioned that sales restrictions were introduced in more than 50 regions.

After this, ‘Tsargrad’ draws the main propaganda thesis: if in Iran gasoline costs about 2.5 rubles per liter, then Russia should also follow the path of strict price limits, quotas, and direct state intervention.

How the Iranian scheme actually works

Iran has indeed kept gasoline at an artificially low price for decades. But the low price at the pump is not proof of economic stability. It is the result of subsidies, a card system, limits, and a political decision to hold back social discontent.

In December 2025, an updated three-tier system was introduced in Iran. Ordinary drivers can buy up to 60 liters of gasoline per month at 15,000 rials per liter. Another 100 liters are available at 30,000 rials per liter. After the 160-liter mark, an increased rate of 50,000 rials per liter applies.

It is these 160 liters that became the basis for the Russian propaganda comparison. ‘Tsargrad’ claims that about 80% of Iranian drivers fit into the basic monthly quota. But in such a presentation, the main thing is lost: the Iranian system was created not because there are no fuel problems in the country, but because the problems are too sensitive for the authorities.

Iran is an oil country, but the domestic fuel market there has long been associated with several painful factors: high consumption, an outdated vehicle fleet, gasoline smuggling to neighboring countries, budget strain, and fear of protests. In 2019, the rise in fuel prices was one of the reasons for mass protests, which were harshly suppressed.

Therefore, cheap gasoline in Iran is not a free market and not a ‘management victory’. It is a political insurance of the regime.

Why the Iranian example does not work for Russia

The main problem with the Russian comparison is that Moscow is trying to present the fuel crisis as a matter of prices and speculation. But in 2026, it’s not just about prices anymore.

Ukraine is delivering long-range strikes on Russian oil infrastructure precisely because oil and petroleum products remain one of the key sources of war funding. Strikes on refineries, oil depots, pipeline nodes, and logistics hit not the ‘abstract economy’, but Russia’s ability to process raw materials, supply the army, maintain the domestic market, and simultaneously earn from exports.

In June 2026, reports emerged of new strikes on facilities in Crimea, including an oil storage facility near the Kerch TPP and infrastructure related to the supply of the occupied peninsula. Russian occupation authorities in Crimea imposed restrictions, including a ban on fuel sales to non-state users. This is no longer ordinary market volatility, but military pressure on the supply system.

Russian authorities also discussed the possibility of additional restrictions on diesel fuel exports to protect the domestic market. This is an important detail: if an oil power is forced to limit fuel exports, then the problem already goes beyond the propaganda explanation about ‘speculators’ and the ‘buckwheat effect’.

The Iranian experience shows not strength, but the vulnerability of an oil country

For the Russian audience, ‘Tsargrad’ tries to make Iran an example of resilience. But for Israel, Ukraine, and the entire region, this example is read differently.

Iran can keep cheap gasoline as long as it maintains control over production, distribution, and internal limits. But as soon as the oil infrastructure becomes a military target, the picture changes.

On the night of March 7-8, 2026, Israeli strikes hit fuel depots and oil refining facilities in the Tehran area and the neighboring Alborz province. Massive fires broke out, toxic emissions rose into the air, and authorities warned residents of health risks.

This is an important clarification to the widespread thesis that Iranian oil infrastructure was not hit at all. It was. But the difference is in another: against Iran, such strikes did not look like a prolonged, systematic campaign to completely disable all oil refining and internal fuel logistics.

In the case of Russia, the Ukrainian strategy looks precisely like methodical pressure. The goal is not a one-time fire, but constant vulnerability: so that each new strike forces Moscow to choose between the front, exports, the domestic market, and social stability.

Why this is important for Israel

For Israel, this story is important not only as a Russian internal problem. Here, three directions intersect: the Russian war against Ukraine, the Iranian model of a military economy, and Middle East security.

Iran has long become not just an ‘example’ in propaganda texts for Russia. Tehran helps Moscow with military technologies, drones, experience in circumventing sanctions, and the logic of a besieged fortress economy. Therefore, when a Russian propaganda channel calls for learning from Iran, it is not a random economic remark. It is a recognition of the political kinship of the two regimes.

Both regimes try to explain to citizens that war requires patience, control, restrictions, and submission. Both talk about an external enemy. Both want to maintain the military machine, even if it means suppressing the domestic market and lowering the quality of life for the population.

But there is a difference. Iran has lived in a sanctions model for decades and is used to distributing shortages. Russia has long sold its citizens the image of an ‘energy superpower’ that cannot have fuel problems. Now this picture is beginning to crack.

NAnews — Israel News considers it important to view such signals not as separate economic news, but as signs of a change in the entire war. When Russia’s oil infrastructure becomes a weak point, it affects not only prices within the Russian Federation but also Moscow’s ability to continue aggression against Ukraine.

Conclusions

‘Tsargrad’ wanted to show Iran as an example for Russia, but in fact showed something else: even an oil country during war can come to limits, card logic, manual price management, and fear of social irritation.

Russian propaganda talks about 2.5 rubles per liter in Iran but does not talk about the cost of this system for society. It talks about a quota of 160 liters but does not say that quotas appear not from abundance, but from the need to control shortages and consumption.

It proposes freezing prices in Russia but cannot answer the main question: what to do if refineries, oil depots, bridges, energy facilities, and logistics are under attack?

That is why the Iranian example for Russia is not saving, but alarming. It shows where a state is heading that tries to wage a long war, keep the population with cheap promises, and simultaneously hide the real cost of aggression.

For Ukraine, strikes on Russia’s oil infrastructure have become one of the ways to bring the war back to where it started. For Israel, it is a reminder: the Russian-Iranian connection is not only military but also political. It is about regimes learning from each other not development, but survival under the pressure of war, sanctions, and their own aggressive policies.

NAnews — Israel News will continue to monitor how Russian propaganda explains the internal consequences of the war and why Moscow increasingly looks to Iran not as an exception, but as a model for the future.

In March and April, the world learned about the civilians and soldiers trapped at Azovstal. While the evacuation of Mariupol civilians was successful, Ukraine was unable to liberate the military by force, and Russia refused any proposals except surrender. The soldiers had no choice but to continue fighting and hold their positions until the end.

The defenders of Mariupol held back 20,000 Russian troops, destroyed around 6,000 of them, approximately 78 tanks, and more than 100 armored vehicles. They helped the Ukrainian Armed Forces better prepare the defense of Donbas by delaying significant Russian forces for nearly three months.

As of early May, there were no civilians left at Azovstal.

On the evening of May 16, the commander of the Azov Regiment, Denys Prokopenko, delivered a statement:

“The defenders of Mariupol fulfilled their order. Despite all the difficulties, for 82 days they held back superior enemy forces and gave the Ukrainian army time to regroup, train more personnel, and receive a large amount of weapons from partner countries.”

A few days earlier, one of the defenders of Mariupol, Azov fighter Vitalii Barabash, recorded a video message on behalf of the Ukrainian Jews at Azovstal, appealing to the Israeli government for help in evacuating all remaining service members from the plant.

Barabash was seriously wounded and suffered a concussion. Another soldier helped him read the appeal on behalf of all Ukrainian Jews at Azovstal.

Full text of the appeal:

“I am Vitalii Oleksandrovych Barabash, call sign Benya. It is hard for me to speak due to serious injuries, concussions, and illnesses, so my brothers in arms will speak for me and on behalf of all Ukrainian Jews here at Azovstal.

Everyone needs a peaceful sky above.

I begin this appeal to Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, the Knesset, the people of Israel, journalists, the ‘Bein Stern Shulman’ synagogue in Kryvyi Rih, and Rabbi Liron Ederi.

