Becher muestra que no todas las disciplinas son iguales. Algunas, como las ciencias duras, tienden a ser más estructuradas, acumulativas y consensuales, mientras que otras, como las humanidades, son más interpretativas, fragmentadas y abiertas al debate. Estas diferencias afectan la manera en que los académicos investigan, publican, colaboran y evalúan el trabajo de sus pares.

El libro también explora aspectos sociales de la vida académica, como la búsqueda de reconocimiento, las jerarquías internas, el papel de las élites intelectuales y los mecanismos de validación, como la revisión por pares. Asimismo, analiza cómo se construyen las carreras académicas, desde la formación inicial hasta la consolidación profesional, incluyendo momentos críticos como la obtención de independencia investigadora.

Otro tema central es la comunicación del conocimiento: Becher examina tanto los canales formales (publicaciones, congresos) como los informales (redes personales), destacando su importancia en la difusión de ideas. En conjunto, la obra ofrece una visión sociológica de la academia, subrayando que el conocimiento no es solo un producto intelectual, sino también social.

Crane argues that scientific advancement is not simply the result of individual genius, but of collective activity within these interconnected communities. Influential scientists within an invisible college help define research agendas, train new members, and facilitate the rapid exchange of ideas. Through both formal publications and informal interactions, these groups contribute to the diffusion of knowledge across the scientific community.

The book also examines variations in how different disciplines are organized and how these differences affect communication and innovation. Some fields are tightly structured and collaborative, while others are more fragmented and individualistic. Overall, Crane highlights the importance of social organization in understanding scientific progress, emphasizing that knowledge grows through dynamic networks of collaboration rather than isolated efforts.

How do fashion and clothing choices differ in societies where social class and gender are the most salient aspects of social identity, as compared with societies where lifestyles, age cohorts, gender, sexual orientation, and ethnicity are as meaningful to people as social class in constructing their self-images and in their presentation of self? Changes in the dissemination of fashion and in clothing choices can be used to trace and interpret these transformations in class cultures.

The best-known theory of fashion and clothing behavior is Simmel’s theory of fashion change as a process of imitation of social elites by their social inferiors (1957). Writing at the beginning of the twentieth century, Simmel delineated the role of fashion as it had developed in nineteenth-century societies, in which social classes had relatively distinct class cultures. Simmel’s model of fashion change was centered on the idea that fashions were first adopted by the upper class and, later, by the middle and lower classes. Lower-status groups sought to acquire status by adopting the clothing of higher-status groups and set in motion a process of social contagion whereby styles were adopted by groups at successively inferior status levels.

By the time a particular fashion reached the working class, the upper class had adopted newer styles, since the previous style had lost its appeal in the process of popularization. The highest-status groups sought once again to differentiate themselves from their inferiors by adopting new fashions.

After a discussion of recent uses of the term in sociology, I show how claims for new, computational ways of knowing society were made across fields, in computing, in the media as well as data science, and have become the subject of significant academic and public controversies. The chapter then evaluates different definitions of digital sociology. It can alternatively be characterized in terms of (a) its object of enquiry (the digital society); (b) its methods; (c) its platforms (new sites and techniques for the public communication of sociology). While each of these aspects of digital sociology are important in their own right, I argue that we fail to grasp something crucial about digital sociology as long as we consider them in isolation. In a discussion of relevant examples, I show how the digital affects the relations between social life and its analysis in various ways, and why digital sociology must address these cross-cutting developments.

The second chapter asks: What is ‘social’ about digital media technologies? I evaluate three prominent answers to this question: (a) the device-centred view that says that social media technologies can be distinguished from non-social technologies by their technical capacities (they allow for social networking, for example); (b) the analytic view that highlights that social technologies make available new sources and forms of social data (for example, social media and mobile, locative data); (c) the critical view that says that media technologies are not social in and of themselves, and only their uptake in social practices make them so. There are then several, mutually inconsistent accounts on offer as to what makes digital technologies social. While some emphasize features like ‘user-generated content’ or social networking functionality, others foreground the importance of ‘contexts of use’: it is in the ‘doing’ of digital practice, that digital media technologies become social. The chapter goes on to discuss a number of problems with these three different views, and then introduces a fourth: the ‘performative’ – or rather, ‘interactive’ – understanding of what is social about digital infrastructures, devices and practices.

