BRUSSELS — Midowga Yurub ayaa soo jeediyay xeerar cusub oo ku qasbaya xarumaha xogta (data centres) ee ku yaalla Yurub inay si cad u soo bandhigaan sida hufan ee ay u isticmaalaan korontada iyo biyaha, iyadoo kororka adeegyada sirdoonka macmalka ah (AI) uu sare u qaadayo baahida loo qabo xarumo xogeed waaweyn.

Guddiga Yurub ayaa Isniintii, 21-ka Sebtembar 2026, soo bandhigay nidaam Midowga Yurub oo lagu qiimeynayo xarumaha xogta, kaas oo lagu doonayo in xogta ku saabsan isticmaalka tamarta iyo saameynta deegaanka ay noqoto mid la isbarbar dhigi karo oo si fudud loo heli karo.

Tallaabadan ayaa ku soo beegmaysa xilli Midowga Yurub uu qorsheynayo inuu si weyn u kordhiyo awoodda xarumaha xogta si uu uga jawaabo baahida sii kordheysa ee AI, adeegyada daruuraha iyo teknoolojiyadda dijitaalka ah. Isla markaana, hay’adaha Yurub waxay ka digayaan in ballaarinta xarumahaasi ay cadaadis ku keeni karto shabakadaha korontada iyo kheyraadka biyaha.

Maxay xarumaha xogtu shaacin doonaan?

Nidaamka cusub wuxuu ku wajahan yahay xarumaha xogta leh baahi koronto oo ka badan 500 kilowatt, kuwaas oo looga baahan yahay inay soo gudbiyaan xog ku saabsan waxtarkooda tamareed iyo isticmaalka biyaha. Xogtaas ayaa qayb ka noqon doonta nidaam qiimeyn iyo calaamadeyn oo Midowga Yurub ah.

Xarumaha waxaa sidoo kale laga doonayaa inay soo bandhigaan xiriirka u dhexeeya isticmaalka biyaha iyo heerka culayska biyaha ee deegaanka ay ku yaallaan. Waxaa kale oo la qiimeyn doonaa in xaruntu awood u leedahay inay nidaamka tamarta ka caawiso adeegyo ay ka mid yihiin dib-u-isticmaalka kulaylka ka dhasha hawlgalka xarunta.

Si kastaba, nidaamka la soo jeediyay ma dhigayo xad toos ah oo ku saabsan inta koronto ama biyo ah ee xarun xogeed isticmaali karto, balse wuxuu xoogga saarayaa daahfurnaan, isbarbardhig iyo dhiirrigelinta xarumaha inay noqdaan kuwo hufan.

AI oo kordhinaysa baahida xarumaha xogta

Xarumaha xogta ayaa noqday qayb muhiim ah oo ka mid ah kobaca sirdoonka macmalka ah, maadaama tababarka iyo socodsiinta nidaamyada AI ay u baahan yihiin awood xisaabeed iyo koronto badan.

Guddiga Yurub wuxuu sheegay in xarumaha xogta ay hadda isticmaalaan qiyaastii 1.5% korontada adduunka, oo u dhiganta ku dhowaad 415 terawatt-saacadood sanadkii, iyadoo isticmaalkaasi la filayo inuu in ka badan laba jibbaarmo marka la gaaro 2030, gaar ahaan kororka adeegyada xisaabinta ee AI.

Gudaha Midowga Yurub, Reuters ayaa sheegtay in xarumaha xogtu hadda ku xisaabtamaan ku dhowaad 2.5% isticmaalka korontada, halka awoodda xarumaha xogta Yurub la filayo inay ka kacdo qiyaastii 12 gigawatts sannadkii hore ilaa 28 gigawatts marka la gaaro 2030.

Kororkaasi wuxuu sare u qaadi karaa baahida koronto iyo biyo, gaar ahaan biyaha loo isticmaalo qaboojinta qalabka, taas oo keeni karta cadaadis dheeraad ah oo saaran kaabayaasha tamarta iyo kheyraadka dabiiciga ah.

Tallaabo u gogol xaaraysa xeerar adag

Guddiga Yurub ayaa sheegay in nidaamka qiimeynta iyo calaamadeynta uu qayb ka yahay qorshe ballaaran oo lagu hagaajinayo waxqabadka deegaanka iyo tamarta ee xarumaha xogta.

Isla maalintaas, Guddigu wuxuu bilaabay wadatashi dadweyne oo soconaya 12 toddobaad, kaas oo looga gol leeyahay diyaarinta heerar waxqabad oo ugu yar oo xarumaha xogta laga doonayo. Soo jeedin sharciyeedka heerarkaasi waxaa la qorsheeyay rubuca labaad ee 2027.

Guddiga Yurub wuxuu sheegay in heerarka mustaqbalka ay gacan ka geysan karaan dhimista isticmaalka tamarta iyo raadadka deegaanka ee xarumaha xogta, iyadoo aan la wiiqin kobaca adeegyada dijitaalka ah iyo AI.

Xeerarka cusub ee qiimeynta ayaa hadda wajihi doona muddada diidmada ee laba bilood ah. Haddii dalalka xubnaha ka ah Midowga Yurub ama baarlamaanka aysan muddadaas ku soo gudbin diidmo, nidaamka ayaa dhaqan geli kara sida qorshuhu yahay.

Tallaabadan ayaa muujinaysa isku dayga Midowga Yurub uu ku doonayo inuu isku dheellitiro ballaarinta AI iyo baahida loo qabo in la xakameeyo saameynta xarumaha xogta ku leeyihiin korontada, biyaha iyo deegaanka.

The post AI oo EU Ku Riixday Xeerar Cusub first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

MUQDISHO — Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa wajahaysa muran siyaasadeed oo xooggan oo ku saabsan hannaanka doorashooyinka, muddo-xileedka hay’adaha dowladda iyo xiriirka Muqdisho la leedahay dhinacyada siyaasadda ee dalka, iyadoo dhaleeceeyayaashu ay su’aalo ka keenayaan jihada siyaasadeed ee dowladda iyo waxqabadkeeda.

Doodda ayaa kusoo beegmaysa xilli Soomaaliya ay weli ku jirto khilaaf ku saabsan qaabka doorashooyinka iyo isbeddellada dastuuriga ah ee la ansixiyay 2026. Baarlamaanka Soomaaliya ayaa bishii Maarso ansixiyay wax-ka-beddello dastuur oo suuragal ka dhigay in doorashooyinka dib loo dhigo, isla markaana muddo-xileedka madaxweynaha iyo baarlamaanka uu kordho. Arrintaas ayaa dhalisay dood iyo mucaarad siyaasadeed.

Muranka ku saabsan doorashooyinka Soomaaliya

Qorshihii hore ee Soomaaliya wuxuu ku wajahnaa doorashooyin ku salaysan codka qof iyo cod, laakiin hirgelinta nidaamkaas waxaa hareeyay khilaaf siyaasadeed iyo is-afgaranwaa ku saabsan qaabka loo maamulayo doorashada.