I hope our plea will also reach Yuli Edelstein, Yulia Malinovska, Yevgeny Sova, and Alex Kushnir.

Here, in Ukrainian Mariupol, on the ruins of the Azovstal plant, are Jews just like me and you. We all remember how our Ukrainian ancestors suffered from Stalin’s genocide, and how our Jewish ancestors suffered from Hitler.

Today, we face a new threat — in the form of putin — who unites and revives the actions of those two tyrants of the past.

I speak on behalf of all Jews at besieged Azovstal. I am wounded, which is why I can record this video. The rest of my comrades are on the battlefield, defending every inch of land the Ukrainian people have always shared with our ancestors.

For the third consecutive month, Russians have been destroying everything connected to our shared roots and our history. Our peoples have endured terrible tragedies in the past, but today we must fight for our land and our country. Ukraine has never turned its back on Jews, and we believe that Israel will not turn its back on Ukrainians but will stand with us against the Russian occupiers who have brought a new tragedy to our land.

We need help from Israel to extract the Mariupol military garrison. We are asking you to save us.

You, more than anyone, have the power to do this. We, more than anyone, place our hopes in you. We are waiting for you. We are already writing history.”

At the time, Bennett asked putin “to consider various options for evacuation from the Azovstal plant in Mariupol.”

“President putin promised to allow the evacuation of civilians, including the wounded, through UN and Red Cross humanitarian corridors,” said Bennett’s office.

On that day, May 16, 2022, the withdrawal of Ukrainian defenders began from the underground shelters of Azovstal. Those who had endured hell during the defense of Ukraine’s last stronghold in destroyed Mariupol were ordered to lay down their arms to save lives.

The heroic defense of Mariupol and Azovstal lasted 86 days. The defenders, including Azov Regiment fighters, sacrificed themselves to hold back large Russian forces and delay their advance in southern Ukraine during the most difficult stage of the full-scale war. And they succeeded in that mission.

Hundreds of Azovstal defenders, including Azov fighters, are still held in Russian prison camps, subjected to inhumane torture.

More stories about the defenders of Azovstal:

Ukraine: In Uman, an Azov fighter with the call sign “Ravvin” embraces his Jewish pilgrim friend during Rosh Hashanah 5784

Azov Regiment delegation visits Israel: “Mariupol is our Masada”

From the Holocaust to Russian Bombings: The story of Elvira Borts and her grandson — an Azovstal defender — how a Jewish family in Mariupol survived two genocides + video

“Here, in Ukrainian Mariupol, on the ruins of the Azovstal plant, there are Jews just like you and me” — Azov fighters of Jewish descent appeal to the Israeli government

40 “Jewish heroes” are fighting at Mariupol’s Azovstal — says Davyd Arakhamia

NAnews — Israel — Ukraine believes:

• The defense of Azovstal became a symbol of resilience and self-sacrifice that changed the course of the war.
• The appeal of Jewish fighters to Israel was a historic cry for help that should not have been ignored.
• Israel must acknowledge the role of Jews in Ukraine’s defense and push for the release of prisoners.
• Silence in response to such pleas is a denial of historical memory.
• We must remember: among the heroes of Mariupol were Jews. And they believed in Israel.

Why this film is important today

“Ціна правди” is not just a film about the past. It is a story about how truth can become dangerous when it is opposed by the state machine, diplomatic pressure, censorship, and fear.

The screenplay was written by American journalist of Ukrainian descent Andrea Chalupa, and directed by Agnieszka Holland. At the center of the plot is Gareth Jones, a journalist from Wales who in the early 1930s went to the Soviet Union and saw what the Soviet authorities tried to hide: mass famine, destroyed Ukrainian villages, death, silence, and the forced destruction of millions of people.

For the Israeli audience, this topic resonates particularly sharply. Israel understands well that historical memory is not an archival formality, but a part of national security, social resilience, and the people’s right to their own voice. When crimes are silenced, they do not disappear. They return in new forms — through propaganda, denial, cynicism, and attempts to rewrite history.

Gareth Jones and the price of testimony

A journalist who went against convenient lies

In 1933, Gareth Jones became one of those who dared to speak about the famine in Ukraine under his own name. His testimonies were especially important because they were not about rumors or political declarations, but about personal reporting experience: he saw the famine with his own eyes and tried to convey this truth to the Western press.

The Holodomor of 1932–1933 is considered an artificially created famine that claimed millions of lives in Ukraine. Britannica describes it as a man-made famine in Soviet Ukraine, and research and educational materials on the Holodomor emphasize that it was one of the greatest tragedies of the 20th century.

Holland’s film shows not only the tragedy itself but also the mechanism of its concealment. The world could have learned more and earlier, but the truth faced convenient political calculations, career interests, and the desire not to irritate Moscow. In this sense, “Ціна правди” speaks not only about Ukraine in the 1930s but about any era where journalism becomes a struggle for the right to call a crime a crime.

That is why such cultural events in Israel are significant not only for the Ukrainian community. They are important for everyone who understands: memory of the past is a way to recognize lies in the present. In this context, НАновости — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency views such initiatives as part of a broader connection between Israel, Ukraine, and those communities for whom truth, testimony, and historical responsibility remain not abstract words, but personal experience.

Tel Aviv as a place for conversation about memory

Ukrainian history in the Israeli space

The screening of the film in Tel Aviv was a gesture of solidarity and memory. The participation of Polish and Ukrainian diplomatic missions emphasizes that the conversation about the Holodomor has long gone beyond just Ukrainian history. It is a European, Jewish, Israeli, and international topic — about totalitarianism, silence in the face of crime, and the price of indifference.

Today, as Ukraine once again defends its right to freedom and existence, the story of Gareth Jones sounds particularly contemporary. It poses a question that concerns every society: what to do when the truth is inconvenient, but silence becomes complicity?

The film “Ціна правди” reminds us that dignity begins with the refusal to close our eyes.

Gareth Jones could not stop the tragedy, but his testimony became part of the historical memory that the Soviet system tried to destroy. And decades later, this memory continues to speak — in Kyiv, Warsaw, London, Tel Aviv, and in every place where people are ready to listen not to propaganda, but to the truth.

For Israel, such events are also important because people with different family memories live here: from Ukraine, Poland, the countries of the former USSR, Europe, and the Middle East. When a film about the Holodomor is shown in Tel Aviv, it is not just a Ukrainian evening. It is a conversation about how society maintains a human face in the face of evil, which always first demands silence.

For the Israeli audience, this story is especially important. It connects several layers of Jewish memory: Safed and the teachings of Ari, the Jewish communities of Podolia, the manuscript tradition of Eastern Europe, the journey of a family heirloom through the USA, and the return of this book to the public Jewish space already in Tel Aviv.

Not an ordinary prayer book: what is a siddur with the kavanot of Ari

Before the museum visitors is not a standard prayer book for everyday reading. It is a siddur with kavanot, that is, with special mystical intentions that should accompany the prayer. In such a tradition, prayer is understood not only as the recitation of text but also as spiritual work: every word, every combination of names, every internal setting has significance.

The siddur is associated with the teachings of Rabbi Isaac Luria, known as Ari.

He lived in the 16th century, became one of the key figures in Jewish mysticism, and had a huge influence on the Kabbalistic tradition. It is important, however, to emphasize: Ari himself did not compile this siddur. His teachings were recorded and transmitted by his disciples, primarily Rabbi Chaim Vital.