This latter approach highlights that digital technologies do not only facilitate social life, or render it researchable, they also make social life amenable to intervention. I argue that the resulting interactions between social life and digital media technologies require further investigation, and invite us to develop a more experimental understanding of digital sociality, of what makes digital technologies social. If we wish to grasp the relevance of digital media technologies for social enquiry and social life, we must then better understand how the digital changes relation between technology and sociality.

The third chapter is concerned with methods. Much recent work in digital sociology has focused on this topic, as questions of method seem to crystallize both the promises and the problems that digital innovation opens up for sociology. This chapter offers an evaluation of these promises and problems, through a discussion of what has become known as the ‘digital methods’ debate. This debate revolves around the question: should we work towards the digitization of existing methods? Or is it more important to develop so-called ‘natively digital’ methods – methods, that is, which take advantage of technical features that are specific to digital networked media technologies? I offer a critical evaluation of these two positions, showing how emerging digital infrastructures provide support for both of them. I then make the case for a third approach, which I call ‘interface methods’.

This third approach builds on the former two, and starts from the recognition that important social research methods are already built into digital infrastructures, devices and practices, even if they currently tend to serve other-than-sociological ends. I argue that it therefore is our task to test and develop the capacities of these methods-devices for social enquiry, so that they may better serve its purposes. While digital architectures constrain social research in many ways, they are also to an extent configurable: the digital application of method requires a continuous mutual adjustment of research question, data, technique, context and digital setting.

Chapter 4 discusses an important methodological problem of digital sociology, which can be summed up by the question: are we studying society or technology? The problem is that sociologists tend to turn to digital social data and platforms in order to study social life, but the resulting research often ends up telling us more about digital technology than about society. I argue that digital sociologists must confront this problem, and I discuss ways of addressing it. First and foremost, it requires that we recognize that there are important problems of bias in digital social research. But we must also move beyond this problem definition, and consider a more fundamental problematic: the object of digital social enquiry is inherently ambiguous, insofar as both technological settings and social practices inflect digital formations, and it is difficult in many cases to disentangle their respective contributions. To conclude, I argue that it would be a mistake to transpose sociological methodologies onto digital settings unchanged. On the one hand, we cannot assume that society and technology can be easily disentangled. But neither can we just assume that digital societies constitute ‘hybrids’ of the technical and the social.

This is because the specification of social problems and media-technological problems is too important and complex a task for sociologists to be able to leave it to others. The solution is to become more flexible in our ontological assumptions: it depends on our research topic, question, research design, chosen methods, and the forms of our data, whether we end up shedding light on digital technology or on digital social life.

The text covers key topics such as job analysis, employee recruitment and selection, training and development, performance appraisal, motivation, leadership, and organizational decision-making. It also gives significant attention to job satisfaction, organizational commitment, counterproductive work behavior, and the psychological factors that shape employee effectiveness.

A central theme of the book is the importance of evidence-based practice, emphasizing rigorous research methods, measurement, and statistical analysis as essential tools for improving organizational outcomes.

In addition, Spector addresses critical issues related to occupational stress, work–life balance, health, and safety, highlighting the impact of work on both mental and physical health. By linking research findings to real organizational challenges, the book demonstrates how industrial and organizational psychology contributes to the creation of productive, ethical, and healthy workplaces.

Industrial, work and organizational psychology (IWO) is the broader international term used to describe the field globally.

The discipline focuses on the scientific study of human behavior in relation to work and applies psychological theories and principles to organizations, workplaces, and work–life contexts.

Industrial and organizational psychologists are trained under the scientist–practitioner model, combining research and practical application. They contribute to organizational success by improving performance, motivation, job satisfaction, occupational safety and health, as well as overall employee well-being.

Research conducted in this field examines employee behaviors and attitudes and seeks to improve them through effective hiring practices, training programs, feedback mechanisms, and management systems.