Hay’ado caalami ah ayaa hore u diiwaangeliyay in siyaasadda Soomaaliya ay 2026 wajahaysay kala-qaybsanaan iyo muran ku saabsan qaabka doorashooyinka. EUAA waxay sheegtay in khilaafkaasi uu ku saabsanaa, gaar ahaan, muddada xilalka hay’adaha federaalka iyo qaabka loo dhisayo nidaam doorasho oo la isku raacsan yahay.

Dowladda Federaalka, dhankeeda, waxay sheegtay inay waddo hannaanka doorashooyinka qof iyo cod iyo dhismaha hay’adaha lagama maarmaanka u ah geeddi-socodkaas. Warbixin rasmi ah oo dowladda Soomaaliya soo saartay bishii May ayaa sheegtay in madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud uu waday dadaallo la xiriira dhammaystirka kala-guurka dimuqraadiyadeed iyo hirgelinta doorashooyinka qof iyo cod.

Sidaas darteed, in si guud loo yiraahdo “wax doorasho ah ma dhicin” waxay u baahan tahay kala saarid: waxaa jira khilaaf iyo dib-u-dhac ku saabsan doorashooyinka federaalka, halka geeddi-socodyo doorashooyin oo heer maamul-goboleed ah ay ka dhaceen meelo ka mid ah dalka. Qaramada Midoobay waxay tusaale ahaan diiwaangelisay doorashooyin qof iyo cod ah oo Puntland ka dhacay bishii Luulyo 2024, inkastoo xogtaas ay tahay dhacdo heer maamul-goboleed.

Mukhtaar Roobow iyo xiriirka uu la leeyahay liisaskii Maraykanka

Mid ka mid ah qodobada lagu soo hadal qaado dhaleeceynta dowladda ayaa ah magaca wasiirka Awqaafta iyo Arrimaha Diinta, Mukhtaar Roobow Cali, oo sidoo kale loo yaqaan Abu Mansuur.

Dowladda Maraykanka ayaa 2012 ku dartay Roobow barnaamijkeeda Rewards for Justice, iyadoo bixisay abaalmarin gaareysa $5 milyan oo loogu talagalay xog horseedi karta helitaankiisa. Waqtigaas waxaa lagu tilmaamay inuu ahaa hoggaamiye sare oo Al-Shabaab ah.

Si kastaba, qodob muhiim ah ayaa ah in abaalmarintaas laga qaaday liiska Rewards for Justice sanadkii 2017, sida ay sheegeen ilo Maraykan ah oo uu soo xigtay Associated Press. Sidaa darteed, in Roobow maanta lagu tilmaamo inuu weli ku jiro “liiska dadka Maraykanku raadinayo” waxay u baahan tahay saxitaan iyo waqti-ku-xirnaan.

Dhanka kale, xogta Waaxda Maaliyadda Maraykanka waxay muujinaysaa in Roobow lagu daray liiska Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT) sanadkii 2008. Tani waa nidaam cunaqabateyn dhaqaale oo ka duwan barnaamijka Rewards for Justice.

Xogta rasmiga ah ee dowladda Soomaaliya waxay hadda Roobow ku taxdaa wasiirka Awqaafta iyo Arrimaha Diinta.

Somaliland iyo siyaasadda gudaha Soomaaliya

Doodda siyaasadeed ee Muqdisho ayaa sidoo kale ku xiran xiriirka dowladda Federaalka iyo Somaliland, gaar ahaan dadaallada diblomaasiyadeed ee Hargeysa ay ka waddo Washington.

Reuters waxay sheegtay in Somaliland ay 2026 sii xoojisay xiriirkeeda dibadda, halka dowladda Soomaaliya ay si cad uga soo horjeedo tallaabooyinka ay u aragto inay dhaawacayaan midnimada dhuleed ee Soomaaliya.

Warbixinno kale ayaa sheegay in Muqdisho iyo Hargeysa ay Washington u direen wafdiyo xilli ay sare u kacayeen doodaha ku saabsan siyaasadda Mareykanka ee Somaliland. Dowladda Federaalka ayaa sidoo kale sheegtay inay Washington kala hadlayso arrimaha midnimada dhuleed iyo xiriirka istiraatiijiga ah.

Sheegashada ah in dowladda Federaalka ay arrinta Somaliland u adeegsanayso “in lagu qariyo fashil dowladeed” waa aragti siyaasadeed oo dhaliilayaal ay qabaan, mana jirto xogta la helay oo si madax-bannaan u caddeyneysa in tani tahay ujeeddada dowladda.

Doodda ku saabsan waxqabadka dowladda

Qiimeynta waxqabadka dowladda Federaalka waxay ku xiran tahay dhinaca laga eegayo. Dowladda waxay tilmaantaa hawlo ay ka waddo amniga, dhismaha hay’adaha, doorashooyinka iyo xiriirka caalamiga ah, halka mucaaradka iyo qaar ka mid ah falanqeeyayaasha ay dhaliilayaan khilaafaadka siyaasadeed, dib-u-dhaca doorashooyinka iyo xiriirka u dhexeeya dowladda Federaalka iyo qaar ka mid ah maamul-goboleedyada.

Dabayaaqadii 2026, Mareykanku wuxuu sidoo kale muujiyay walaac ku saabsan xaaladda maamulka iyo amniga Soomaaliya. Reuters ayaa sheegtay in Washington ay oggolaatay hal sano oo kala-guur ah oo loogu talagalay in Qaramada Midoobay ay si tartiib ah uga baxdo taageerada saadka ee AUSSOM, iyadoo Maraykanku hore u muujiyay inuu doonayo inuu joojiyo taageerada UNSOS muddadaas kadib.

Arrintani waxay muujinaysaa in doodda ku saabsan dowladda Soomaaliya aysan ku koobnayn siyaasadda gudaha oo keliya, balse ay sidoo kale saameyn ku leedahay xiriirka Muqdisho iyo saaxiibbada caalamiga ah.

The post Doorasho, Dastuur iyo Somaliland: Maxaa Muqdisho Ka Socda? first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

MOGADISHU Somalia’s federal government is facing renewed political criticism over elections, constitutional changes and relations with regional actors, as disagreements continue over the country’s political direction.

The dispute comes after Somalia’s parliament approved constitutional amendments in March 2026 that could delay elections and extend the terms of federal institutions. The changes triggered opposition from political figures who questioned the process and its implications for the country’s electoral transition.

The dispute over Somalia’s elections

Somalia has been working toward a transition to universal suffrage, but disagreements over the electoral system and constitutional changes have complicated the process.

The European Union Agency for Asylum reported that Somalia’s political environment remained highly divided in 2026, with disagreements over the electoral model and the constitutional changes affecting the terms of federal institutions.

The federal government has defended its efforts to establish a one-person, one-vote system. In a May government briefing, officials said President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was continuing efforts related to democratic transition, state-building and the implementation of universal suffrage elections.

It would therefore be misleading to describe Somalia simply as having had “no elections.” Federal elections have faced delays and political disagreements, while electoral processes have taken place at subnational levels. A UN report, for example, documented one-person, one-vote district council elections held in Puntland in July 2024.

Mukhtar Robow and his former US reward

Another issue raised in criticism of the federal government concerns Minister of Endowments and Religious Affairs Mukhtar Robow Ali, also known as Abu Mansur.