In such manuscripts, the text of the prayer is often accompanied by diagrams, tables, highlights, and combinations of divine names. The Times of Israel notes that the prayer book presented in ANU includes detailed instructions for meditative intentions, as well as visual elements — diagrams and tables. Therefore, this book can be considered not only as a religious text but also as a complex spiritual-graphic system.

According to The Jerusalem Post, the prayers in this siddur are structured according to the Kabbalistic concept of worlds — Atzilut, Beriah, Yetzirah, and Assiah. This makes the manuscript part of a special tradition where the order of prayer correlates with the structure of spiritual reality.

Why it was handwritten

At first glance, it may seem strange that in 1749, when print culture had long existed, such a text was still being handwritten. But in Kabbalistic circles, this was not a sign of technical backwardness, but part of internal discipline.

Such siddurs were not widely distributed in printed form for a long time to limit access to esoteric knowledge. The handwritten format helped keep the text within a narrow circle of people who, according to the beliefs of that environment, were prepared to understand and use it.

The material side of the book also speaks of its significance. The siddur is written in ink on paper and bound in a leather cover, decorated with colored leather inserts and gold leaf. It was not a random notebook for personal notes, but an item in which prayer, knowledge, craft, and status were combined.

Satanov: Ukrainian geography of Jewish mysticism

The origin of the siddur from Satanov is one of the strongest details of this story.

Satanov, or Sataniv in Ukrainian, is now located in the Khmelnytskyi region of Ukraine. Until 1793, it belonged to Poland and was part of historical Podolia. The city was located on the left bank of the Zbruch River, which separated Podolia from Galicia.

For Jewish history, this place is far from peripheral. In the 18th century, Satanov was a leading Jewish community in Podolia. Its synagogue was built as a fortress — not only as a house of prayer but also as a means of protection against Tatar and Cossack attacks.

This detail changes the perception of the exhibit. It is not just an old prayer book found somewhere in Eastern Europe. Before us is a trace of Jewish intellectual and spiritual life on the territory of modern Ukraine — the very Ukraine where communities, yeshivas, Hasidic courts, cemeteries, synagogues, and manuscript traditions existed for centuries.

For NAnovosti — Israel News this topic is also important because it helps to see Ukraine not only through the prism of modern war and politics but also as a space of deep Jewish memory. Satanov, Podolia, Safed, Tel Aviv — these are not disparate points, but parts of one historical map.

From Safed of Ari to Podolia

Ari is primarily associated with Safed — one of the main centers of Jewish mysticism.

Britannica indicates that Rabbi Isaac Luria was born in Jerusalem, spent part of his life in Egypt, and in 1570 arrived in Safed, where his teachings received special development.

Through disciples, manuscripts, and Kabbalistic circles, this tradition spread far beyond the borders of Eretz Israel. In the 18th century, its traces were already visible in Eastern Europe, including Podolia. That is why the siddur from Satanov shows not only local history but also the movement of Jewish thought between the lands of Israel and the diaspora.

The Jerusalem Post also notes that siddurs with the kavanot of Ari influenced subsequent traditions, including the siddur of Rashash — Rabbi Shalom Sharabi — and the prayer practices of the Hasidic movement in Eastern Europe. This is especially important for understanding why such a manuscript is valuable not only as a museum rarity but also as evidence of spiritual continuity.

The path of the book: from personal prayer to museum memory

This copy was rewritten for personal use by Israel ben Raphael Segal — a scribe of Kabbalistic manuscripts. The pages of the siddur have preserved numerous notes, annotations, and ownership marks. They indicate that the book did not lie motionless on a shelf but was used, passed from hand to hand, lived within the religious environment.

Among the ownership traces is mentioned the seal of Rabbi Levi Yitzchak Munzon, a descendant of the Hasidic dynasty of Ruzhin. This adds another layer to the story: the siddur turns out to be connected not only with Lurianic Kabbalah but also with the world of Hasidic dynasties of Eastern Europe.

Later, the book ended up in the USA.

It was acquired by the father of Rene Schreiber, and then passed on to his son. Before his death, Rene Schreiber bequeathed to donate the siddur to the museum. Thus, the family heirloom became part of the public exhibition of ANU — Museum of the Jewish People in Tel Aviv.

This route itself resembles the biography of many Jewish items: creation in Eastern Europe, preservation in the family, emigration, life in America, and return to national memory already in Israel. An item that once served one person in prayer now tells the story of an entire people.

Why the exhibit was presented before Lag BaOmer

The appearance of the siddur in the exhibition before Lag BaOmer is not accidental.

This day is traditionally associated with Rabbi Shimon bar Yochai and the world of Jewish mysticism. In 2026, Lag BaOmer began on the evening of May 4, and it was during this period that the museum presented the rare Kabbalistic prayer book to the general public.

Such a choice of time enhances the symbolism. Lag BaOmer in Israeli culture is often perceived through bonfires, family trips, and school traditions, but the holiday also has a deep mystical layer. The siddur with the kavanot of Ari draws attention precisely to this side — to the inner work of prayer, to Kabbalistic thought, and to how Jewish tradition was passed down through generations.

For museum visitors, this is not just an opportunity to see a beautiful old book. It is a meeting with a world where prayer was simultaneously a text, a map, a discipline, and a mystery.

Why this story is important today

The 1749 siddur from Satanov is especially relevant now when the conversation about the Jewish heritage of Ukraine is once again resonating in Israel.

Against the backdrop of war, migration, trauma, and the rethinking of historical memory, such exhibits help to see a longer line: Jewish life on Ukrainian lands was not an episode, but one of the important chapters in the history of the people.

This book reminds us that the territory of modern Ukraine was not only a place of pogroms, catastrophes, and losses. It was also a space of scholarship, trade, craft, prayer, Kabbalah, Hasidism, and family continuity. Without this part, it is impossible to honestly tell the story of the Jewish East of Europe.

For Israel, such a manuscript in ANU is also a return of memory to the center of the national narrative. Not in the form of an abstract museum label, but through a specific item: paper, ink, leather, gold, notes, seals, names of owners, and a city on the map of modern Ukraine.

NAnovosti sees in this story not only a cultural news item but also an important bridge between the past and the present. The siddur from Satanov shows how Jewish tradition survives borders, empires, wars, emigrations, and language changes.

It can be handwritten in Podolia, preserved by a family in America, and almost three centuries later become part of an exhibition in Tel Aviv.

That is why this exhibit should be perceived not as a museum rarity for specialists, but as a living testimony. It speaks of the fact that Jewish memory is not stored only in major political dates. Sometimes it is hidden in the margins of an old manuscript, in the seal of a former owner, in a leather binding, and in a prayer once read with special intention.

Where can you find a qualified specialist in Haifa or Tel Aviv? What should you pay attention to during the first meeting? How can you tell if a lawyer is truly working for results? Below is a clear guide and practical action plan from the office of attorney and notary Ariel Katsman.

Why a Russian-speaking lawyer means real results

Legal wording is subtle: one word in a contract can change the outcome of a dispute. When a specialist explains the nuances in Russian and also shows how it reads in Hebrew, you make informed decisions and avoid paying for someone else’s mistakes. For those looking for a Russian-speaking lawyer in Haifa or planning a consultation in the center of the country, this is critical.

How to choose a good lawyer: client checklist

• — Ask about experience and practical cases: how many years in practice, and how similar cases were resolved.
• — Clarify education and qualifications: which university, additional licenses, special permits.
• — Check specialization: does it match your needs — family law, real estate, status, criminal/traffic cases, etc.
• — Discuss communication: how often you’ll get reports, who will be in touch, how decisions are made step-by-step.
• — Review “practical” details: is the location convenient, are there offices in Haifa and Tel Aviv, how quickly do they respond.