According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, I-O psychology was ranked as the fastest-growing occupation in 2014, with an estimated growth rate of 53%. The mean salary was estimated at US$109,030, with professionals in the top 10 percentile earning up to US$192,150 in 2018.

As of 2020, industrial and organizational psychology is one of the 17 recognized professional specialties by the American Psychological Association (APA). The field is represented by APA Division 14, formally known as the Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology (SIOP).

Industrial and Organizational Psychology by Region

In the United Kingdom, industrial and organizational psychologists are referred to as occupational psychologists.

Occupational psychology in the UK is one of nine protected titles within the profession of practitioner psychologist, regulated by the Health and Care Professions Council (HCPC).

Graduate programs in psychology in the UK, including occupational psychology, are accredited by the British Psychological Society (BPS).

In Australia, the title organizational psychologist is protected by law and regulated by the Australian Health Practitioner Regulation Agency (AHPRA).

Organizational psychology is one of nine areas of specialist endorsement for psychology practice in Australia.

In Europe, professionals holding a specialist EuroPsy Certificate in Work and Organisational Psychology are recognized as fully qualified psychologists and specialists in work psychology.

Psychologists meeting the EuroPsy standard are recorded in the Register of European Psychologists, and industrial and organizational psychology is one of the three main psychology specializations in Europe.

In South Africa, industrial psychology is an official registration category for psychologists, regulated by the Health Professions Council of South Africa (HPCSA).

La sociología como ciencia de las formas

Para Simmel, la sociología debe distinguirse de otras ciencias sociales atendiendo a su objeto específico: las formas de interacción. Estas formas —como la subordinación, el conflicto, el intercambio o el secreto— son estructuras relacionales que se repiten en contextos históricos y sociales diversos, independientemente de los contenidos concretos que las llenen. De este modo, la sociología se define como una ciencia formal que abstrae patrones de socialización a partir de la multiplicidad de la vida social.

Individuo y sociedad

Uno de los ejes centrales del libro es la relación entre individuo y sociedad. Simmel rechaza la idea de que la sociedad sea una entidad externa o superior a los individuos. Por el contrario, sostiene que la sociedad existe allí donde hay interacción. La socialización es el proceso mediante el cual los individuos, al relacionarse, producen formas relativamente estables que, a su vez, condicionan sus acciones y experiencias.

Esta perspectiva permite comprender la tensión constante entre la individualidad y las estructuras sociales: las formas de socialización hacen posible la vida colectiva, pero también imponen límites a la autonomía individual.

Principales formas de socialización analizadas

A lo largo de la obra, Simmel examina una amplia variedad de formas sociales, entre las que destacan:

• La cantidad en los grupos sociales, donde analiza cómo el tamaño del grupo transforma las relaciones entre sus miembros.
• La subordinación, entendida como una relación dinámica y recíproca, no simplemente como dominación unilateral.
• El conflicto y la lucha, concebidos no como fenómenos disgregadores, sino como formas de socialización que pueden fortalecer la cohesión social.
• El secreto y la sociedad secreta, que revelan cómo la distribución del conocimiento estructura el poder y la confianza.
• El cruce de los círculos sociales, clave para comprender la complejidad de la vida moderna y la formación de la individualidad.
• La pobreza, analizada no solo como una condición económica, sino como una relación social específica.

Modernidad y diferenciación social

Un tema transversal del libro es el análisis de la modernidad. Simmel observa que la sociedad moderna se caracteriza por la proliferación de círculos sociales, la diferenciación funcional y la intensificación de las interacciones. Este proceso amplía las posibilidades de individualización, pero también genera nuevas formas de dependencia, anonimato y fragmentación.

Importancia y legado

Estudios sobre las formas de socialización es una obra clave para la sociología contemporánea. Su enfoque formal influyó profundamente en corrientes como la sociología relacional, la microsociología y la teoría de la interacción. Además, la atención de Simmel a los aspectos cotidianos, simbólicos y aparentemente marginales de la vida social abrió nuevas vías para el análisis sociológico.

En conjunto, el libro ofrece una comprensión profunda y original de cómo se construye lo social a partir de la interacción entre individuos, situando a Georg Simmel como uno de los pensadores más influyentes y sofisticados de la sociología clásica.