The U.S. State Department announced in 2012 that its Rewards for Justice program was offering up to $5 million for information leading to Robow’s location. At the time, he was described by the U.S. government as a senior al-Shabaab leader.

However, the reward was later withdrawn. The Associated Press reported in 2017 that Robow had been removed from the State Department’s Rewards for Justice list following consultations with the Somali government.

There is an important distinction between that reward program and U.S. sanctions. The Treasury Department’s records show that Robow was designated as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist in 2008.

Somalia’s official cabinet website currently lists Robow as the federal minister responsible for religious affairs.

Somaliland and Mogadishu’s political debate

The political dispute in Mogadishu is also connected to relations between the federal government and Somaliland.

Somaliland has continued to pursue international relations independently, while Somalia’s federal authorities oppose diplomatic initiatives that they say challenge the country’s territorial integrity. Reuters reported in June that Somaliland had expanded its engagement with Taiwan despite objections from Somalia and China.

Somali and Somaliland delegations have also pursued competing diplomatic efforts in Washington as debate over U.S. policy toward Somaliland has intensified. Somali officials have said they are engaging Washington on territorial integrity, security and the country’s strategic relationship with the United States.

Claims that the federal government is deliberately using the Somaliland issue to conceal poor governance are political allegations. The available evidence does not independently establish that this is the government’s purpose.

A broader debate over government performance

Assessments of the federal government’s performance differ sharply. Government officials point to security operations, institutional reforms, electoral preparations and international engagement, while opposition figures and critics have focused on political disputes, electoral delays and tensions with some federal member states.

The United States has also expressed growing concern about Somalia’s governance and security environment. Reuters reported in September that Washington agreed to allow the United Nations another year to wind down logistical support for the African Union mission in Somalia, while maintaining its position that it would not continue supporting the UN Support Office in Somalia after the transition period.

The debate therefore extends beyond domestic politics and has implications for Somalia’s relations with international partners and for the future of international security support.

The post Elections, the Constitution, and Somaliland: What Is Happening in Mogadishu? first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

The talks underscore Egypt’s deepening role as a security partner in the Horn of Africa. Cairo has consistently opposed any actions undermining Somalia’s territorial integrity, particularly following Israel’s recognition of Somaliland in late 2025 . This meeting signals continued coordination between Egypt and the United States on regional security priorities.

During the meeting, El-Sisi affirmed Egypt’s full support for efforts to reinforce security and stability in Somalia. He reiterated Egypt’s categorical rejection of any infringement upon Somalia’s sovereignty or territorial integrity .

“Egypt views the United States as a key strategic partner in the political, security and economic spheres,” El-Sisi said during the meeting, commending ongoing coordination on regional issues .

Ratcliffe expressed appreciation for Egypt’s active role in fostering security and stability across Africa. He emphasized the importance of sustained coordination between Egyptian and U.S. authorities, particularly regarding Somalia, Sudan, and international maritime security .

The CIA director also commended Egypt’s pivotal role in supporting peaceful settlements to regional crises and highlighted existing cooperation between the CIA and Egyptian General Intelligence Service in counterterrorism and combating organized crime .

The meeting covered multiple regional crises. On Gaza, El-Sisi called for full implementation of the second phase of the U.S.-proposed ceasefire plan, ensuring humanitarian aid access and creating conditions for a political process toward a two-state solution .

Regarding Sudan, El-Sisi reaffirmed Egypt’s support for Sudan’s unity and stability, calling its sovereignty and territorial integrity “non-negotiable principles” .

The discussions also addressed the Iranian crisis, with El-Sisi supporting efforts toward a comprehensive agreement to restore regional stability and ensure freedom of international navigation .

The post Egypt, CIA Chief Affirm Support for Somalia’s Sovereignty first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

MUQDISHO, 20 Sebteembar 2026 — Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya ahna Taliyaha Guud ee Ciidamada Qalabka Sida, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, ayaa Qasriga Madaxtooyada ku qaabilay wafdi sare oo ka socda Ciidanka Cirka Pakistan, iyadoo labada dhinac ay ka wada hadleen xoojinta iskaashiga dhinaca difaaca cirka iyo dhismaha awoodda Ciidanka Cirka Soomaaliya.

Wafdiga Pakistan waxaa hoggaaminayay Air Marshal Muhammad Sarfraz, oo ah Taliyaha Difaaca Cirka iyo Taliye Ku-xigeenka Ciidanka Cirka Pakistan. Kulanka waxaa sidoo kale ka qayb galay Wasiirka Gaashaandhigga Soomaaliya Axmed Macallin Fiqi, Taliyaha Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka Sareeye Guuto Ibraahim Maxamed Maxamuud iyo Taliyaha Ciidanka Cirka Sareeye Guuto Cabdirisaaq Maxamuud Xaaji.

Sida ay sheegtay Wakaaladda Wararka Qaranka Soomaaliyeed (SONNA), wada-hadallada ayaa diiradda lagu saaray horumarinta awoodda Ciidanka Cirka Soomaaliya, tababarka iyo tayeynta ciidamada, iyo sidii loo sii xoojin lahaa iskaashiga difaaca ee Soomaaliya iyo Pakistan.

Booqashada wafdiga Pakistan ayaa timid kaddib safar uu Wasiirka Gaashaandhigga Soomaaliya, Axmed Macallin Fiqi, ku tagay Pakistan 4-tii Agoosto 2026. Sida ay sheegtay SONNA, booqashadaas waxaa diiradda lagu saaray xoojinta xiriirka labada dal iyo iskaashiga dhinacyada difaaca iyo amniga.

Intii wafdigu ku sugnaa Muqdisho, waxaa sidoo kale la qorsheeyay kulamo ay la yeeshaan Taliska Ciidanka Cirka Soomaaliyeed si loo sii horumariyo wada-shaqeynta labada ciidan, gaar ahaan dhinaca difaaca cirka. Saraakiil iyo xubno ka tirsan jiilka cusub ee Ciidanka Cirka Soomaaliya ayaa ka qayb galay soo dhaweynta wafdiga.

Booqashadan waxay ku soo beegmaysaa xilli Soomaaliya ay waddo dadaallo lagu dib-u-dhisayo laguna horumarinayo hay’adaha ciidamada qalabka sida. Maalmo ka hor, Taliyaha Ciidanka Cirka Soomaaliya ayaa Qaahira kula kulmay dhiggiisa Masar, waxaana labada dhinac ay ka wada hadleen tababar, is-dhaafsi khibradeed iyo dhismaha awoodda Ciidanka Cirka Soomaaliya.

Ilaa hadda, wararka la xaqiijiyay ma muujinayaan in booqashada wafdiga Pakistan ay dhalisay heshiis cusub oo gaar ah oo ku saabsan diyaarado, qalab ciidan ama nidaam difaac oo Soomaaliya ay heli doonto. Waxa la xaqiijiyay ayaa ah in labada dhinac ay ka wada hadlayaan sidii loo xoojin lahaa iskaashiga iyo awoodda difaaca cirka ee Soomaaliya.