Experience and licenses: why Ariel Katsman’s office

Ariel Roman Katsman — member of the Israel Bar Association since 31.05.1999 (Attorney License No. 25942), notary (License No. 218510). Holds a special license to represent in military courts and an Israel Bar permit to train interns. Over 20 years of practice: from civil and family disputes to criminal, traffic, immigration cases, and real estate transactions.

Office locations: Haifa and Tel Aviv

— Haifa: 43 Ha’atzmaut St. (5th floor).
— Tel Aviv: 32 Ben Yehuda St. (7th floor, Office 725).
— Appointment phone: 077-869-9526.
— Website: www.katsmanlaw.co.il

Key practice areas

Family law (family attorney)

Marriage and divorce, alimony, property division, child visitation, travel abroad. In Israel, civil and religious courts operate in parallel; it’s important to choose the right jurisdiction, collect evidence, and prepare agreements so that the court understands exactly “what we ask” and “why it’s fair.”

Real estate and transactions

Buying/selling/renting involves registry checks, mortgages and easements, spousal and bank consents, accurate calculations, and deadlines for property transfer. We assess risks in advance, set protective clauses, oversee payments, and register rights so that the client’s interests are protected on paper, not just “in words.”

Repatriation, citizenship, STUPRO, residence status

Status issues are about checklists and evidence: family ties, dates, certificates. A “STUPRO lawyer” helps navigate narrow procedures without delays or refusals: which documents are critical, common mistakes, filing order, and how to respond to official requests.

Criminal and traffic law

From initial statements and motions — to plea negotiations and courtroom defense. In traffic matters — working with fines, license revocation, accidents, compensation, insurance companies, and medical records.

Corporate and civil law

Company registration, contracts, claims work, dispute resolution. In civil matters — debt collection, debtor protection, negotiations, and litigation support.

Inheritance and wills

Bilingual wills, application filing, assisting heirs with deadlines and procedures. Conflicts often arise from small mistakes: wrong signature, missing notifications, incorrect dates. Careful document preparation saves months.

How the process works: clear steps

1. Initial review: brief description of the situation, documents, goal.
2. Plan: where to file, what evidence is needed, order and deadlines.
3. Implementation: prepare documents, submit, track status, report each step.
4. Communication: explain decisions in plain language, avoid “legalese,” keep a responsible lawyer in contact.
5. Finalization: confirm results, provide the client with all documents and future instructions.

When you should have called “yesterday”

Received a summons, a draft settlement agreement, or a contract draft? Don’t delay. Fixing someone else’s mistakes is almost always more expensive than prevention. One poorly worded clause in a contract can “fire back” six months later in court — our job is to catch it early.

Frequently asked questions

Can it be resolved without court?
Often — yes. Negotiations, mediated settlements, and well-drafted letters resolve half of conflicts. The key is a legally correct form so that the “peace” doesn’t fall apart in a month.

How long will the case take?
It depends on the court, workload, and the other party’s willingness to negotiate. We outline stages and realistic timelines upfront, without “tomorrow” promises.

Do you work with Russian-language documents?
Yes. We translate meaning, not just words, clarifying disputed points in both Russian and Hebrew to prevent misinterpretation.

Who is this page for and what searches does it answer
If you searched for “lawyer in Israel” or “Haifa lawyer,” need a “family attorney” or a specialized “STUPRO lawyer,” or want a “Russian-speaking lawyer in Tel Aviv” — this is for you. We handle real-life legal needs: property division, alimony, status and repatriation, real estate deals, inheritance, accidents, debts, and corporate matters.

What to do right now
Write briefly: what happened, what documents you have, and what result you need. We’ll offer the nearest available slot for an in-person meeting in Haifa or Tel Aviv, or schedule a video call. Then — we’ll check, advise, prepare, and see your case through to a clear resolution.

Contacts and consultation booking
— Haifa: 43 Ha’atzmaut St. (5th floor).
— Tel Aviv: 32 Ben Yehuda St. (7th floor, Office 725).
— Tel.: 077-869-9526.
— Website: www.katsmanlaw.co.il

Shmuel Agnon (born July 17, 1888, Buchach, Ukraine) is a famous Jewish writer whose life and work are closely connected with Ukraine. The events of his most famous novels, “The Bridal Canopy” and “A Guest for the Night,” for which he received the Nobel Prize in Literature, take place in his native Buchach and its surroundings.

In Ukrainian Buchach

To date, not many of Agnon’s works have been translated into Ukrainian, but interest in them is growing in Ukraine, which means that Ukrainian readers are in for an acquaintance with his books.

The Nobel Prize in Literature laureate of 1966 “For his profoundly original narrative art with motifs from Jewish folk tales.” He became the first laureate of one of the Nobel Prizes representing Israel. He wrote in Hebrew and Yiddish.

The influence of the Talmud on Shmuel Agnon’s work was significant. He was born as Shmuel Yosef Halevi Czaczkes in July 1887 in Buchach, now Chortkiv district of Ternopil region. His father, Shalom Mordechai Halevi Czaczkes, was a rabbi and fur trader, knowledgeable in the Torah and Talmud, and often explained them to the local Jewish community.

Shmuel’s mother, Esther Farb, and grandfather, Yehuda Farb, were also educated people. Shmuel attended a cheder and received a good home education, studying Yiddish, Hebrew, German, and Ukrainian languages, as well as the Talmud under his father’s guidance.

Starting to write early, at the age of 8, Shmuel published stories in local newspapers. At 19, he moved to Lviv and worked in a Jewish newspaper. In 1907, his first novella “Forsaken Wives” was published, which in Hebrew sounds like “Agnon,” becoming his pseudonym and official surname since 1924.

Palestine and Berlin

In the same year, Agnon went to Palestine, and then to Berlin, where he wrote, lectured, gave private Hebrew lessons, and published works in the newspaper Jude.

He was supported by patron Zalman Schocken, who provided a five-year scholarship for organizing an anthology of Jewish literature and writing new works. Agnon’s works were published in German at Schocken’s publishing house in Berlin.

Love Against All Odds

In Berlin, Shmuel Agnon found true love — Esther Marks, or “dear Esterlein,” as he called her. The girl’s father was against their marriage, but they married anyway, and the ceremony was conducted by Rabbi Yechiel Yaakov Weinberg.

They had a daughter, Emuna (“faith”), and a son, Shalom Mordechai, whom they called Hemdat (“soul’s desire”) at home.

Three Destroyed Homes

In 1924, the family moved to Jerusalem. The move was preceded by tragedy: the writer’s house in Hamburg burned down, destroying the library and manuscripts, including the novel “The Community of the Ever-Living.”

Agnon decided to return to the Promised Land. He moved to Jerusalem first, and a year later called for Esther and the children. In 1927, an earthquake occurred in Jerusalem.

“The disaster did not destroy our souls,” Agnon wrote, “only the house we lived in.”

Two years later, in 1929, the new Agnon home in Jerusalem was looted during Arab riots. “Esterlein,” he wrote to his wife, “we need to start everything anew: the house is ruined, things are stolen or broken. But… do not grieve and do not think about it.”

World Fame and the Nobel Prize

Agnon gained world fame in the late 1940s when his works began to be published in English. In 1966, Agnon became the first writer writing in Hebrew and Yiddish to receive the Nobel Prize for the novels “The Bridal Canopy” and “A Guest for the Night.”

In his speech, he noted that he draws inspiration from spiritual literature.

“Keep Quiet! Agnon is Working!”