Central to Castells’s analysis is the idea that the Internet and social media create autonomous spaces of communication that operate beyond the direct control of governments and corporations. These spaces allow individuals to connect around shared values and experiences, forming horizontal networks that reject traditional hierarchies and centralized leadership. Organization is fluid, participation is open, and decision-making tends to be collective, reflecting a desire to prefigure the kind of society that participants wish to build. Digital networks do not replace physical action; instead, they intersect with it. Online communication helps to coordinate protests, circulate images and narratives, and build collective identity, while the occupation of streets, squares, and public spaces gives movements visibility and symbolic power.

Castells also links these developments to his broader theory of power, arguing that power in contemporary societies is largely exercised through control over communication and meaning. Networked social movements challenge this by producing alternative narratives and by “reprogramming” communication networks to express demands for dignity, social justice, and real democracy. Although these movements often struggle to translate their energy into lasting institutional change, Castells sees them as historically significant because they reshape political culture, expand the boundaries of participation, and demonstrate that new forms of collective action are possible. In this sense, the book presents networked movements not merely as episodes of protest, but as expressions of an ongoing transformation in how citizens imagine and practice politics in the digital age.

These ghostly matters, she suggests, are real social phenomena that illuminate hidden structures of power and exclusion that traditional sociology often overlooks. Haunting becomes a way to recognize how suppressed histories continue to influence contemporary social relations.

Interdisciplinary Approach

Gordon draws on a wide range of sources, including literature, social theory, and cultural case studies, to demonstrate how haunting reveals the limits of standard empirical approaches and invites a more imaginative and reflexive form of sociological analysis.

Key Themes

• The persistence of unresolved historical injustices
• The social impact of collective memory and forgetting
• The intersections of race, gender, and class
• The presence of invisible or marginalized social experiences

Conclusion

By foregrounding what is barely seen or officially acknowledged, Ghostly Matters challenges readers to reconsider how knowledge is produced and how sociology can account for the “ghostly” dimensions of social life that persist beneath visible institutions and events.

Scientific Approach to Crime

At the core of Ferri’s argument is the rejection of the classical notion that crime is solely the result of individual choice. Drawing on data from anthropology, psychology, and criminal statistics, he argues that human behavior is shaped by determinable causes and that criminal conduct must be studied empirically. This shift allows criminology to move away from abstract legal philosophy and toward an evidence-based science of social behavior.

Classification of Criminal Types

One of the book’s most influential contributions is Ferri’s classification of criminals into distinct types, such as the born criminal, the insane criminal, the habitual criminal, the occasional criminal, and the criminal by passion. This typology emphasizes that offenders are not a homogeneous group and that penal responses should be adapted to different forms of criminality rather than imposed uniformly.

The Law of Criminal Saturation

Ferri introduces the concept of the “law of criminal saturation,” which suggests that every society produces a relatively stable amount of crime according to its social, economic, and cultural conditions. From this perspective, harsher punishments alone cannot significantly reduce crime. Instead, Ferri advocates for preventive social reforms—improvements in education, labor conditions, housing, public health, and family life—as more effective means of reducing criminal behavior.

Penal Responsibility and Social Defense

Another key aspect of Criminal Sociology is Ferri’s theory of penal responsibility without free will. While denying free will in a metaphysical sense, he does not deny social responsibility. Punishment, for Ferri, should be replaced or supplemented by social defense measures aimed at protecting society and rehabilitating or neutralizing dangerous individuals. This includes indeterminate sentences, treatment-oriented institutions, and individualized sanctions.

Historical Importance and Limitations

Although some of Ferri’s biological assumptions reflect the scientific context of his time and are now considered outdated, the broader sociological framework he developed remains highly influential. His emphasis on empirical research, social causes of crime, and prevention anticipated many modern criminological theories.

Conclusion

Overall, Criminal Sociology stands as a landmark work that transformed the study of crime from a purely legal doctrine into an interdisciplinary social science. It remains essential reading for students and scholars interested in the historical foundations of criminology and in the enduring debate between punishment and prevention.