The post Pakistan oo Soomaaliya Ka Taageeraysa Dhismaha Ciidanka Cirka first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

The post Maraykanka oo Boosaaso Ku Xoojinaya Joogitaankiisa first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

DONETSK, Ukraine Major General Anton Grunis, oo ahaa taliyaha Guutada 4-aad ee Gaadiidka Ciidanka Ruushka, ayaa lagu dilay weerar drone ah oo ka dhacay qayb ka mid ah gobolka Donetsk ee ay Ruushku maamulaan, sida ay sheegeen ciidamada Ukraine.

Robert “Madyar” Brovdi, taliyaha Ciidamada Nidaamyada aan Duuliyaha lahayn ee Ukraine, ayaa 16-kii Sebteembar sheegay in Grunis lagu dilay weerar habeenkii 12-kii Sebteembar lagu qaaday goob uu ku sugnaa. Sida uu sheegay, weerarka waxaa fuliyay cutubka Rarog ee guutada 427-aad ee Ciidamada Nidaamyada aan Duuliyaha lahayn ee Ukraine.

Warbaahinta Reuters ayaa xaqiijisay in Grunis uu dhintay, iyadoo sidoo kale sheegtay in taliyaha Ruushka Apti Alaudinov uu xaqiijiyay geeridiisa, inkastoo uusan faahfaahin ka bixin sababta ama goobta uu ku dhintay. Wasaaradda Difaaca Ruushka si rasmi ah ugama aysan hadlin warbixinta weerarka.

Grunis wuxuu ahaa taliyaha Guutada 4-aad ee Ilaalada ee Ciidamada Lugta Matoorka ee Ruushka. Magaciisa ayaa si weyn loo xusay bishii Luulyo, kaddib markii uu madaxweyne Vladimir Putin uga warbixiyay hawlgallada ciidamada Ruushka ee magaalada Kostiantynivka ee gobolka Donetsk. Moscow waxay sheegtay in ciidamadeedu ay la wareegeen magaalada, halka Ukraine iyo falanqeeyayaal madax-bannaan ay muran geliyeen sheegashadaas.

Dabayaaqadii Agoosto, Grunis waxaa la guddoonsiiyay billadda Gold Star waxaana loo magacaabay “Hero of Russia”, oo ah mid ka mid ah abaalmarinnada ugu sarreeya ee Ruushka. Wasaaradda Difaaca Ruushka ayaa sheegtay in abaalmarinta lagu siiyay geesinimo iyo hawlgal milatari.

Geeridiisa ayaa timid wax ka yar saddex toddobaad kaddib markii la guddoonsiiyay abaalmarinta. Sida ay sheegtay Ukraine, Grunis wuxuu noqday sarkaalka toddobaad ee darajo sare heer guuto, qayb ciidan ama ciidan-qaran—oo ay Ciidamada Nidaamyada aan Duuliyaha lahayn ee Ukraine sheegaan inay ku dileen weerarro drone ah. Tiradaas waa sheegashada dhinaca Ukraine, mana jirto xaqiijin madax-bannaan oo dhammaan kiisaskaas ah.

Dilka Grunis wuxuu kusoo beegmayaa xilli labada dhinac ay si isa soo taraysa ugu tiirsan yihiin diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn si ay u beegsadaan xarumaha taliska, gaadiidka iyo goobaha ciidamada ee jiidda dagaalka. Gobolka Donetsk ayaa weli ah mid ka mid ah goobaha ugu muhiimsan ee dagaalka, iyadoo Ruushku doonayo inuu sii ballaariyo gacan-ku-hayntiisa dhulka Donbas, halka Ukraine ay isku dayayso inay joojiso horumarka ciidamada Ruushka.

The post Jeneraalka Ruushka ee “Hero of Russia” oo Drone Lagu Dilay first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

MOGADISHU — The United States has agreed to give the United Nations another 12 months to wind down its logistical support for the African Union’s mission in Somalia, giving AUSSOM additional time to seek alternative arrangements for sustaining its operations.

The decision, detailed in a diplomatic note seen by Reuters, means the drawdown will begin in January 2027 rather than ending immediately when the current mandate of the UN Support Office in Somalia expires at the end of December 2026.

The extension does not amount to a renewal of long-term U.S. support. Washington has said it will no longer fund or support the United Nations Support Office in Somalia, known as UNSOS, after the 12-month transition period. The U.S. State Department told Reuters that the office has a total budget of about $500 million.

Why AUSSOM relies on UN logistical support

AUSSOM, the African Union Support and Stabilisation Mission in Somalia, plays a role in supporting Somalia’s security and stabilization efforts.

UNSOS provides the mission with essential logistical services, including food, water, fuel, medical services, transportation, engineering support, communications and equipment maintenance. The UN says its mandate covers support for up to 11,826 AUSSOM uniformed personnel, including police, deployed across five sectors and 49 locations in south-central Somalia.

The scale of that logistical operation is significant. UNSOS said in August that it delivers approximately 240 tonnes of food rations each month to AUSSOM and Somali security forces across Somalia.

From an abrupt cutoff to a 12-month transition

In July, Washington informed the African Union that it would oppose continued UN logistical support for AUSSOM when the existing arrangement expires at the end of 2026. The announcement raised concerns about how the mission would maintain its operations without alternative funding and logistical arrangements.

The latest diplomatic note says the United States is willing to support a 12-month drawdown followed by the liquidation of UNSOS. Diplomatic sources and a Somali government source told Reuters that the new countdown will begin in January 2027.

The U.S. State Department said it expected the details of the drawdown to be discussed during UN Security Council deliberations in December. Somalia’s Defence Ministry, UNSOS and the African Union Commission did not immediately respond to Reuters’ requests for comment.

What comes next for AUSSOM

The UN Security Council extended AUSSOM’s mandate through December 31, 2026, under Resolution 2809. The resolution also provides for continued UN logistical support to the mission during the current period.

The mission’s financing remains a challenge. Reuters reported that Washington last year blocked a proposal under which UN funding would have covered three-quarters of AUSSOM’s annual budget of about $190 million.

The additional year gives Somalia, the African Union and international partners more time to identify alternative sources of financing and logistical support. However, no alternative arrangement has yet been publicly confirmed that would fully replace UNSOS after the transition period.

The future of AUSSOM will therefore depend in part on whether new funding and logistical mechanisms can be secured for essential services such as fuel, food, transportation and medical support.

The post The United States Extends AUSSOM Support for Somalia by One Year first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

MOGADISHU — Maraykanka ayaa oggolaaday in Qaramada Midoobay ay hal sano oo dheeraad ah ku bixiso dhimista iyo soo afjaridda taageerada saadka ee ciidamada Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya, taas oo siinaysa AUSSOM waqti dheeraad ah oo ay ku raadiso hab kale oo ay ku sii waddo howlaheeda.

Go’aanka, oo lagu sheegay qoraal diblomaasiyadeed ay aragtay Reuters, ayaa dhigaya in muddada 12-ka bilood ah ay bilaabato Janaayo 2027. Tani waxay ka dhigan tahay in taageerada Qaramada Midoobay aan si degdeg ah loo joojin doonin dhammaadka Diseembar 2026, balse la sameyn doono marxalad kala-guur ah.