Israel is proud of its Nobel laureate. When a construction site was opened in the Talpiot area, Mayor Teddy Kollek installed a sign saying: “Keep quiet! Agnon is working!” European critics compared him to Marcel Proust, James Joyce, and William Faulkner.

Agnon wrote in various genres but was wounded by the fact that many of his readers became victims of the Holocaust. His last novel, “Just Recently,” set in Palestine during the Second Aliyah, is dedicated to the catastrophe of European Jewry.

Memory of the Writer

Shmuel Agnon died of a heart attack on February 17, 1970, in Jerusalem at the age of 82. He was buried on the Mount of Olives, and his apartment became a memorial museum.

In his native Buchach, which he last visited in 1930, a monument was erected in his honor, a street is named after him, and a bas-relief of the writer adorns the entrance to the local “ART-Court.”

Exactly three years ago, the Defense Forces liberated Kherson. On November 11, 2022, Ukrainian troops entered the city, where they were greeted by locals with blue and yellow flags — the very ones that had been hidden from the occupiers. These fearless people immediately showed Putin’s army that it had come to the wrong place on tanks: “Kherson is Ukraine.” Many of them remain in the city today and do everything to ensure that, despite daily shelling by Russia, Kherson continues to live. Glory to all who fight! We remember those who gave their lives in battles for Ukraine.

Symbol of liberation: how the ATB truck appeared in the city

On the same day, November 11, 2022, when the Armed Forces of Ukraine entered liberated Kherson, residents saw an unexpected symbol of life returning on the streets — a truck with the logo of the Ukrainian retailer “ATB.”
The vehicle moved through the central streets, and people with flags waved at it and cried. This moment was captured on video, which spread across the country.

Everyone who saw the truck was joyful and confident that this was indeed the end of the occupation, even though Defense Forces units were only entering the outskirts of the city. Therefore, after some time, locals with blue and yellow flags were already waiting for Ukrainian defenders in the city center.

According to 24 Channel, behind the wheel was Eyal Israeli — an immigrant from Israel who has been living in Ukraine since the early 2000s.
When Russian troops left the city, he returned the truck stolen by the occupiers and drove through the streets with a Ukrainian flag.

Eyal and his friends drive around the city in the ATB truck, stopping at every billboard to remove the posters left by the Russians. “Kherson forever with Russia” — a fiction that disappears piece by piece from the streets to the cries of “Glory to Ukraine” and “Putin is a h***o!” On the billboards remain only the firmly glued pieces — the torn remnants of the “Russian world.”

We have already written about Eyal Israeli in the article – “Superhero ‘like from ‘Fauda” in the war against Russia: Israeli veteran on the banks of the Dnipro“

Eyal Israeli — the man who returned the symbol

According to colleagues and locals, Eyal had long worked in logistics and was a partner of the ATB network in the region.
During the occupation, he refused to leave the city, helped residents, and on the day of liberation — simply took and returned the truck.

Some Ukrainian publications write that in Israel he served in special units and from the first days of the invasion helped Ukrainian military with intelligence and volunteering.
But for the residents of Kherson, he became not a scout, but a person who first opened the streets for life and flags.

“Eyal heard a lot about how Ukrainians are called ‘neo-Nazis’ and now he already knows that he saw Nazis in Ukraine while he was in occupation. While the Russians were in the city, he did everything to make their life unbearable. And when collaborators stole ATB trucks, Eyal decided he would return them. And now he drives around the city in one of them. And on it is the first Ukrainian flag that appeared in Kherson. The first banner of freedom on the truck of the company that Eyal will always be grateful to, because in Kherson he was hired by ATB long ago without knowing the language — they taught him and did everything so that he could work.”

“On the streets, Eyal is now met by joyful and surprised people. Those who have not yet seen the military in the city were definitely sure that Kherson was free if ATB had already entered here. The truck drove into Freedom Square. There are no military here yet, but there are already people waiting for them. All in flags. Seeing the truck, the crowd began to chant ‘ATB! ATB!’, and when men in balaclavas got out of it, people thought they were military and chanted ‘AFU!’. But it was not them yet. Or rather, they were not yet in the center.”

Why this story is important

• Liberation is not only about the army and weapons, but also the courage of citizens who believe and act.
• The truck of the store chain became a symbol of the return to normalcy — food, work, life.
• An Israeli who decided to stay in a Ukrainian city during the occupation showed how the destinies of people from different countries unite in the struggle for freedom.
• For Ukrainians and the Jewish diaspora, this story is an example that true loyalty to a country is measured not by a passport, but by actions.

Strength in people

Kherson residents continue to live under daily shelling, but blue and yellow flags still hang on the houses.
The ATB truck that day became a sign that life is returning, and the people are unbroken.

This story remains in the memory of millions: not only as a video with flags but as proof that liberation always begins with one decisive person.

What you need to know about the liberation of Kherson?

• Kherson was the only regional center of Ukraine that the Russians occupied after the start of the full-scale invasion.
• After a long operation by Ukrainian troops, the Russian defense collapsed, causing the enemy to begin a panicked retreat to the left bank of the Dnipro, where they entrenched. Now Kherson is separated from the occupiers by the river and islands where battles are taking place. The city is under daily artillery fire, MLRS, KABs, and especially drones.
• Recently, Angelina Jolie visited Kherson. This happened despite the fact that Kherson is currently one of the most dangerous cities in Ukraine.

NANews — News of Israel and Ukraine.

Avi Yefet was rolling brown dough on a small table, preparing it for baking in the Old City of Jerusalem, writes The Media Line.

The unleavened bread, made from flour, coriander seeds, canola oil, and salt, is a Karaite delicacy known as “massah,” which is prepared every year for the Passover holiday. It tastes completely different from the traditional matzah that most Jews eat during the festival.

For this tiny Jewish community, Passover and the story of the ancient Israelites’ liberation from Egyptian slavery is different from all others.

The Karaites are an ancient Jewish stream whose roots go back to the revelation at Mount Sinai, when it is said the Israelites received the Torah, or the Jewish Bible.

“The Karaites continue their path from the revelation at Mount Sinai when the Torah was given to the children of Israel,” Yefet, a community member, told The Media Line. “We have not changed since then. Rabbinic Jews or Pharisees are the ones who changed and added religious laws.”

Unlike mainstream Jews, Karaites reject the authority of rabbis and recognize the sanctity of only the 24 books of the sacred scriptures that make up the Jewish Bible.

They do not believe that Moses also received the Oral Law and consider the Talmud or Mishnah, the first major written collection of Jewish oral law, as cultural heritage rather than authoritative religious texts.

The Karaites have no rabbis, only sages, according to Oshra Gezer, deputy chair of the organization “Universal Karaite Judaism,” and they follow a different religious calendar than traditional Jews.

“The biggest difference between Karaites and rabbinic Jews is that Karaite Jews place the individual in authority; in other words, each person must know the Bible, read it, study it, and interpret it according to their understanding,” Gezer told The Media Line during a recent visit to the group’s heritage center in the Old City of Jerusalem.

“Whatever a person understands is what they must do, and they cannot rely on someone else,” like a rabbi, added Gezer. “There is personal responsibility.”

At the Karaite Heritage Center in Jerusalem, leading community members strive to introduce the wider Israeli public to their unique way of life.

One of the center’s attractions is a 13th-century synagogue — one of the oldest of its kind in the Old City — which requires visitors to shower on the same day before entering. Women during menstruation are prohibited from entering based on the biblical concept of niddah, or ritual impurity.

The modest space is carpeted, and prayers are conducted mostly without seating, as in mosques.

“The synagogue is a temple, and the Karaites guard its sanctity and purity,” explains Yefet, the synagogue’s caretaker. “Visitors must be clean and enter without shoes.”

During the Passover holiday, Jews gather to tell and retell the story of Passover to countless generations by reading the Haggadah, a text recounting the Exodus from Egypt.

As in many other instances, the Karaite Haggadah is different.

“The Passover Seder [or ritual feast] for Karaites is conducted differently, from the text we read to how it is conducted,” Gezer explained. “We are obligated to sit at the table and tell our children the story of the Exodus from Egypt. We tell it to our children as it is said in the Book of Exodus. It is much shorter than the traditional Haggadah. We also have it written in Hebrew, not Aramaic.”

For millennia, the Karaites have adhered to their belief in the sanctity of the written word as expressed in the Jewish Bible.

Currently, there are 50,000 Karaites worldwide, the vast majority of whom reside in Israel. Although the community is small, Gezer says, interest in its customs and beliefs has grown in recent years due to its egalitarian approach to women and rejection of rabbinic oversight.

A poster at the Karaite Heritage Center in Jerusalem demonstrates how congregants pray.

For example, Karaites are the only stream of Judaism in Israel that can legally marry outside the rabbinate. They also conduct their own divorces, circumcisions, and burials.

“Karaite Jews are the only Jewish group that has received legal permission to autonomously practice their customs,” Gezer said. “I am not sure if the numbers are growing; however, there has been renewed interest in Karaites recently due to the [political] situation we are currently in the country.”

“Karaites advocate for gender equality and believe in it,” she continued. “Karaite women have equal rights and can perform any religious role that Karaite men can: she can be a cantor, a mohel, a kosher butcher, or lead a community.”

Israeli Karaites celebrate Passover amid renewed interest in alternative forms of Judaism

Roots in Ukraine: Childhood among forests and traditions

Today the name Haim Hazaz (חיים הזז) is known to everyone interested in the history of Israel and Jewish culture. But the beginning of his path is the Ukrainian village of Sydorovychi.

Haim Hazaz (real name – Haim Fishel Feldman) was born in 1898 in the village of Sydorovychi, Kyiv province (now – Vyshhorod district, Kyiv region of Ukraine). This small place was located in the wooded area of Polissya and was a typical Jewish settlement with the dominant role of the traditional community.

His father was a Breslov Hasid and managed a sawmill, so the future writer’s childhood was spent in a small house among dense forests.

In early childhood, Haim studied at a cheder – a Jewish religious school at the synagogue, where he learned Hebrew, Tanakh, the main laws and traditions. Later he received a secular education, possibly at a rural or city school, where he studied languages and the basics of secular subjects in depth.

In everyday life, there was a lot of household communication between the inhabitants. As a rule, people spoke a mixture of Yiddish, Russian, and Ukrainian. For the Jewish population, the main language was Yiddish, and Russian was used in official spheres. Ukrainian was part of the cultural background and was heard around, but was not dominant in the Jewish environment. Little Haim heard Ukrainian speech from childhood, observed the traditions and life of his Ukrainian neighbors.

There is no evidence in academic sources that Haim Hazaz was fluent in Ukrainian or wrote in it. All of Hazaz’s main works were written in Hebrew, which was part of his cultural mission – to revive national literature in the holy language.

In his letters and memoirs, there are no fragments in Ukrainian, except for rare everyday expressions or individual words. Some Ukrainian words or character names may appear in his texts as background details. It can be stated that Hazaz knew well the realities and traditions of the Ukrainian village, as he grew up in this environment. Understanding Ukrainian speech was natural for him, considering his living conditions.

With the onset of revolutionary events and a wave of violence in 1917–1918, Hazaz was forced to leave his native village. He moved to Kyiv, where he tried to continue his studies and start an independent life, but the capital was engulfed in political chaos, a change of authorities and dangers for the Jewish population.

It is known that in Kyiv he worked as a teacher (most likely in a Jewish religious school or privately), and also did odd jobs related to teaching and translations. In Hazaz’s memoirs, it is mentioned that in the years of chaos he had to temporarily engage in various jobs, including helping Jewish intellectuals and the elderly who were left without means of subsistence.

What was happening in Kyiv at that time:

• February – November 1917: Power belonged to the Provisional Government of Russia and gradually to the Central Rada (Ukrainian national government).
• January 1918: Capture of Kyiv by the Bolsheviks (Red Army), then the city was taken by the UNR troops and German-Austrian units (April 1918).
• End of 1918 – early 1919: Hetmanate of Skoropadskyi (with the support of the Germans), then power passed to the Directorate of the UNR.
• February – August 1919: The Bolsheviks returned to Kyiv, then replaced by the UNR troops.
• August 1919: The Volunteer Army (White Army of Denikin) entered Kyiv. It was during this period that some of the largest pogroms were recorded, committed by White units and their accompanying detachments.
• End of 1919 – 1920: The Bolsheviks captured the city, but several times power passed to Polish and Ukrainian troops, then again to the Bolsheviks.

After a series of Jewish pogroms that swept Kyiv and its surroundings in 1919 (Bolsheviks – White Army of Denikin), Hazaz found himself among thousands of refugees wandering between cities in search of safety.

For the next several years he lived and worked in Kharkiv — then a major industrial and cultural center of eastern Ukraine, and also in Crimea. In parallel, Hazaz continued self-education, attended cultural circles and libraries, read a lot, and tried his hand at literature.

In early 1921, when the wave of repression and famine intensified, Haim Hazaz finally decided to leave Ukraine.

Through the Black Sea coast — Sevastopol — he emigrated first to Turkey, then to France, and later to “Palestine”. Thus, before emigration, his entire life and formation took place on the territory of Ukraine: in Sydorovychi, Kyiv, Kharkiv, Crimea and other places that remained forever in his memory and prose.

Modernity: in the Ukrainian village where the father of Yitzhak Rabin and writer Haim Hazaz was born, Putin’s soldiers looted the Israeli flag from the library, presented to the village by the state of Israel

In the spring of 2022, the small Ukrainian village of Sydorovychi, the homeland of Haim Hazaz and also of the father of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, found itself at the center of tragic events. The village was on the path of the invaders on their way to Kyiv – the capital of Ukraine. After passing through the Chernobyl zone, Russian soldiers entered Sydorovychi on February 25. 35 days of brutal occupation began.

In the houses of residents, windows and doors were broken, soldiers took away household appliances, food and everything of any value. Many villagers lived for weeks without electricity or water, hid from shelling and tried to protect their families and neighbors.

The memorial plaque in honor of the Rabin family was moved by local residents to the library, which became a shelter for the only commemorative sign symbolizing the international ties of this village.

A characteristic moment: Russian soldiers, before retreating from the village, stole not only washing machines from the homes of peaceful residents.

Putin’s soldiers stole the Israeli flag from the library, presented to the village during the opening of the memorial plaque.

When the story of the village of Sydorovychi became known to Israeli Ambassador to Ukraine Michael Brodsky, his reaction was immediate. At the ambassador’s request, the flag of Israel was delivered to the village – to replace the flag stolen by Russian occupiers; medicine was also delivered.

In the liberated Ukrainian village, which gave Israel such outstanding figures, there is once again an Israeli flag.

Russian Pogroms in Ukraine: The Tragedy of the Jewish People

The beginning of the 20th century was marked for the Jews of Ukraine by an unprecedented catastrophe. During the Civil War (1918–1921), there were more than 1,000 Jewish pogroms in Ukraine alone.

Modern research and archives (Encyclopaedia Judaica, Yad Vashem, Henry Abramson, Geoffrey Hosking) emphasize:

“the most massive and brutal pogroms were committed by armies and authorities coming from Russia — primarily Denikin’s White Army, units of the Red Army, and various Russian military administrations.”