Si kastaba, Washington waxay caddeysay in aysan doonayn inay sii maalgeliso ama taageerto Xafiiska Taageerada Qaramada Midoobay ee Soomaaliya (UNSOS) marka muddada kala-guurkaasi dhammaato. Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda ee Maraykanka ayaa Reuters u sheegtay in miisaaniyadda guud ee UNSOS ay ku dhowdahay $500 milyan.

AUSSOM iyo muhiimadda UNSOS

AUSSOM waa howlgalka Midowga Afrika ee taageerada iyo xasilinta Soomaaliya. Qaramada Midoobay waxay UNSOS u xilsaartay inay siiso howlgalka taageero saadka ah, oo ay ka mid yihiin cunto, biyo, shidaal, adeegyo caafimaad, gaadiid, dayactir qalab iyo adeegyo kale oo muhiim u ah hawlgallada.

UNSOS waxay sheegtay in AUSSOM loo oggolaaday taageero ku wajahan ilaa 11,826 askari iyo boolis ah oo ku sugan shan qaybood oo hawlgal iyo 49 goobood oo ku yaalla koonfurta iyo bartamaha Soomaaliya. Taageerada waxaa sidoo kale ka mid ah daadgureynta caafimaadka iyo gaadiidka ciidamo iyo qalab.

Tusaale ahaan, UNSOS waxay bishii Agoosto sheegtay inay Soomaaliya gudaheeda bil kasta gaarsiiso AUSSOM iyo ciidamada ammaanka Soomaaliyeed qiyaastii 240 tan oo raashin ah, taas oo muujinaysa baaxadda silsiladda saadka ee howlgalka.

Maxaa is beddelay?

Bishii Luulyo, Washington waxay Midowga Afrika ku wargelisay inay ka hor imaan doonto in Qaramada Midoobay ay sii waddo taageerada UNSOS marka muddada hadda jirta ay dhammaato dhammaadka 2026. Tallaabadaas ayaa dhalisay walaac ku saabsan sida AUSSOM u sii wadan karto hawlaheeda haddii aan la helin ilo kale oo dhaqaale iyo saadka ah.

Qoraalka cusub ee diblomaasiyadeed wuxuu sheegayaa in Maraykanku diyaar u yahay inuu taageero 12 bilood oo kala-guur ah, oo ay xigto xiritaanka UNSOS. Ilo diblomaasiyadeed iyo ilo ka tirsan dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa Reuters u sheegay in tirinta muddada cusub ay bilaaban doonto Janaayo 2027.

Wasaaradda Difaaca Soomaaliya, UNSOS iyo Guddiga Midowga Afrika ayaan Reuters uga jawaabin codsiyada faallo laga helayo waqtigii warbixinta la diyaarinayay.

Mustaqbalka AUSSOM

Qaramada Midoobay ayaa horay u kordhisay muddada AUSSOM ilaa 31-ka Diseembar 2026, iyadoo Resolution 2809 ay sidoo kale oggolaatay in UNSOS ay sii waddo taageerada saadka ee howlgalka.

Hase yeeshee, maalgelinta howlgalka ayaa weli ah caqabad. Reuters waxay sheegtay in Maraykanku sannadkii hore hor istaagay qorshe lagu doonayay in qayb weyn oo ka mid ah miisaaniyadda howlgalka Midowga Afrika laga bixiyo dhaqaalaha Qaramada Midoobay.

Go’aanka cusub wuxuu siinayaa Soomaaliya, Midowga Afrika iyo saaxiibada caalamiga ah waqti dheeraad ah oo ay ku raadiyaan maalgelin iyo nidaam saadka oo beddel u noqda UNSOS. Laakiin illaa hadda ma jirto xaqiijin rasmi ah oo muujinaysa cidda si buuxda ula wareegi doonta adeegyada UNSOS marka muddada kala-guurka ahi dhammaato.

Mustaqbalka AUSSOM sidaas darteed wuxuu weli ku xiran yahay sida loo heli doono maalgelin, gaadiid, shidaal, adeegyo caafimaad iyo taageero kale oo howlgalka looga baahan yahay.

The post Maraykanka oo Soomaaliya U Kordhiyay Taageerada AUSSOM Hal Sano Ah first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

Anthony James Kazmierczak, oo 56 jir ah, ayaa lagu xukumay 14 bilood oo xabsi federaal ah kadib markii uu qirtay inuu weeraray Xildhibaan Ilhan Omar intii lagu jiray kulan dadweyne oo ka dhacay Minneapolis, Minnesota, bishii Janaayo 2026.

Xukunka waxaa Khamiistii, 17-kii Sebtembar 2026, ku riday Garsoore Joan N. Ericksen oo ka tirsan Maxkamadda Federaalka ee Degmada Minnesota. Kazmierczak ayaa sidoo kale lagu xukumay saddex sano oo kormeer sharci ah kadib marka uu xabsiga ka soo baxo, iyadoo lagu amray inuusan wax xiriir ah la sameyn Omar.

Dhacdadu waxay dhacday 27-kii Janaayo, xilli Omar ay kulan dadweyne ku qabanaysay waqooyiga Minneapolis. Sida ku cad dukumentiyada maxkamadda, Kazmierczak oo fadhiyay safka hore ayaa si lama filaan ah uga soo kacay dadkii goobta joogay, isagoo xildhibaanadda ku buufiyay dareere uu ka soo saaray sirinjo. Baaritaan lagu sameeyay dareeraha ayaa xaqiijiyay inuu ka koobnaa khal tufaaxeed (apple cider vinegar).

Ilo maxkamadeed ayaa sheegay in Kazmierczak uu ku qeyliyay Omar xilli uu u soo dhaqaaqayay, iyadoo ammaanka xildhibaanaddu si degdeg ah u qabteen oo booliiska u dhiibeen. Omar wax dhaawac ah kama soo gaarin weerarka, waxayna sii wadatay kulankii kadib markii xaaladda la xakameeyay.

Kazmierczak ayaa 7-dii May 2026 qirtay hal eedeyn oo ahayd weerar uu ku qaaday sarkaal Mareykan ah. Wasaaradda Caddaaladda Mareykanka ayaa sheegtay in uu qirtay inuu weerarka qorsheeyay, isla markaana uu bartilmaameedsaday Omar sababo la xiriira aragtiyahooda siyaasadeed ee kala duwan.

Intii lagu jiray dhageysiga xukunka, garsoore Ericksen waxay sheegtay in weerarku uusan ahayn fal si kedis ah u dhacay, iyadoo tilmaantay in Kazmierczak uu tikidhka kulanka helay toddobaadyo ka hor.

Kazmierczak ayaa maxkamadda ka raalli-geliyay Omar, isagoo sheegay inuu ka qoomameynayo inuu cabsi geliyay. Qareenkiisa ayaa sidoo kale sheegay in Kazmierczak uu la tacaalayay dhibaatooyin caafimaad iyo kuwo kale, balse xukunka ayaa lagu saleeyay dambiga uu qirtay iyo duruufaha ku xeernaa weerarka.

Weerarku wuxuu dhacay xilli Minneapolis iyo nawaaxigeeda ay ka jireen xiisado siyaasadeed iyo mudaharaadyo la xiriiray howlgallada federaalka ee socdaalka. Omar ayaa xilligaas si weyn uga hadlaysay siyaasadda ICE iyo tallaabooyinka dowladda federaalka ee socdaalka.