The period of August–October 1919 was especially tragic for Kyiv, when the real power in the city was held by the Volunteer Army (White Army) of General Denikin and the Russian military administration. It was at this time that dozens of cases of robbery, eviction, and mass murder of the Jewish population under the control of the Russian authorities were recorded.

Haim Hazaz was a direct witness and victim of this tragedy. In Kyiv, as he later recalled in Paris, he faced a direct order from the Russian authorities to evict an elderly Jewish scholar and destroy his library—and refused to carry it out, realizing that behind this stood a policy of terror and humiliation brought by the Russian military forces. After this, Hazaz was forced to flee south.

Haim Hazaz’s Literary Activity: Ukrainian Motifs, Heritage, Influence

The name Haim Hazaz is an integral part of the history of Hebrew literature and the cultural heritage of Israel. His creative path is closely connected with the fate of Ukrainian Jewry and the era of catastrophic change on this land.

The Ukrainian Theme in Hazaz’s Prose

Most of Hazaz’s early works are inspired by his personal experience of life in Ukraine, memories of the shtetl, the tragedy of pogroms and revolutions, and the history of the Jewish people on Ukrainian soil:

• “In a Forest Settlement” (Beyishuv shel ya’ar, ביישוב של יער, Paris, 1930)
  An autobiographical novel describing the life of a Jewish family of timber traders in the Ukrainian Polissya on the eve of the 1905 revolution. At its heart are the drama of the shtetl, generational conflicts, coexistence with Ukrainian peasants, and the gradual disappearance of the old world.
• “Of This and That” (Mi-ze u-mi-ze, מזה ומזה, 1924)
  A novella in which, through the fates of the characters, the collapse of the familiar order of the town, the anxieties of revolutionary Ukraine, the fear of violence, and uncertainty about the future are depicted. The atmosphere of anxiety and anticipation of disaster is keenly felt.
• “Sketches of Revolution” (Pirkei Mahapeha, פרקי מהפכה, 1924)
  A cycle of stories about revolutionary events in the former Russian Empire, mainly in Ukrainian cities, villages, and towns. The focus is on the fates of ordinary Jews caught between the millstones of history, forced to choose between tradition, revolution, fear, and hope.
• “Shmuel Frankfurter” (Shmuel Frankfurter, שמואל פרנקפורטר, 1925)
  A story about the tragedy of the shtetl against the backdrop of the civil war and pogroms in Ukraine. The hero is a noble idealist who perishes during mass repressions and anarchy. The crisis of Jewish self-identification in a devastated Ukraine is vividly portrayed.
• A number of short stories and miniatures from the late 1920s to early 1930s
  Thematically, they cover images of the Ukrainian town, childhood, fear of pogroms, street life, encounters with Ukrainians, memories of family holidays and tragedies. Examples are the stories “Legend,” “Letter to the Village,” “Farewell.”
• Separate chapters of major works
  Even in later novels (“Yaish,” “The Sermon”), there are recollections of Ukrainian towns, images of refugees, reflections on the lost home, native language, and the past.

Style, Mission, Historical Significance

In Hazaz’s Ukrainian works, the main theme is the collapse of the old world, the pain of loss, and the search for new meaning. Through the fates of ordinary people, he shows the scale of the national catastrophe—and at the same time seeks sources of inner strength for rebirth.

His language is precise, rich in folk expressions, with detailed descriptions of the landscape, everyday life, festive and mourning rituals. Hazaz showed how Jewish-Ukrainian life was inseparable from the very history of Ukraine and why the memory of this is necessary for future generations.

Hazaz’s literary heritage is a mirror of the tragedy and heroism of the Jewish people of Ukraine, their eternal yearning for light even in times of darkness and hardship.

Thanks to Hazaz, the themes of the tragedy of Ukrainian Jews, life on the border of cultures, and the search for national and personal meaning have taken a key place in the Israeli literary canon.

Other Works and Contribution to Literature

• “The Sermon” (Ha-Drasha, 1942) – an inner monologue about Zionism, Jewish fate, and identity. From here comes the famous quote about the transformation of Jewry in the Diaspora.
• “Yaish” (Yaish, 1952–1956) – a novel about the life of Yemeni Jews in Eretz Israel, but with numerous references to the past of Eastern Europe, the experience of Ukrainian towns, and the crisis of tradition.
• “Thou That Dwellest in the Gardens” (Thou That Dwellest in the Gardens, 1960) – a novel about spiritual quests, crisis of faith, the clash of past and future.

Life, Family and the Path of Haim Hazaz in Israel

In the spring of 1931, Haim Hazaz immigrated to “British Palestine” and settled in Jerusalem. For the first sixteen years of life in the new city, he often changed neighborhoods, getting to know different Jewish communities, especially Yemeni immigrants among whom he lived and interacted. This experience had a profound influence on his worldview and creativity.

In Turkey, where Hazaz found himself en route to Palestine, he spent almost two years teaching Hebrew to young Zionist Jews and actively participated in educational and outreach programs.

In Paris, where he moved in 1923, Hazaz became famous as a Jewish writer, published his first major works, and joined the Jewish literary circle. There he had a union with the poetess Yocheved Bat-Miriam; their son Naum was born in Paris in 1928. The couple broke up in 1929, when Bat-Miriam moved to Palestine.

In 1951, Hazaz married Aviva Kushnir (née Ginzburg-Peleg, 1927–2019)—an intellectual, companion, and faithful assistant to whom he bequeathed all his unpublished manuscripts. She became his right hand in creative and public work.

In Jerusalem, Hazaz devoted himself to literature, became one of the main authors of the “Am Oved” publishing house—his collected works, published in 1942 (“Rekhaim Shvurim”), became one of the first landmark publications of the new publishing house. Later, most of his books were also published there. In 1970, a complete 12-volume collection of Hazaz’s works was published.

Hazaz mastered all styles of Hebrew—from biblical and Talmudic to medieval and modern—which made his prose complex, rich, and profound. In the 1950s–60s, he was called Israel’s leading Jewish writer, even a rival to Nobel laureate Shmuel Agnon.

Haim Hazaz died on March 24, 1973, in Jerusalem of a heart attack. He was buried in the old cemetery on the Mount of Olives—next to the greatest figures in Israeli history.

Memory and Recognition: How Hazaz is Honored Today

In his native Sydorovychi, a memorial plaque in honor of another famous native—Nehemiah Rabichev (the father of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin)—appeared in 2010, and Hazaz’s name was included in the list of prominent Jews of this region.

Haim Hazaz is not just a classic of Hebrew literature; he has become a symbol of national recognition and cultural continuity.

• In 1953, he became the first-ever laureate of the Israel Prize for Literature, established by the state to honor outstanding cultural figures. This event became a symbol of the new nation’s admiration over the past of the Jews of the Diaspora.
• Previously, he had already received the Bialik Prize—the first in 1942, the second in 1970. This award was given for his contribution to the development of progressive Jewish literature and culture.
• His achievements in literature and cultural identity made him an authority not only in Israel, but also in the Jewish diaspora.

Thanks to these awards, Hazaz received the status of a national literary symbol and continues to inspire generations of readers, writers, and scholars to dialogue with the past and search for cultural roots.

Haim Hazaz in the Cultural and Literary Memory of Israel

In Israel itself, the memory of Haim Hazaz is alive and institutionalized at the state and public levels. His name is invariably included in the list of classics of Hebrew literature.

This is how Hazaz is honored in Israel:

• Haim Hazaz Prize: In Jerusalem, there is a special fund and literary prize named after Haim Hazaz, established by the city municipality. It is awarded annually to outstanding writers and researchers who have contributed to the development of Hebrew and Israeli literature. This award is a symbol of generational continuity.
• Haim Hazaz Archive: In Jerusalem, at the Givat Ram Institute, there is a public archive named after Hazaz, where his manuscripts, letters, drafts, and personal belongings are collected. This place is one of the research centers for studying the history and literature of Israel.
• Editions and reissues: His works are regularly republished by the largest Israeli publishers and are included in school and university programs. In 2008, for the 110th anniversary of Hazaz’s birth, a complete collection of his works was published, and leading Israeli newspapers devoted special issues to this event.
• Streets and objects: In cities of Israel, including Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, there are streets and squares named after Haim Hazaz (for example, רחוב חיים הזז—Haim Hazaz Street in Jerusalem).
• Commemorative evenings and exhibitions: Major museums and cultural centers of the country—the Jewish National and University Library Archive, the Diaspora Museum, municipal libraries—regularly hold memorial evenings, literary readings, and exhibitions dedicated to the life and work of Hazaz.
• School heritage: His texts are included in the list of mandatory literature for study in Israeli schools, and Hazaz’s image is presented as an example of a “man of the era,” combining the traditions of Eastern Europe with the values of modern Israel.
• Literary conferences: Scientific conferences devoted to Hebrew literature include special sections on Hazaz’s work. His texts are analyzed not only by philologists, but also by historians, cultural scholars, and researchers of Jewish identity.

Today in Israel, the name Haim Hazaz is not just part of the literary canon, but also a cultural brand, a symbol of generational connection and a living bridge between the past and present of the Jewish people.

Dialogue of Peoples: The Lesson of Haim Hazaz for Modernity

Today in Israel, according to the Ukrainian embassy, more than 500,000 immigrants from Ukraine and their descendants live there—this is the second largest group of repatriates. Their contribution to Israeli science, economy, culture, and literature is colossal. The story of Hazaz is proof that true Jewish identity is born not in rupture, but in the dialogue of cultures.

The website NAnews — News of Israel continues to tell the stories of Ukrainian Jews who built a new life in the Land of Israel.

Conclusions: Why Hazaz’s Fate is Not Only a Personal Story

• Haim Hazaz is a symbol of a generation that experienced Russian pogroms and built Israel.
• His path from a Ukrainian village to the first Israeli literary prize is an example of the strength of Jewish identity.
• Only an honest conversation about the past—about the role of Russian armies and authorities in the catastrophe—makes the dialogue between Ukraine and Israel real.
• The memory of him is part of the common cultural code for the Jews of Israel and Ukraine.

The section “Jews from Ukraine” on the NAnews website tells about outstanding Jews whose roots are connected with Ukraine, but whose life and contribution have become an important part of the history of Israel and the world.

It publishes essays, biographies, and stories of well-known and little-known personalities—from writers and scientists to modern heroes—to show how Jewish and Ukrainian destinies intertwine and form a cultural bridge between the two countries.

#jewsfromukraine

“Returning our own past and dismantling the myths created by the Soviet authorities about the Holocaust is one of the strategic directions of the National Historical and Memorial Preserve Babyn Yar,” said its director, Roza Tapanova, in her opening speech.

She emphasized that the 1965 competition was a hope for the community to honor the victims, but Soviet censorship only imitated dialogue.

Eventually, the authorities canceled the competition, and in 1976, a state-commissioned monument was created and installed: “Monument to Soviet citizens and POWs of the Soviet Army executed by the Nazi occupiers in Babyn Yar.”

“The Soviet authorities rewrote history and silenced the facts. This exhibition is a reproduction of our memory. As written on the facade of the exhibition center, those who do not remember are condemned to relive their history again and again. Babyn Yar is a tragic and important chapter of Ukraine’s history, which is why it was granted national memorial status. The work of its team today fully aligns with our national interest — to bring back the truth about ourselves,” added Serhiy Belyaev, Deputy Minister of Culture and Strategic Communications of Ukraine for Heritage Affairs.

When the World Collapses: An Exhibition That Restores the Voice of Memory

NAnews presents an overview of an event that holds deep significance for both Ukrainian and Jewish communities. The documentary exhibition titled “When the World Collapses” has opened at the “Living Memory” exhibition center at the National Historical and Memorial Preserve Babyn Yar.

The exhibition is dedicated to the memorial project of the Babyn Yar tragedy, developed in 1965 by the creative duo Ada Rybachuk and Volodymyr Melnychenko (ARVM). Soviet censorship prevented the project’s realization, but today — decades later — it has been revived and brought to light.

What the Exhibition Features

• Archival documents and texts
• Original sketches and photographs
• Restored model of the memorial
• A video installation by director Oleksiy Radynsky — a cinematic reconstruction of the memorial route

The materials were provided by the ARVM Cultural Heritage Preservation Fund and reflect the artists’ effort to create a language of remembrance that conveys the scale of the tragedy and honors its victims.

Censorship and Silence: The Story of an Unrealized Project

In 1965, an architectural competition was announced for a monument to the victims of fascism in the Shevchenkivskyi District of Kyiv. Among the participants were prominent architects and artists, including Avraham Miletskyi, Yosyp Karakis, Yakiv Razhba, Yevhen Zhovnerovskyi, Albert Kryzhopilskyi, and the duo ARVM. The competition was eventually canceled, and in 1976 a faceless monument was erected that fit the Soviet narrative of silencing the Holocaust.

ARVM: Artists Ahead of Their Time

Ada Rybachuk (1931–2010) and Volodymyr Melnychenko (1932–2023) were Ukrainian artists who worked together for more than 50 years. Their joint projects — from the design of the Kyiv Central Bus Station to the Memory Park at Baikove Cemetery — became landmarks of Ukrainian monumental art.

In 1982, the authorities ordered the concrete burial of their Memory Wall, a 2,000 m² relief — an act of direct destruction of historical and artistic truth.

Curatorial Work and Approach to Memory

The curatorial team — Maria Mizina, Anastasiia Paseka, and Mykhailo Alekseenko — shared their experience of six months of archival research, digitization, and the restoration of the model.

“ARVM were not simply building a monument. They were creating an experience — a memorial as a personal journey,” noted Paseka.

Director Oleksiy Radynsky added that the video installation provides a strong sense of presence, allowing the viewer to walk the path designed by the artists themselves.

Quotes That Shape the Message

Roza Tapanova, Director of the Preserve: “Returning our past and dismantling Soviet myths about the Holocaust is a key part of our mission.”

Serhiy Belyaev, Deputy Minister of Culture: “The Soviet regime rewrote history and buried the facts. This exhibition revives our collective memory.”

Inokentiy Vyrovyi, ARVM Fund representative: “The project was forgotten for decades. But Ada and Volodymyr always believed the truth would prevail.”

Why This Matters

Babyn Yar is a symbol of the Holocaust on Ukrainian soil. Over 33,000 Jews were murdered here in just two days in September 1941. The attempt to erase this crime failed, and exhibitions like “When the World Collapses” restore historical justice.

For Israelis of Ukrainian origin, this is not only a part of personal history but also an opportunity to strengthen ties between the Jewish and Ukrainian peoples. That is why NAnews — Israel News covers events like this one.

Facts and Figures

NAnews — Israel News will continue to report on projects where culture and history unite peoples and challenge the falsification of the past. Because without truth about the Holocaust, there can be no genuine memory — not in Ukraine, not in Israel, and not anywhere in the world.