Wasaaradda Caddaaladda Mareykanka ayaa sheegtay in FBI-da Minneapolis, iyadoo kaashanaysa Booliiska Minneapolis iyo hay’ado kale, ay baaritaanka dhacdada hoggaamisay. Xukunka cusub ayaa soo gabagabeynaya qaybta federaalka ee dacwadda Kazmierczak, inkastoo qareenkiisu uu sheegay in dacwado kale oo heer gobol ah ay weli taagan yihiin.

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The post Maraykanka oo Fiiso U Diiday Abbas, EU-na Ka Falceliyay first appeared on Radio Dalsan.

This personal reflection by Mohamed Hared Mohamed, who recently joined a delegation on a benchmarking visit to Singapore, explores the lessons Somalia can draw from Singapore’s experience in leadership, institutional development, public-sector transformation, and long-term national planning.

Drawing on the August 2026 NLA/OPM Executive Leadership Study Tour to Singapore, the reflection considers how Singapore’s emphasis on discipline, human capital, digital transformation, merit, lifelong learning, infrastructure and institutional capacity can inform Somalia’s development journey. It argues that Somalia should not attempt to replicate Singapore’s institutions or circumstances, but should adapt relevant principles to its own political, social, economic and demographic realities. Attention is given to strengthening leadership development, professional public administration, youth investment, trade and logistics, green urban development, digital governance/gov-tech and diaspora engagement. The central message is that sustainable national transformation depends on turning ambition into capable institutions, effective systems and a culture of collective responsibility.

A Personal Reflection from the NLA/OPM Executive Leadership Study Tour

There are journeys that take you to a place, and there are journeys that change the way you see your own country. My recent visit to Singapore with colleagues from the National Leadership Academy (NLA) of Somalia and Office of the Prime Minister, as part of an Executive Leadership Study Tour to the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore, was very much the latter.

Singapore was not simply impressive because of its skyscrapers, clean streets, efficient transport or spectacular architecture. What struck me most was the system behind the spectacle. Everywhere we went, from Changi Airport to the National University of Singapore, from Gardens by the Bay to the public transport network, from the historical quarters to the shopping districts, there appeared to be an underlying culture of planning, discipline, service excellence, accountability and continuous improvement.

For the NLA delegation, the visit was particularly meaningful because our institutional mandate is itself centred on leadership development, public-sector capacity building, governance and the creation of a new generation of principled and capable Somali leaders. The study tour therefore became more than an academic visit. It became an opportunity to ask a difficult but necessary question:

What can Somalia realistically learn from Singapore not by copying Singapore, but by understanding the principles that enabled Singapore to transform itself?

The answer is not that Somalia should become Singapore. Somalia has its own history, geography, culture, institutions and realities. The lesson is that development is ultimately a product of choices, institutions, leadership, discipline and collective commitment.

From Mogadishu to Singapore: The First Lesson Was at the Airport

Our journey itself provided an interesting introduction to the contrast between different systems. Travelling from Somalia through Addis Ababa and onward to Singapore, we experienced a highly coordinated international travel system. Prior to arrival, travellers are required to complete the SG Arrival Card electronically within three days before arrival, an example of how digital systems can simplify and organise government processes before a citizen or visitor even reaches a physical government counter. (ICA)

Upon arrival at Changi Airport, the experience was striking. Immigration processing relied heavily on digital technologies and automated clearance, creating an impression that government had been deliberately designed around efficiency and the user experience.

For a Somali visitor, this creates an important reflection especially after several immigration stamping checks from the port of exit, Aden Adde International Airport. We often speak about digital transformation as if it means purchasing computers, developing websites or introducing software. Singapore demonstrates that digital transformation is fundamentally about redesigning processes. The question Somalia should therefore ask is not merely, “What technology can we buy?” but rather: “How can we redesign government services so that citizens experience government as simple, predictable, transparent and efficient?”, that is a leadership question before it is a technological question.

Singapore Is Small in Geography but Large in Ambition

Singapore’s physical circumstances make its transformation even more remarkable. The country’s land area is approximately 744.3 square kilometres, according to Singapore’s official statistics. (SingStat) Yet within that limited physical space, Singapore has developed a globally connected economy, sophisticated infrastructure, strong institutions, advanced education systems and a highly organised urban environment. Its population stood at 6.11 million in June 2025 comprising of 3.66 million citizens, 0.54 million permanent residents and 1.91 million non-residents. (Population Singapore) The lesson here is not about geographical size. It is about how a country converts constraints into incentives for innovation, with its limited space Singapore had to plan its land carefully, lacking natural resources but rather heavily investing in human capital thus aiding them to compete internationally using sporadically magnificent measures in place that built connectivity, infrastructure and institutions capable of attracting investment and talent. For Somalia, the lesson is equally powerful as it possesses assets Singapore did not have in abundance: a long coastline, agricultural potential, livestock, fisheries, a young population, strategic proximity to the Gulf, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean and a globally dispersed diaspora. The question is therefore not whether Somalia has potential, but can it develop the institutions and leadership discipline necessary to convert potential into national prosperity.

The Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy: Leadership as an Institution

Our central purpose in Singapore was the Executive Leadership Study Tour at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy and engagements across the National University of Singapore ecosystem. The programme exposed the NLA/OPM team to approaches on executive education, public-sector leadership, lifelong learning, digital education and institutional development. We also engaged with institutions including the Institute for Adult Learning (IAL), NUS Institute of Systems Science/Digital Academy, and NUS School of Continuing and Lifelong Education (SCALE) at Kent Ridge, while experiencing the broader University Town campus and lifelong-learning environment.

A formidable lesson from the Singapore experience is that leadership development cannot be reduced to occasional workshops, because its sine qua non to have an institutional ecosystem that connects executive education, public-sector training, evidence and research, policy analysis, digital learning, professional development, case-based learning, continuous learning and sustained engagement with government and society. This has direct relevance for the National Leadership Academy (NLA), which has an opportunity to evolve beyond being merely a leadership training centre into a national platform for leadership knowledge, executive education, public-sector transformation, research and policy dialogue. Such an institution would develop leaders not only through theoretical instruction but by engaging them with real governance challenges, generating evidence, translating research into policy and creating continuous opportunities for professional learning and reflection. As McDougal, Lasswell and Reisman (1973) aptly observed, “Intelligence is a critical function at all levels of decision making, yet its very ubiquity seems to have obscured it from visibility to scholarly inquiry.” This insight reinforces the need for NLA to position leadership intelligence, evidence-informed decision-making and policy learning at the heart of Somalia’s public-sector leadership and institutional transformation agenda.

From Meritocracy to Competence: The Leadership Question

Singapore’s experience also raises an important conversation around meritocracy. Having previously engaged with publications examining Singapore’s evolving meritocracy, I arrived with an academic interest in the subject but left with a more practical reflection, institutions perform better when competence, responsibility and performance matter. This doesn’t mean that Somalia should mechanically reproduce Singapore’s model for our social and political context is fundamentally different, but the underlying principle deserves attention. A functioning state needs systems that identify capable people, develop them, place them where they can contribute, evaluate their performance and continuously build their competencies. For Somalia, this means that there is need to strengthen merit, professional development, performance management and institutional accountability to transform the vital aspect of leadership leveraging the world’s youngest populations as the country’s demographic reality means leadership development can never be postponed. The challenge isn’t simply to find young people jobs but rather prepare young Somalis to become competent administrators, entrepreneurs, researchers, diplomats, engineers, policy specialists, educators and public leaders. That is precisely where institutions such as NLA can play a transformative role.

A Young Somalia and an Ageing Singapore: Two Very Different Demographic Challenges

One of the most striking contrasts between Somalia and Singapore is demographics as the latter’s total fertility rate was 0.97 in 2024, while its total population was 6.11 million in June 2025. (Population Singapore) contrastingly, Somalia has a very young population and a substantially higher fertility rate hence two different national challenges for two different countries world apart. Singapore is asking: How do we encourage families to have children and ensure that future generations are adequately supported? On our arrival date to Singapore, Sunday, 23 August 2026 there was National Day Rally, where Prime Minister Lawrence Wong announced expanded support for families, with children expected to receive almost S$70,000 in direct financial support as they grow up, alongside childcare, education and other family-support measures. (Prime Minister’s Office Singapore)

Somalia faces almost the opposite challenge: How do we convert a very large youth population into an economic and demographic dividend? This is where Somalia’s greatest opportunity may lie. A young population without education, skills and employment can become a source of frustration but a young population equipped with skills, entrepreneurship, technology and ethical leadership can become the country’s greatest national asset. The Key takeaway lesson herein isn’t to copy Singapore’s population policy but rather to recognise the importance of anticipating demographic realities and building institutions around them. For Somalia, that means investing now in the human capital of its young population.

The Singapore Civil Service: Government as One System

Another powerful lesson concerns public-sector coordination. Singapore’s approach demonstrates the value of viewing government as an interconnected system rather than a collection of isolated ministries. For Somalia, one area worth exploring is a structured civil-service rotational and secondment programme since a carefully designed system could allow selected civil servants to undertake temporary assignments across federal ministries, Federal Member States and public institutions. Such exposure could help officials understand different sectors, strengthen coordination and build a generation of public servants capable of seeing government from a whole-of-government perspective (WOG). The objective wouldn’t be to copy Singapore’s system wholesale rather Somalia could adapt the principle of cross-government learning and professional mobility to its own federal context. A pilot could begin with senior and mid-level civil servants with clear rules around grade, tenure, benefits, professional development and performance such an approach could help reduce institutional silos and strengthen the culture of government as a shared national enterprise.

Trade: Somalia Should Look at Its Coast Differently

Perhaps one of the most consequential lessons from Singapore concerns economic geography for it didn’t simply become successful because it manufactured goods. Its transformation involved the deliberate development of a high-value, trade-oriented economy built around connectivity, logistics, human capital and services. For Somalia, this is particularly relevant with a strategic coastline sitting close to some of the world’s most important maritime and commercial routes as geography alone doesn’t  generate prosperity but rather Infrastructure, customs systems, security, skills, ports, financial services, logistics and predictable regulation are what turn geography into economic value. Somalia therefore has an opportunity to develop what might be described as a: “Singapore model adapted to the Somali coast.” This could mean: a multifaceted approach with efficient ports, reliable customs, digital trade systems, skilled young people, logistics, private investment and regional connectivity thus making Mogadishu, Kismayo and other Somali ports superior revenue generating beacons that mould gateways connecting East Africa, the Gulf and Asia hence making Somalia a regional economic giant. With reference to Singapore’s entrepôt trading system, Somalia has a potential to become a place where goods are transported, stored, processed, packaged, financed and re-exported. This requires patient institution-building, but the economic opportunity is enormous.

From Gardens to Green Cities: When Green Development Becomes National Identity

Our visit to Gardens by the Bay, Singapore Botanic Gardens, Sentosa Island and the entire smart green city demonstrated how Singapore has transformed green spaces, public institutions, tourism and urban planning into components of national development and identity. Somalia has the foundations of a similar opportunity in places such as Peace Garden, Darusalam Garden and Jazeera Aqua Park among others in Mogadishu for instance but bringing these spaces to Singapore’s level would require substantial investment in planning, maintenance, landscaping, water management, accessibility and public-private partnerships. The lesson, however, is not to reproduce Singapore physically but to borrow its philosophy of turning public spaces into assets for education, tourism, recreation, environmental resilience and economic development. Somalia could gradually transform its gardens, parks, beaches and coastal spaces into well-planned green and recreational destinations while integrating trees, water conservation, renewable energy, waste management and climate-resilient design into urban development. In this sense, Singapore offers Somalia a powerful reminder that a garden is not merely a garden it can become an investment in the environment, the economy, public wellbeing and national identity.

Cleanliness, Discipline and the Social Contract

Perhaps one of the most memorable aspects of Singapore wasn’t its under-ground malls or technology but the behaviour of all and sundry in that city wasn’t something that goes without saying, clean streets, orderly public spaces, disciplined traffic, organised queues, respect for designated areas and a general sense that public spaces belong to everyone created a powerful social environment. During the visit, I was particularly struck by Singapore’s approach to smoking and vaping. Smoking is prohibited in numerous public places, while designated smoking areas are provided in permitted locations. (National Environment Agency). Singapore also maintains strict controls on vaping; possession and use of vaporisers are prohibited under its current regulatory framework. (gov.sg) Chewing gum is also among goods prohibited for import, subject to specified exceptions. (Singapore Customs) The lesson is not that Somalia should copy every Singaporean restriction but how can our people come together and commit to this kind of social contract. Rules work when citizens understand that individual behaviour affects the collective environment and when institutions consistently enforce reasonable rules. Development therefore requires both strong institutions and responsible citizens since one sustainably can’t exist without the other in line with the nature of the Triple Bottom Line.

Transport: Mobility as an Economic System

Singapore’s transport network offered another lesson in integrated planning with the experience of travelling around the city through buses, cable cars, trains, underground connections and integrated commercial spaces demonstrating that transport isn’t merely about moving people from one location to another. It’s about the way it connects people to education, employment, commerce, housing and recreation. Singapore’s Land Transport Authority describes integrated transport hubs where bus interchanges connect directly with MRT stations and adjoining developments such as shopping centres. (Land Transport Authority) Conversely for Somalia, transport infrastructure should similarly be viewed as part of economic development because a reliable public transport can connect young people to universities, workers to employment, businesses to markets and communities to essential services. The result is to Build an integrated mobility system that supports economic and social opportunity.

The Other Singapore: Heritage, Identity and Cultural Confidence

Singapore is sometimes presented exclusively as a modern city of glass towers and technology contrastingly we saw a distinct city walking through The Arab Street, Sultan Mosque, Little India and the Malay Heritage Centre demonstrated that modernization does not necessarily require the disappearance of history. The coexistence of modern commercial districts with religious, cultural and historical spaces provides an important undertaking for Somalia to curb chances of cultural amnesia with an efficient utilization of the extraordinary cultural and historical inheritance from Islamic scholarship and architecture to coastal trading history, oral traditions, poetry and diverse local cultures, the country can build modern cities while preserving and celebrating its identity. It’s important to note that cultural preservation is surely an economic and diplomatic asset through heritage tourism, museums, cultural institutions, research and creative industries.

What Somalia Should Borrow and What It Should Not

The central lesson Somalia can draw from Singapore is not to reproduce its institutions wholesale, but to understand the principles behind them and adapt them to Somalia’s own political, economic and social realities. Singapore’s experience shows the value of long-term planning, competent public administration, investment in human capital, digital government, integrated infrastructure, trade and logistics, environmental planning and life-long education. At the same time, the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy’s work on Singapore’s Evolving Meritocracy demonstrates that even successful systems must continually reassess themselves, particularly when meritocracy risks becoming associated with privilege or narrow definitions of academic success. For Somalia, the lesson is therefore to build institutions that reward competence, integrity, skills and performance while ensuring that opportunities are accessible beyond established networks. (Singapore’s Evolving Meritrocracy)

Somalia should also learn from Singapore’s ability to respond pragmatically to economic shocks. The LKYSPP case study on Singapore’s Approach to Managing Economic Crises shows that Singapore responded to crises through coordinated fiscal, monetary and institutional measures designed to protect employment, reduce pressure on businesses and stimulate recovery. The important lesson for Somalia is not to replicate Singapore’s specific financial instruments, which depend on a very different fiscal and institutional environment, but to develop its own crisis-management capacity: credible public institutions, reliable economic data, contingency planning, social protection mechanisms and the ability to coordinate government and private-sector responses when shocks occur. (Singapore’s Approach to Managing Economic Crises)

The issue of migration provides another important lesson. Singapore has used migration as part of its economic strategy, but its experience also demonstrates the difficult balance between economic needs, national interests and the rights of migrants. The LKYSPP’s Ethics of Migration highlights the competing interests of governments, citizens, employers, migrant workers and countries of origin. For Somalia, this is particularly relevant because the country has both a large diaspora and significant outward migration. Somalia can therefore move beyond viewing migration primarily as a problem and develop a national migration and diaspora strategy that connects Somali professionals abroad with investment, skills transfer, research, entrepreneurship and public-sector development, while also strengthening protections and opportunities for Somalis who migrate. (The Ethics of Migration)

What This Means for the National Leadership Academy

For the National Leadership Academy (NLA), the Singapore experience has surely become more of an institutional learning agenda rather than a study tour. As we aim to gradually strengthen executive education and leadership programmes that are public-sector centric with focus on strategic management, digital governance, policy analysis, institutional performance and lifelong learning while utilizing comparative cases such as Singapore to ask a more important question: what can realistically work in Somalia? This approach is consistent with the broader direction of the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy where policy education connects research, professional learning and real-world governance challenges. NLA’s Research and Innovation Centre looks forward to turn international experiences into locally grounded research on peace ,security, migration, climate resilience and public-sector transformation. (Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy)

The National Leadership Academy also hopes to serve as a bridge between Somalia and its global knowledge networks. Somalia’s diaspora contains professionals working across government, academia, technology, finance, medicine, engineering, diplomacy, business and international development. Rather than treating this expertise as an informal resource, NLA has created structured mechanisms for mentorship, visiting expertise, executive education, policy dialogue and knowledge transfer. Singapore’s experience suggests that national development depends not only on possessing talented people but on creating institutions capable of organising that talent around national priorities. For Somalia, this could become one of NLA’s most practical contributions to institution-building.

The Hardest Lesson: Singapore Did Not Become Singapore Overnight

Perhaps the most important lesson is that Singapore’s transformation was not the product of one leader, one policy or one institution. It emerged through decades of institution-building, policy continuity, human-capital investment, infrastructure development and adaptation. Even Singapore’s own experience shows that successful systems must evolve; the LKYSPP’s discussion of meritocracy, for example, recognises that a system initially built around ability and performance can face new questions about inequality, privilege and how merit should be defined. (Singapore’s Evolving Meritrocracy) Somalia should therefore avoid the attractive but misleading question, “How can one leader make Somalia like Singapore?” The more useful question is how Somalia can build institutions and a social compact capable of sustaining reform across governments, political cycles and generations.

From Singapore to Somalia: The Journey Home

Our five-day experience in Singapore therefore leaves us with questions rather than simple answers: How can NLA strengthen executive education? How can Somalia develop a more professional civil service? How can its ports become engines of trade? How can its young population become an economic dividend? How can climate resilience become part of urban planning? How can digital government become a functioning reality? And how can institutions become stronger than individual personalities? These questions extend beyond NLA, but the Academy will surely provide a national platform where public servants, researchers, academics, private-sector actors and diaspora professionals examine international experience and translate relevant lessons into Somali policy and practice.

Conclusion: Singapore as Inspiration, Somalia as the Mission

In a nutshell, my strongest reflection from Singapore is that the country’s greatest achievement is not its skyline, gardens, transport system or architecture, impressive as all of these are. It is the system behind them: planning, institutional capacity, public administration, human-capital development, continuous adaptation and collective responsibility. Singapore’s response to economic crises demonstrates the value of institutional preparedness; its evolving meritocracy demonstrates that even successful systems must continually examine themselves; and its migration experience illustrates the importance of balancing economic objectives with social and ethical considerations.

Somalia therefore does not need to become Singapore. It needs to become the best version of Somalia. Its young population, strategic coastline, natural resources, entrepreneurial culture, diaspora and human capital provide significant foundations, but these assets must be converted into functioning institutions and productive systems. The real lesson is therefore simple: Somalia should not copy Singapore’s destination; it should learn from the discipline of Singapore’s journey. If Somalia can build institutions that value competence, invest in its young people, embrace technology, strengthen public administration, develop its infrastructure, harness its diaspora and promote accountability, then it can create its own model of prosperity a peaceful, capable and globally connected Somalia rather than a Somali version of Singapore. The ultimate lesson for NLA is that ambition becomes transformative only when it is converted into institutions, institutions into systems and systems into a culture shared by society.

References:

1. The National Population and Talent Division (NPTD) of Singapore: https://www.population.gov.sg/who-we-are/
2. The Office of the Prime Minister Singapore: National Day Rally, https://www.pmo.gov.sg/newsroom/ndr2026/
3. Dodgson, J., & Auyong, H. (2018). The Ethics of Migration. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National University of Singapore.
   The Ethics of Migration LKYSPP
4. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. (2018). Singapore’s Approach to Managing Economic Crises. National University of Singapore.
   Singapore’s Approach to Managing Economic Crises LKYSPP PDF
5. Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy. (2020). Singapore’s Evolving Meritocracy. National University of Singapore.
   Singapore’s Evolving Meritocracy LKYSPP PDF
6. Immigration & Checkpoints Authority. (2026). SG Arrival Card (SGAC) with Electronic Health Declaration. Government of Singapore.
   SG Arrival Card Immigration & Checkpoints Authority
7. Immigration & Checkpoints Authority. (2026). Entering Singapore. Government of Singapore.
   Entering Singapore Immigration & Checkpoints Authority
8. Myers S. McDougal, Harold D. Lasswell, W. Michael Reisman, “ The Intelligence Function and World Public Order,” Temple Law Quarterly, Vol. 46, No. 3 (Spring 1973), Pp 365-448.

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